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The Character of the Gallienic Renaissance1

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  24 September 2012

Extract

It is at least a tenable hypothesis that the acute phase of transition from classical to post-classic culture lies in the third century A.D. rather than in the fifth. The confused and tangled epoch between the accession of Septimius Severus and the accession of Diocletian seems either to foreshadow or to shape the future both for the Western Provinces and for the East. So much that had marked the civilisation of the Antonines, the sense of gravitas and the restraint of form, the tranquil acceptance of the interplay of individual privilege and obligation within a social structure conceived as effortlessly stable, the solid bourgeois standard of what was perhaps essentially a small-town culture, went down in the chaos of an economic collapse. The emergence of Neo-Platonism, the creation of the new conventions in Imperial portraiture and the triumph of the cult of Sol Invictus all seem to symbolise a change in the conception of the functions of personality and of the relationship of man with the Divine and of man with men.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright ©Gervase Mathew 1943. Exclusive Licence to Publish: The Society for the Promotion of Roman Studies

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References

2 Unless otherwise cited, the evidence as to medallions and coins utilised in this article may be found published in Gnecchi, F., I Medaglioni Romani, and Mattingly, Sydenham, and Webb, The Roman Imperial CoinageGoogle Scholar.

3 For the art-movements of the period of Gallienus cf. Rodenwaldt, G., “Zur Kunstgeschichte der Jahre 220–270” in Jahrb. des Deutschen Arch. Inst. li, 1936, 82 ff.Google Scholar; M. Gutschow, ‘Sarcophage des Prätextatmuseum,’ ibid. lii, 1937, 482 ff. Also Fritz Wirth, Römische Wandmalerei (Berlin, 1934), cap. 5; De Wit, J., Spätrömische Bildmissmalerei (Berlin, 1938)Google Scholar; Guido Kaschnitz-Weinberg, ‘Spät-römische Porträts’ in Die Antike 1926, 36 ff.; L'Orange, H. P., Studien zur Geschichte des spätantiken Porträts (Oslo, 1933)Google Scholar. For another view see Ferri, S. in La Critica d'Arte i, 19351936, 166 ffGoogle Scholar.

4 Of the three suggested groupings the second appears the most questionable; for it might seem to presuppose the historicity of the account of Marcus Claudius Tacitus given in the Historia Augusta. But it is to some extent supported by an analysis of the Tacitus coin-inscriptions and medallions. The reiterated ‘Romae Aeternae’ on his aurei from the mints of Rome, Antioch, Siscia, and Gaul is also the most characteristic inscription from the mints under the control of the first two Gordians. The extent of his repeated emphasis on Aequitas Augusti and Clementia Temporum is also probably a sign of party. Libertas with the pileus and the cornucopiae is on his antoniniani from the Milan mint; while among his medallions an Adlocutio Augusti type apparently related to that of Gordian III is balanced by another inscribed Restitut. Reipublicae. The aureus Libertas Publica struck for Marcus Aurelius Julianus at the Siscia mint in 284–5 might seem to associate him with the same tendencies.

5 There would seem to be a cumulative effect in the recent archaeological discoveries of Graeco-Roman influences east of the frontier. The Dura expeditions have illustrated the fashions in which third-century cultures merged. The French excavations at Shapur in 1935–6 have emphasised that impact of a direct Graeco-Roman influence on a Sassanian milieu already known from the rock-carvings at Naksh e Rostam and from the architecture of the Taq e Kesra.

The discovery of the third-century frescoes at Miran, like the Roman sealings found in the Niya Valley, links Antioch with the Buddhist cultures. For an earlier period M. Hackin's discoveries near Kabul, though still unpublished, would seem to have established the existence of Graeco-Roman art-objects in Afghanistan. During the past year Dr. Buchtal has proved, in a paper read to the Royal Asiatic Society, the influence of Hadrianic sarcophagi on the Gandhara school of sculpture. An early Sung painting on which I have recently been engaged has further illustrated the diffusion and the permanence of Graeco-Roman art-forms. It can be dated to the Early Sung dynasty; it had probably a T'ang exemplar; it is clearly derived as an intermediate source from a Mathura sculpture found in 1873. But it remains a characteristic scene from the Dionysiac cycle both in figures and in the rhythm of its composition. Silenus is there and the Bacchantes and the child, and there is an obvious relation to one of the Severan sarcophagi.

6 Cf. Kitzinger, Ernst, Early Medieval Art, 1940, ch. 1Google Scholar.

7 Cf. Alföldi, A., ‘Die Vorherrschaft der Pannonier im Römerreiche und die Reaktion des Hellenentums unter Gallienus,’ 25-Jahre Röm.-Germ. Kommission (1930), 11 ff.Google Scholar

8 Cf. Mattingly, , Sydenham, , and Webb, , o.c. v, i, pp. 108–113Google Scholar; cf. Gnecchi, o.c. I, I, tav. 28, 3.

9 Cf. Gnecchi, o.c. I, II, tav. 116, 5.Google Scholar

10 A. von Domaszewski, Die Rangordnung des römischen Heeres 81 ff.

11 For the gradual transformation in the ideal of a knight compare three later issues from the same mint; the aureus inscribed ‘Virtus Equitum’ with a soldier holding spear and shield, and the use of Mars and Hercules to typify the eques on the antoniniani. The unique appearance of all four issues at Milan can be connected with the establishment of the new cavalry force there.

12 The last known use of the type of Gallienic Philosopher Sage is in the panel of SS. Cosmas and Damian, now in the National Gallery. It is signed by the Cretan, Emmanuel Tzanes, and may be dated 1660–1680.

13 Rodenwald, G. in Jahrbuch des Deutschen Arch. Inst. li, 1936, 103 ff.Google Scholar; Benndorf and Schone, Die Antiken Bildwerk des Lateranensischen Museums 1867, 10, no. 16.

14 For this head see Delbrück, Antike Porträts 1912, pl. xlvi; Hekler, Greek and Roman Portraits 1912, pl. 261. Cf. the sceptred Sarapis on an antoninianus from the mint of Asia, Sarapis with the spear on an aureus from the mint at Rome, and the medallion of Gallienus Serapidi. Comiti. Aug.

15 For the medallion see Gnecchi, o.c.i, I, tav. 26, 7. For a detailed description of the patera, cf. Alda Levi, La Patera d'argento di Parabiago (R. Istituto d'Archeologia e Storia dell'Arte, Opere d'Arte fasc. v), 1935.

16 The Banquet of the Twelve Virgins by Methodius of Olympus dating from towards the close of the century is characteristic of the literary movement of this time. It is based on the Symposion as its central model, its introduction is a mosaic from the Theaetetus and the Phaedrus, it ends with an echo from the Republic following on an echo from the Hippolytus. In intention it seems clearly ‘classical’. Yet it belongs to a new world of embodied allegories, and its motif lies in its repeated versicle, ‘I keep myself pure for thee, O Bridegroom, and holding a lighted torch I go to meet thee.’ ‘Cras amet qui nunquam amavit quique amavit cras amet.’ If it were possible to date a poem as it is to date a painting, the Pervigilium Veneris is characteristic late third-century; the conscious classicism of setting, the Apuleian back-ground, and then the break of the new note of the refrain.

17 Armstrong, A. H., The Intelligible Universe in the Philosophy of Plotinus (Cambridge, 1940)Google Scholar.

18 From ‘Iam dulcis amica venito’, ‘Invitatio Amice’ published in The Cambridge Songs (ed. K. Breul, 1915), 64.