1 Egger, R. (ed.), Der altchristliche Friedhof Manastirine (Vienna 1926)Google Scholar; Dyggve, E. and Egger, R. (edd.), Der altchristliche Friedhof Marusinac (Vienna 1939).Google Scholar

2 Šašel A. and Šašel J. (edd.), Inscriptiones latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMII et MCMXL repertae et editae sunt (Ljubljana 1986); iid. (edd.), Inscriptiones latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMXL et MCMLX repertae et editae sunt (Ljubljana 1963); and iid. (edd.), Inscriptiones latinae quae in Iugoslavia inter annos MCMLX et MCMLXX repertae et editae sunt (Ljubljana 1978).

3 Wessel, C. (ed.), Inscriptiones graecae christianae veteres Occidentis (Halle 1934/Bari 1989)Google Scholar.

4 Diehl, E., Inscriptiones latinae christianae veteres vols. 1-2 (Berlin 1925-1927)Google Scholar.

5 Duval, N. et al., “Rapport complémentaire sur les progrès de l’épigraphie depuis 1986 sur le territoire de l’ancienne Yougoslavie,” in Christol, M. and Masson, O. (edd.), Actes du Xe Congrès int. d’épigraphie grecque et latine (Paris 1997) 415-29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

6 Marin, E., “Late antique population and epigraphy of Salona,” Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju Dalmatinsku 86 (1994) 215-21Google Scholar, Marin, E., “L’épigraphie chrétienne et l’épigraphie du Haut Moyen Âge de Salone et de Split,” in Donati, A. (ed.), La terza età dell’epigrafia, Colloquio AIEGL (Faenza 1988) 229-45Google Scholar, and Marin, E., “Civitas splendida Salona,” in Salona christiana (Split 1994) 66–68 Google Scholar.

7 Caillet, J.-P., “L’apport de l’épigraphie de Salone, à l’histoire de la Dalmatie dans l’Antiquité tardive,” CRAI 1989, 449-61CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8 Kurilić, A., “Recent epigraphic finds from the Roman province of Dalmatia,” in Davison, D. et al. (edd.), Dalmatia: research in the Roman province 1970-2001 (BAR S1576; Oxford 2006) 133-47Google Scholar.

9 Indeed, even the publisher seems to have been caught out by this numbering system, as the cover blurb cites 825 and not 1205 as the total number of Latin inscriptions.

10 For instance, Salona does not rate a mention in the indices to either Wickham, C., Framing the Early Middle Ages (Oxford 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar or Innes, M., Introduction to Early Medieval Western Europe, 300-900 (London 2007)Google Scholar. Salona is mentioned in passing four times in CAH XIV, Late Antiquity: empire and successors, A.D. 425-600 (2008), but two of these references are to a spurious 13th-c. account of Salona’s fall.

11 Two such congresses have been held in Salona, and the pages of many of the others contain important articles concerning the town.

12 In addition to the works already cited, see Dyggve, E., History of Salonitan Christianity (Oslo 1951)Google Scholar; Duval, N. et al., Salona I. Catalogue de la sculpture architecturale paléochrétienne de Salone (CollEFR 194(1), 1994)Google Scholar; Chevalier, P., Salona II. Ecclesiae Dalmatiae. L’architecture paléochrétienne de la province de Dalmatie (IVe-VIIe s.) en dehors de la capitale (CollEFR 194(2), 1995)Google Scholar; and Duval, N. and Marin, E. (edd.), Salona III. Manastirine. Établissement préromain, nécropole et basilique paléochrétienne (CollEFR 194(3), 2000)Google Scholar.

13 The most relevant recent works are: Saxer, V., “Les saints de Salone. Examen critique de leur dossier,” in Simundza, D. (ed.), U službi čovjeka. Zbornik nadbiskupa metropolite dr. Frane Franic (Split 1987) 296–308 Google Scholar, Duval, N., “Le culte des martyrs de Salone à la lumière des recherches récentes à Manastirine,” CRAI 1990, 432-53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id. and Marin, E., “Encore les ‘cinq martyrs’ de Salone. Un témoignage épigraphique désormais bien établi,” in Memoriam sanctorum venerantes. Miscellanea V. Saxer (Vatican City 1992) 285–307 Google Scholar; Brenk, B. and Dresken-Weiland, J., “Zwei Berichte über die Entwicklung des Martyrerkultus in Manastririne (Salona),” AnTar 9 (2001) 381-97Google Scholar; Jeličić-Radonić, J., “The cult of the Salona martyrs in the amphitheatre,” Hortus artium medievalium 15 (2009) 55–62 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Yasin, A. M., “Reassessing Salona’s churches: martyrium evolution in question,” J. Early Christian Stud. 20 (2012) 59–112 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14 See the sources helpfully collected in Salona christiana (1994) 95–195 Google Scholar.

15 There are issues with the authenticity and transmission of these records, since they survive in a work of the 12th c.; even so, the consensus has tended to favour authenticity. On these councils see now Škegro, A., “Akti salonitanskih metropolitanskih sabora održanih 530. i 533. godine-analiza,” Archaeologia Adriatica 3 (2009) 191–204 CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Prozorov, V., “The sixth-century councils of Salona,” Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Povijest Dalmatinsku 104 (2011) 309[-37Google Scholar, which includes English translations.

16 See Handley, M. A., “Disputing the end of African Christianity,” in Merrills, A. (ed.), Vandals, Romans and Berbers: new perspectives on late antique North Africa (London 2004) 308-9Google Scholar.

17 See Bulić, F., “Sull’anno della destruzione di Salona,” Bulletino de storia et archeologia Dalmata 29 (1906) 268–304 Google Scholar; Jakšić, N., “Constantine Porphyrogenitus as the source for destruction of Salona,” Vjesnik za arheologiju i historiju dalmatinsku 77 (1984) 315-26Google Scholar; I. Marovic, “Reflexions about the year of the destruction of Salona,” ibid. 293-314 [Croatian]; Gauthier, N., “À la veille de la chute de Salone: l’épitaphe du prêtre Iohannes (599 ou 603) ap. J.-C.,” in Desmulliez, J. and Cauwenberghe, C. Hoet-van (edd.), Le monde romain à travers l’épigraphie: méthodes et pratiques (Lille 2005) 383-96Google Scholar.

18 See the recent discussion in Dzino, D., Becoming Slav, becoming Croat: identity transformation in post-Roman and early Medieval Dalmatia (Leiden 2010) 104-17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

19 The translation is that of Davis, R., The Book of Pontiffs (Liber Pontificalis) (Liverpool 1989) 66 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

20 All these martyrs are recorded in the mosaics of the oratory of S. Venanzio in the Lateran Baptistery, built by John IV: see Yasin (supra n.13) 69-71.

21 For the hoards see Marovic (supra n.17).

22 E.g., Curta, F., Southeastern Europe in the Middle Ages, 500-1250 (Cambridge 2006) 74 CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

23 As well as being published in Mihaljčić, R. and Steindorf, L. (edd.), Namentragende Steininschriften in Jugoslawien vom Ende des 7. bis zur Mitte des 13. Jahrhunderts (Wiesbaden 1982) 122 Google Scholar, the inscription is mentioned and discussed by Delonga, V., The Latin epigraphic monuments of Early Medieval Croatia (Split 1996) 21 Google Scholar. The inscription was not edited per se in the latter volume because the “Early Medieval Croatia” of the title refers to the area covered by the Early Medieval kingdom of Croatia, not that covered by the modern country; as such, Salona and its environs (along with all those areas of Dalmatia ruled from Byzantium or which were independent) were excluded.

24 Cheynet, J. C. and Morrisson, C., “Lieux de trouvaille et circulation des sceaux,” in Oikonomides, N. (ed.), Studies in Byzantine sigillography, vol. 2 (Washington 1990) 125 Google Scholar.

25 Darrouzès, J., “Listes épiscopales du Concile de Nicée (787),” RByz 33 (1975) 24-26 and 59–60, and Dzino (supra n.18) 156.Google Scholar

26 The same process has been underway with redating the latest Greek Christian inscriptions of the Near East. Assumptions about the lack of such inscriptions in the wake of the Arab conquest have been contradicted by more recent finds of inscriptions with incontrovertible dating clauses. Cf. Segni, L. Di, “Greek inscriptions in transition from the Byzantine to the early Islamic period,” in Cotton, H. M. et al. (edd.), From Hellenism to Islam: cultural and linguistic change in the Roman Near East (Cambridge 2009) 352-73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

27 “Salona at the time of Bishop Hesychius,” Hortium artium medievalium 13.1 (2007) 13–22.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

28 “New Roman-era inscriptions from the ‘cellars’ of Diocletian’s Palace,” Opusc. Arch. 32 (2008) 55–79.Google Scholar

29 See, e.g., Demicheli, D., “ Perditum et repertum: the sarcophagus of deacon Flavius Julius (ad CIL III 2654),” Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Povijest Dalmatinsku 102.1 (2009) 129-42.Google Scholar

30 See Demicheli, D. in Vjesnik za Arheologiju i Povijest Dalmatinsku 104 (2011) 350.Google Scholar

31 For 2006, see Ljubić, E. V., “Salona–Marusinac,” Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 3 (2006) 426-29Google Scholar, and Rossi, I. Radić, “Vranjic – zapadna i južna obala,” Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 3 (2006) 451-53Google Scholar (the articles record the discovery but no photographs or text). For 2008, see Mrduljaš, M., “Split – Dioklecijanova palača (zapadne terme),” Hrvatski arheološki godišnjak 5 (2008) 617-21Google Scholar (no reading other than the name Demetrius or photograph is published).

32 Examples include CIL III 9606 = ILCV 749; FS III 12a; ILJ I 2212, 2248, 2358, 2417, 2671, and ILJ III 708.