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“Six Blacks from Home”: Childhood, Motherhood, and Eugenics in America

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 April 2009

Patrick J. Ryan
Affiliation:
University of Western Ontario

Extract

In August 1919, a settlement house worker in Columbus, Ohio, filed a complaint in juvenile court against a seven-year-old girl whom I will call “Marie.” The complaint read, “Marie runs the streets continually. She is very irregular in her attendance at school, and is as dirty as a pig. She has been found in a lumber yard with a negro, and it was alleged by her associates that he raped her there. She goes into stores and begs.” According to the surviving records, Marie's “truancies from home” alerted settlement workers to the case. As a young child she reportedly began staying out late at night and loitering in the company of men and boys, and was threatened with being put out of the house when she was found alone with the African American man. By 1928, after Marie became an unwed mother at the age of sixteen, and had spent nine years in and out of child welfare institutions, a summary report contained the interesting typographical error that Marie's young life had strayed a distance of “six blacks from home.” As incidental as slipping “blocks” into “blacks” may have been in one sense, it captured a powerful truth. Marie violated key boundaries of sexual, gender, and racial purity that made a woman a candidate for respectable motherhood, and she paid dearly for these transgressions.

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Articles
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Copyright © The Pennsylvania State University, University Park, PA. 2007

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References

Notes

1. Department of Public Welfare, Bureau of Juvenile Research, Field Clinic, no. 6632, 4. Hereafter cited as BJR, Field Clinic, no. 6632. Department of Public Welfare, Bureau of Juvenile Research, “Marie,” 1–3. Hereafter cited as BJR, “Marie.”

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11. The photograph is from the Ohio Institution for Feeble-Minded Youth. Fifty-Sixth Report of the Institution for the Feeble-Minded; Second Annual Report to the Ohio Board of Administration (Columbus, 1913).

12. For a defense of Henry Goddard, see Zenderland, Leila, Measuring Minds: Henry Herbert Goddard and the Origins of American Intelligence Testing (New York, 1998)Google Scholar. For interpretations contrary to Zenderland's and similar to the one here, see Degler, In Search of Human Nature, 59–211; Trent, Inventing the Feeble Mind, 155–80; Tucker, William H., “‘A Scientific Result of Apparent Absurdity’: The Attempt to Revise Goddard,” Ethnic & Racial Studies 22, no. 1 (01 1999): 162171CrossRefGoogle Scholar. On the origins of the bureau, see Emerick, Edison J., “The Problem of the Feeble-Minded,” in Publications of the Ohio Board of Administration, no. 5 (1915), 11Google Scholar; Goddard, Henry H., Feeble-Mindedness: Its Causes and Consequences (New York, 1914), 562566, 568, 573, 585, 586–90Google Scholar. For a concise statement of Goddard's views on how to solve feeblemindedness and the consequent social problems, see Goddard, Henry H., “The Elimination of Feeble-Mindedness,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 37 (03 1911): 505516.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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15. Henry H. Goddard as quoted by Emerick, Edison J., Annual Report of the IFMY, 1913, 21Google Scholar. Henry H. Goddard as quoted by Joseph P. Shaffer, OBA, Annual Report, 1914, 26. OBA, Publication, no. 5, 1915. OBA, Annual Report, 1914, 30. For eugenic thinkers, social opportunity creates not social mobility but genetic castes: a “cognitive underclass.” See Herrnstein, Richard, I.Q. in the Meritocracy (Boston, 1971)Google Scholar; Herrnstein, Richard and Murray, Charles, The Bell Curve: Intelligence and Class Structure in American Life (New York, 1994).Google Scholar

16. Underwood and Underwood, “Advocates of Eugenic Forces with Signs,” New York City, 27 October 1915. State Historical Society of Wisconsin, Visual Materials Archive, ID #2003. Writing on the back of the photograph provides the term “Eugenic Forces,” as well as information about its source.

17. On the image of the childhood innocence, see Higonnet, Anne, Pictures of Innocence (New York, 1998)Google Scholar; on the sacralization of childhood, see Zelizer, Viviana, Pricing the Priceless Child: The Changing Social Value of Children (Princeton, 1985)Google Scholar. Ohio, Annual Report of the Institution for Feeble-Minded Youth, 1913, 21.

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19. Ohio, Opinion of the Attorney General, no. 2047, 16 November 1916, 1799. See Carey, Allison C., “Gender and Compulsory Sterilization Programs in America: 1907–1950,” Journal of Historical Sociology 11, no. 1 (03 1998): 92Google Scholar. “Research Bureau Marks New Era Says Dr. Goddard,” date unknown (1919?), M31.1 Goddard Papers; Charles B. Davenport, “Heredity, Culpability, Praiseworthiness, Punishment, and Reward,” Popular Science Monthly 83 (July 1913): 33–39. For a more detailed analysis of the institutional and political troubles faced by Goddard's eugenic forces in Ohio, see Ryan, Patrick J., “Unnatural Selection: Intelligence Testing, Eugenics, and American Political Cultures,” Journal of Social History 30 (Spring 1997): 669685.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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21. For the cottage construction process, see OBA, Proceedings, 10 March 1919, 22 July 1919, 20 October 1919, OHS, 467. The county had to “bear all expenses incident to the transportation of each child from such county to such ‘bureau of juvenile research.’” The Laws of Ohio, OL 103, HB 214, 1913. Ohio, General Code, 1920, section 1841–6. See also Hart, Hastings H., “The Ohio Children's Code,” The Survey, vol. 10, 07 19, 1913, 518Google Scholar. For a study of mortality at the Ohio Institution for the Feeble-minded between 1901 and 1925, see Martz, Eugene W., “Mortality Among the Mentally Deficient,” Training School Bulletin 31 (02 1934): 185197.Google Scholar

22. The data were compiled from Ohio, Board of Administration, Publications, 19, “The Bureau of Juvenile Research, review of the Work, 1918–1920,” and Goddard, Juvenile Delinquency, 1923; see the draft of Mateer's annual report, Goddard Papers, M31.1, Archives of American Psychology, University of Akron.

23. A survey of Cleveland's social agencies in 1926 found that 1,590 “psychometric” tests had been administered to Clevelanders (most to juveniles). Only 19 tests (1.2%) were administered by the Bureau of Juvenile Research, whereas the juvenile court's own Child Guidance Clinic administered 151 tests in the county. Western Reserve University, The Social Adjustment of the Feeble-Minded: A group thesis study of 898 feeble-minded individuals known to Cleveland's social agencies (Cleveland, 1930), 36Google Scholar. Cuyahoga County contained about 1 million of the 5 million Ohioans in the 1920 census. The juvenile court in Cuyahoga dealt with 3,778 cases in 1920 and 3,151 in 1921. This would project to 34,645 youths being handled in the two-year period of 1918–20. Based on national averages of about 350 juveniles who were before the courts per 100,000 population in 1919, that would project to 37,000 in the state of Ohio. See the U.S. Census, Ohio, 1920, and Annual Report, Cuyahoga County Juvenile Court, 1929. “Research Bureau Marks New Era Says Dr. Goddard,” newspaper clipping in Goddard Papers, M31.1, AHAP.

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28. For the national shift, see Trent, Inventing the Feeble Mind, 180–82. At the bureau, the physicians, under Gertrude Transeau, led a revolt against the psychologists and Florence Mateer that resulted in eleven resignations on 4 April 1921 and a subsequent House probe into the operations of the bureau. (Goddard Papers, M-33.) Goddard described the resignations to the Columbus media as a result of “Mob Psychology,” Ohio State Journal, Columbus, 29 April 1921, Goddard Papers, AHAP, M-31.1. On the House probe's recommendation, Goddard's salary was cut from $7,500 to $4,000, staff salaries from $59,000 to $25,000, and capital outlays from $16,400 to $9,800. “Bulletin No. 16,” Ohio Institute for Public Efficiency, Goddard Papers, AHAP, M-31, Goddard Papers, AHAP, M-31.1.

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