Hostname: page-component-76fb5796d-45l2p Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-04-26T15:38:07.573Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

“The Schools Lost Their Isolation”: Interest Groups and Institutions in Educational Policy Development in the Jim Crow South

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  25 July 2011

Joan Malczewski*
Affiliation:
New York University

Abstract

Image of the first page of this content. For PDF version, please use the ‘Save PDF’ preceeding this image.'
Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Donald Critchlow and Cambridge University Press 2011

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

NOTES

1. Mag Hanna to Percy H. Easom, 21 February 1929, Box 8012, Series 2342 (Mississippi Department of Archives and History, Jackson); hereafter MDAH.

2. Percy H. Easom to Mag Hanna, 27 February 1929, Box 8012, Series 2342, MDAH.

3. Du Bois, W. E. B., Black Reconstruction in America, 1860–1880 (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Anderson, James, The Education of Blacks in the South, 1860–1935 (Chapel Hill, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Anderson, Eric and Moss, Alfred, Dangerous Donations (Columbia, Mo., 1999)Google Scholar; Hoffschwelle, Mary S., The Rosenwald Schools of the American South (Gainseville, 2006)Google Scholar; Franklin, V. P., Black Self-Determination: A Cultural History of the Faith of the Fathers (Westport, Conn., 1984).Google Scholar For information about the work of rural black teachers, see also Short Chirhart, Ann, Torches of Light: Georgia Teachers and the Coming of the Modern South (Athens, 2005)Google Scholar; Fairclough, Adam, Teaching Equality: Black Schools in the Age of Jim Crow (Athens, 2002)Google Scholar; Fultz, Michael, “African American Teachers in the South, 1890–1940: Powerlessness and the Ironies of Expectations and Protest,” History of Education Quarterly 35 (Winter 1995): 401–22CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Siddle-Walker, Vanessa, Their Highest Potential: An African American School Community in the Segregated South (Chapel Hill, 1996)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; LeLoudis, James, Schooling the New South (Chapel Hill, 1996).Google Scholar

4. Woyshner, Christine, The National PTA, Race, and Civic Engagement: 1897–1970 (Columbus, 2009).Google Scholar

5. Zelizer, Julian E., “Introduction: New Directions in Policy History,” Journal of Policy History 17, no. 1 (2005): 111.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

6. “Certificate of Incorporation of Negro Rural School Fund,” 20 November 1907, Folder 1920, Box 202, Papers of the General Education Board (Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, N.Y.); hereafter RAC-GEB.

7. With regard to the GEB, see Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South. For an early history of the foundation, see Fosdick, Raymond B., Adventure in Giving: The Story of the General Education Board, a Foundation Established by John D. Rockefeller (New York, 1962).Google Scholar For the Rosenwald Fund, see Hoffschwelle, The Rosenwald Schools.

8. Anderson, , The Education of Blacks in the South, 8183.Google ScholarPubMed

9. Anderson and Moss, Dangerous Donations; Fairclough, Teaching Equality; and Hofschwelle, The Rosenwald Schools of the American South.

10. Harlan, Louis, Separate and Unequal (New York, 1968)Google Scholar; Anderson and Moss, Dangerous Donations; Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South; and Hoffschwelle, The Rosenwald Schools.

11. George Foster Peabody noted that Anna Jeanes had specified with her original gift that it should be expended on the advice of Booker T. Washington and Hollis Frissel, both of whom served on the board of the Jeanes Fund. George Foster Peabody to F. K. Rogers, 12 December 1918, Folder 2121, Box 221, RAC-GEB. See also Rodgers, Daniel, “In Search of Progressivism,” Reviews in American History 10 (December 1982): 113–82CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Connolly, James J., The Triumph of Ethnic Progressivism: Urban Political Culture in Boston, 1900–1925 (Cambridge, 1998).Google Scholar As Connolly points about the Irish community, “We must recognize the plasticity of Progressivism. . . . It was a public language open to manipulation by those with access to the public sphere. . . . These men and women fashioned their own specific versions of Progressivism, just as their upper- and middle-class Yankee counterparts did.”For a discussion of the relationship between philanthropic concerns and progressive reforms, see Lagemann, Ellen, in Private Power for the Public Good: A History of the Carnegie Foundation for the Advancement of Teaching (Middletown, Conn., 1983), 3Google Scholar; and Sealander, Judith, Private Wealth and Public Life: Foundation Philanthropy and the Reshaping of American Social Policy from the Progressive Era to the New Deal (Baltimore, 1997).Google Scholar See also the histories about specific philanthropies, including Hoffschwelle, The Rosenwald Schools of the American South;Anderson, The Education of Blacks in the South;Fosdick, Adventure in Giving.

12. More recent work in policy history has explored policy implementation in the South. Lieberman, Robert, “Race, Institutions, and the Administration of Social Policy,” Social Science History 19 (Winter 1995): 511–42CrossRefGoogle Scholar, asserts that a weak national government provided multiple avenues for innovative policies and reform at the local level in the South through the work of experts in local communities. See also Quadagno, Jill and Street, Debra, “Ideology and Public Policy: Antistatism in American Welfare State Transformation,” Journal of Policy History 17, no. 1 (2005): 60CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Werum, Regina, “Sectionalism and Racial Politics: Federal Vocational Policies and Program in the Predesegregation South,” Social Science History 21 (Fall 1997): 399453CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Werum, Regina, “Elite Control in State and Nation: Racial Inequalities in Vocational Funding in North Carolina, Georgia, and Mississippi, 1918–1936,” Social Forces 78 (September 1999): 145–86CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Werum, ReginaTug-of-War: Political Mobilization and Access to Schooling in the Southern Racial State,” Sociology of Education 72 (April 1999): 89110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For information about the relationship between public-private relationships and state development, seeMichael B. Katz, The Price of Citizenship: Redefining the American Welfare State (Philadelphia, 2001); and Shapiro, Ian, Skowronek, Stephen, and Galvin, Daniel, eds., Rethinking Political Institutions: The Art of the State (New York, 2006).Google Scholar

13. Galambos, Louis, “The Emerging Organizational Synthesis in Modern American History,” Business History Review 44 (Autumn 1970): 279–90CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hays, Samuel, “The Social Analysis of American Political History, 1880–1920, Political Science Quarterly 80 (September 1965): 373–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Wiebe, Robert, The Search for Order: 1877–1920 (New York, 1967)Google Scholar; Balogh, Brian, “Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis: Federal-Professional Relations in Modern America, “ Studies in American Political Development 5 (Spring 1991): 119–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

14. Clemens, Elisabeth, The People’s Lobby: Organizational Innovation and the Rise of Interest Group Politics in the United States, 1890–1925 (Chicago, 1997), 9293.Google Scholar

15. Ibid., 152.

16. Lieberman, Robert, Shifting the Color Line: Race and the American Welfare State (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar; Lieberman, Robert, Shaping Race Policy: The United States in Comparative Perspective (Princeton, 2005)Google Scholar, Lieberman, Robert, “Race, Institutions, and the Administration of Social Policy,” Social Science History 19 (Winter 1995): 511–42.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

17. See Lieberman, Shifting the Color Line, 5–12, for a discussion of incorporation.

18. Quadagno, Jill, “Promoting Civil Rights Through the Welfare State: How Medicare Integrated Southern Hospitals,” Social Problems 47 (February 2000): 69.CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed

19. Clemens, The People’s Lobby, 92.

20. Skocpol, Theda, Diminished Democracy: From Membership to Management in American Civil Life (Norman, Okla., 2003)Google Scholar; Hoschschild, Jennifer and Scovronick, Nathan, The American Dream and the Public Schools (Oxford, 2003), 2836.Google Scholar

21. Quadagno, “Promoting Civil Rights Through the Welfare State,” 71.

22. Ibid., 73.

23. McAdam, Doug, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago, 1982).Google Scholar

24. Muncy, Robyn, Creating a Female Dominion in American Reform: 1890–1935 (New York, 1991).Google Scholar Muncy describes the Progressive female reformers who promoted social reforms that influenced the creation of a welfare state and criticizes white, middle-class women who sought to prescribe policy based upon the narrow view of “experts”rather than needs as defined by the recipient community. She notes that regardless of intent, “when one group in society designs policy for another, the result will prove intrusive and to some degree authoritarian”(63).

25. King, Desmond and Lieberman, Robert C., “Ironies of State Building: A Comparative Perspective on the American State,” World Politics 61 (July 2009): 571.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

26. Werum, “Sectionalism and Racial Politics”; Bensel, Richard, Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880–1980 (Madison, 1987)Google Scholar; Quadagno and Street, “Ideology and Public Policy,”60. While the GEB did shift its agenda more to a focus on higher education after 1919, the original agenda and the parallel systems that developed with it continued to be implemented and sustained in the South. See “General Education Board, Negro Education,”Folder 14, Box 27, Southern Education Foundation Records (Archives and Special Collections, Robert W. Woodruff Library, Atlanta University Center, Atlanta); hereafter SEF-AUC.

27. See Hess, Frederick M., ed., With the Best of Intentions: How Philanthropy Is Reshaping K-12 Education (Cambridge, 2005)Google Scholar, which discusses contemporary philanthropy and notes the importance of creating parallel systems and organizational capacity as an effective means to promote sustained reform. For a discussion of how southern parochialism helped to promote change through incremental local reforms through local institution building, see Szymanski, Ann-Marie, “Beyond Parochialism: Southern Progressivism, Prohibition, and State-Building.” Journal of Southern History 69 (February 2003): 107–37.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For a discussion particular to schooling, see Malczewski, Joan, “Weak State, Stronger Schools: Northern Philanthropy and Organizational Change in the Jim Crow South,” Journal of Southern History 75 (November 2009).Google Scholar

28. Malczewski, “Weak State, Stronger Schools.” There is evidence in the literature that the absence of a stronger federal system of government meant that institutions such as regulatory agencies and political party structures were developed to address legislative and social policy needs, forming parallel systems that were essential to establishing new policy, enacting reform, and ensuring bureaucratic management over social policy in the Progressive Era. See Skowronek, Stephen, Building a New American State: The Expansion of National Administrative Capacities, 1877–1920 (Cambridge, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Bensel, Sectionalism and American Political Development; Scott James, “Prelude to Progressivism: Party Decay, Populism, and the Doctrine of ‘Free and Unrestricted Competition’in American Antitrust Policy, 1890–1897,”Studies in American Political Development 13 (Fall 1999), 288–336.

29. See Vaillancourt Rosenau, Pauline, ed., Public-Private Policy Partnerships (Cambridge, 2000)Google Scholar; Hacker, Jacob S., The Divided Welfare State: The Battle over Public and Private Social Benefits in the United States (New York, 2002)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Howard, Christopher, The Welfare State Nobody Knows: Debunking Myths About U.S. Social Policy (Princeton, 2007)Google Scholar, and The Hidden Welfare State: Tax Expenditures and Social Policy in the United States(Princeton, 1997). For a comparative perspective, see Esping-Andersen, Gosta, The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Princeton, 1990).Google Scholar On the relationship between public-private relationships and state development, see Katz, The Price of Citizenship; Shapiro, Skowronek, and Galvin, ed., Rethinking Political Institutions.

30. Tyack, David, James, Thomas, and Benavot, Aaron, eds., Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 1785–1954 (Madison, 1987), 75.Google Scholar

31. Report of the Commissioner of Education in Reports of the Department of the Interior for Fiscal Year ended June 30, 1911, vol. 2 (Washington, D.C., 1912), xxxii. See also the Digest of State Laws Relating to Public Education in Force January 1, 1915, Department of the Interior Bureau of Education Bulletin, 1915, no. 47 (Washington, D.C., 1916), 628.

32. See Margo, Robert A., Race and Schooling in the South, 1880–1950: An Economic History (Chicago, 1994), 36.Google Scholar For a more detailed discussion of legislative reform in this regard, see , Tyack, James, , and Benavot, , Law and the Shaping of Public Education, 133–53.Google ScholarPubMed

33. S. L. Smith to W. C. Strahan, 29 March 1930, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

34. “The Durham Fact-Finding Conference, April 17, 18, and 19, 1929,” Folder 983, Box 97, Series 3.8, RAC-GEB, 7–11.

35. Ibid.

36. Ibid., 13.

37. “Survey of Jeanes Teacher Areas in 14 States,” 1 March 1933, Folder 17, Box 19, SEF-AUC.

38. See “Rural Supervising Industrial Teachers, 1919–20,” Folder 2122, Box 221, Series 1, Subseries 2, RAC-GEB; “Survey of Jeanes Teacher Areas in 14 States,” 1 March 1933, Folder 17, Box 19; “Teachers and County Supervisors of Negro Schools,” 1927–30, Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB; Arthur D. Wright to Trevor Arnett, 7 October 1935, Folder 1931, Box 203, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

39. Summary of Reports of Mr. F. C. Button, State Agent for Negro Rural Schools of Kentucky, 1 January 1916–31 December 1916, Folder 4, Box 34, SEF-AUC, Ky 1.

40. By 1935, for 390 Jeanes teachers in the South, the Jeanes Fund provided $105,230 (33 percent) of the total budget of $316,262, with the remaining $211,032 (67 percent) provided by public funds. North Carolina and Virginia provided the highest percentage of public funding (80 percent), while Alabama and Arkansas provided the lowest percentage (50 percent). Jeanes Fund 1935–36, attachment found in Arthur Wright to Trevor Arnett, 7 October 1935, Folder 1931, Box 203, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

41. Chirhart, Torches of Light, 123.

42. Jackson Davis to Wycliffe Rose, 2 September 1910, Folder Wycliffe Rose, Box 6, The Papers and Photographs of Jackson Davis (Alderman Memorial Library, University of Virginia, Charlottesville).

43. Ibid.

44. “Circular Letter to Extension and Supervising Teachers and Organizers, April 7, 1910,” Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

45. “Notes from Reports of Georgia Jeanes Teachers at Conference, March 28, 1919,” Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

46. “Summary of Reports from the Jeanes Industrial Workers Scholastic Year 1914–1915,” Folder 586, Box 67, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

47. Jeanes Agent’s Final or Term Report from Oda Kirkland, 1928, S2342, Box 7988, MDAH.

48. Summary of Reports of Mr. F. C. Button, State Agent for Negro Rural Schools of Kentucky, 1 January 1916–31 December 1916, Box 34, Folder 4, SEF-AUC.

49. Skocpol, and Oser, , “Organization Despite Adversity: The Origins and Development of African American Fraternal Associations,” Social Science History 28 (Fall 2004): 370.Google Scholar

50. See Putnam, Robert, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York, 2001)Google Scholar, who argues that black citizens have been less civically engaged historically due to slavery and the resulting problems of social capital. Theda Skocpol and Jennifer Lynn Oser refute his argument by trying to recapture the history of African American fraternal associations that were popular between the time of slavery and the late twentieth century. Skocpol and Oser, “Organization Despite Adversity.”See also Myrdal, Gunner, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and American Democracy (New York, 1944)Google Scholar; Camp, Bayliss J. and Kent, Orit, “‘What a Mighty Power We can Be’: Individual and Collective Identity in African American and White Fraternal Initiation Rituals,” Social Science History 28, no. 3 (Fall 2004): 439–83.Google Scholar

51. Bira Hilbun to Frank Bachman, 22 April 1925, Folder 872, Box 97, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

52. Georgia Jeanes Teacher Final Report from Jasper County, 1935, Subfiles Director, Box 1, Papers of the Division of Education/Negro Education (Georgia State Archives, Atlanta).

53. “Summary of Reports of Mr. James L. Sibley, State Agent for Negro Rural Schools of Alabama,” 1 January 1916–30 November 1916, Folder 3, Box 34, SEF-AUC, Ala 2.

54. Lester, Connie L., Up from the Mudsills of Hell: The Farmers’ Alliance, Populism, and Progressive Agriculture in Tennessee, 1870–1915 (Athens, 2006)Google Scholar, describes a similar role in the organization of the Grange in Tennessee.

55. Woyshner, The National PTA, Race, and Civic Engagement.

56. “Notes Made from Reports of Mississippi Jeanes Teachers at Conference of Louisiana and Mississippi Jeanes Teachers,” 20 March 1919, Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

57. Mary E. Foster to Friends and Co-Workers, January 1918, Folder 1200, Box 131, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

58. Newbold to Home-Makers’ Club Agents, 29 May 1918, Folder 1044, Box 115, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

59. Alabama Consolidated Report of Jeanes Teachers for the month ending 31 October 1923, Folder 2122, Box 221, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

60. Jackson Davis to Wallace Buttrick, 13 July 1916, Folder 2121, Box 221, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

61. Report of Miss Mary Sanifer, Folder 10, Box 76 (Rosenwald Fund Archives, Franklin Library at Fisk University), hereafter RFA.

62. Jon R. Ellis to James H. Dillard, 21 March 1916, Folder 871, Box 97, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

63. “Supplement to ‘Negro Public Education in the South,’” 1927, Folder 3297, Box 315, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB, 10.

64. Some Results of the Work of the State Agent in Mississippi, January 1938, Folder 873, Box 97, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB, 10.

65. W. C. Strahan to G. L. Orr, 27 March 1930, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

66. Arthur Wright to W. G. Rennolds, 24 July 1919, Folder 9, Box 2, Papers of the Rennold’s Family (Library of Virginia, Richmond).

67. By M. H. Griffith, undated recollections from work begun as the Rosenwald agent in 1921, Folder 10, Box 76, RFA, 3.

68. “A Brief Summary of Some of the Accomplishments in Inter-Racial Cooperation within the Past Three Years,” Folder 2, Box 76, RFA, 1.

69. Newbold to Home-Makers’ Club Agents, 29 May 1918, Folder 1044, Box 115, Series 1.1 RAC-GEB.

70. Report of N. C. Newbold, “State Agent Negro Rural Schools for the Month of February, 1915,” Folder 1042, Box 115, Series 1, RAC-GEB.

71. “Report of Geo. W. Godard,” May 1914, Folder 597, Box 68, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

72. Weick, Karl E., “Educational Organizations as Loosely Coupled Systems,” Administrative Science Quarterly 26, no. 1 (March 1976).Google Scholar

73. See Wiebe, The Search for Order; and Balogh, “Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis.”

74. “Notes Made from Reports of Georgia Jeanes Teachers at Conference,” 28 March 1919, Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

75. Reports on Visits to County Training Schools in Georgia, 8 January–11 January 1924, Folder 596, Box 67, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

76. In 1927, the GEB ranked the fourteen southern states according to their standing in the provision of education for rural blacks, based upon a composite of each state’s standing in literacy, teacher salaries, number of pupils per teacher, the length of the school term, the proportion of counties having high school facilities and Jeanes teachers, and the percent of student population enrolled. The highest seven states in the South, in order of their composite ranking were Maryland, Oklahoma, Kentucky, Texas, Virginia, Tennessee, and North Carolina. The lowest seven states in order of composite ranking were Arkansas, Florida, South Carolina, Louisiana, Mississippi, Georgia, and Alabama. “Negro Public Education in the South: A Confidential Report for the Officers of the General Education Board, 1927,” Folder 1, Box 33, SEF-AUC, 7.

77. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency; Clemens, The People’s Lobby; Kenneth Andrews, Freedom Is a Constant Struggle: The Mississippi Civil Rights Movement and Its Legacy (Chicago, 2004); Skocpol and Oser, “Organization Despite Adversity”; Camp and Kent, “‘What a Mighty Power We can Be.’”

78. Crespino, Joseph, In Search of Another Country: Mississippi and the Conservative Counterrevolution (Princeton, 2007)Google Scholar; Crosby, Emilye, A Little Taste of Freedom: The Black Freedom Struggle in Claiborne County, Mississippi (Chapel Hill, 2005)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Fairclough, Adam, Race and Democracy: The Civil Rights Struggle in Louisiana (Athens, 1995)Google Scholar; Lassiter, Matthew and Lewis, Andrew B., ed., The Moderates’ Dilemma: Massive Resistance to School Desegregation in Virginia (Charlottesville, 1998)Google Scholar; Lassiter, , The Silent Majority (Princeton, 2006)Google Scholar; Norrell, Robert, Reaping the Whirlwind: The Civil Rights Movement in Tuskegee (Chapel Hill, 1998)Google Scholar; Norrell, , “Labor at the Ballot Box: Alabama Politics from the New Deal to the Dixiecrat Movement,” Journal of Southern History 57, no. 2 (May 1991)Google Scholar; Todd Moye, J., Let the People Decide: Black Freedom and White Resistance Movements in Sunflower County, Mississippi, 1945–1986 (Chapel Hill, 2004), 25.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

79. Lassiter and Lewis, ed., The Moderates’ Dilemma. Exceptions are evident, the result of the unique political context in particular communities. For example, Prince Edward County, which chose to close schools for a number of years rather than integrate, was relatively conservative for the Upper South, while efforts in Tuskegee were relatively liberal for the Deep South. For more information on each of these counties, see Lassiter and Lewis, ed., The Moderates’ Dilemma, and Norrell, Reaping the Whirlwind.

80. Lassiter, The Silent Majority, 27. For a similar perspective in Virginia politics, see Lassiter and Lewis, ed., The Moderates’ Dilemma. There were also moderate whites in the Deep South, as Joseph Crespino discussed in his narrative about the practical segregationists in Mississippi. See Crespino, In Search of Another Country.

81. For a general discussion of white reaction across the South, see Sokol, Jason, There Goes My Everything: White Southerners in the Age of Civil Rights, 1945–1975 (New York, 2006).Google Scholar

82. Douglas Smith, J., Managing White Supremacy: Race, Politics, and Citizenship in Jim Crow Virginia (Chapel Hill, 2002).Google Scholar

83. Gilmore, Glenda, Gender and Jim Crow: Women and the Politics of White Supremacy in North Carolina, 1896–1920 (Chapel Hill, 1996).Google Scholar

84. Clemens, , “Lineages of the Rube Goldberg State,” in Rethinking Political Institutions, ed. Shapiro, , Skowronek, , and Galvin, .Google Scholar

85. Arthur D. Wright to Division Superintendents and School Trustees, 28 June 1919, Folder 8, Box 2, Papers of the State Board of Education (Library of Virginia, Richmond).

86. “Public Money for Jeanes Work and County Training Schools,” 12 May 1927, Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB. The states recording a decrease in the aggregated total include South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Mississippi, and Louisiana.

87. Superintendent W. C. Bell to Trevor Arnett, President of the General Education Board, 15 June 1929, Folder 4, Box 188, RFA.

88. A. T. Allen to Dr. F. P. Bachman, 23 April 1927, Folder 1075, Box 118, Series 1.1, RAC-GEB.

89. “A Suggestive Outline for Jeanes Supervising Teachers by Annie W. Holland,” 1925, Folder 2125, Box 222, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

90. Ibid.

91. “Conference of State Agents of Rural Schools for Negroes,” 5 and 6 June 1930, Folder 5, Box 188, RFA, 26.

92. The Julius Rosenwald Fund Annual Report, 1924–25, Folder 1, Box 81, RFA, 7.

93. “Conference of State Agents of Rural Schools for Negroes,” 5 and 6 June 1930, Folder 5, Box 188, RFA, 5–6.

94. “Conference of State Agents of Rural Schools For Negroes,” 7–8 January 1925, Folder 2000, Box 208, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB, 1.

95. Application for Aid in Extension of Negro School Term, First Year, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

96. Percy H. Easom to S. L. Smith, 25 February 1930, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

97. W. C. Strahan to Jackson Davis and Leo Favrot, 13 September 1929, Box 7986, Series 2342, MDAH.

98. Leo Favrot to W. C. Strahan, 17 September 1929, Box 7986, Series 2342, MDAH.

99. See Strong, David, Barnhouse Walters, Pamela, Driscoll, Brian, and Rosenberg, Scott, “Leveraging the State: Private Money and the Development of Public Education for Blacks,” American Sociological Review 65 (October 2000): 658–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

100. Lewis, George, “Virginia’s Northern Strategy: Southern Segregationists and the Route to National Conservatism,” Journal of Southern History 72 (February 2006): 123.Google Scholar

101. Percy H. Easom to W. H. Joyner, 23 August 1928, Box 7986, Series 2342, MDAH.

102. Ibid.

103. Percy H. Easom to Wm. H. Harrison, 6 January 1930, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

104. S. L. Smith to Wm. H. Harrison, 4 January 1930, Box 8013, Series 2342, MDAH.

105. Andrews, Freedom Is a Constant Struggle, 71.

106. Pierson, Paul, Politics in Time: History, Institutions, and Social Analysis (Princeton, 2004), 150.CrossRefGoogle Scholar Pierson also makes a case for considering comparative case studies of institutional change so that broad, structural features and slow-moving processes, crucial preconditions for institutional change, can be considered (131).

107. Klarman, Michael, From Jim Crow to Civil Rights: The Supreme Court and the Struggle for Racial Equality (Oxford, 2004).Google Scholar

108. Tushnet, Mark, The NAACP’s Legal Strategy Against Segregated Education, 1925–1950 (Chapel Hill, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosenberg, , The Hollow Hope: Can Courts Bring About Social Change? (Chicago, 1993), 83.Google Scholar

109. Fairclough, Race and Democracy, 12.

110. “Conference of State Agents for Rural Schools for Negroes,” 7–8 January 1925, Folder 2000, Box 208, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

111. Ibid.

112. “The Continuation and Extension of Jeanes Work,” 1926–27, Folder 19, Box 27, SEF-AUC.

113. Ibid.

114. “Application for Jeanes Fund Aid,” 20 July 1932, Folder 6, Box 23, SEF-AUC.

115. “Report of Jeanes Supervisors of Georgia, March, 1935,” Folder Jeanes Supervisors Final Reports 1934–35, Box 1, Series Department of Education, Negro Education Division Director Subfiles (Georgia State Archives, Atlanta), 2.

116. “Statement Covering the General Activities of the State Agents of Negro Schools in Georgia,” attachment in Robert Cousins to Leo Favrot, 17 January 1928, Folder 589, Box 67, Series 1.1; “Itinerary Report Trips to Morgan and Taliaferro Counties by H. A. Whiting, 1935,” Folder Helen Whiting Itinerary, 1935–36, Box 2, Series Negro Education Division Director Subfiles (Georgia State Archives, Atlanta), 5.

117. “Itinerary Record, Week of December 16–20, 1935,” Folder Helen Whiting Itinerary, 1935–36, Box 2, Division Director Subfiles (Georgia State Archives, Atlanta), 2.

118. “Statement Covering the General Activities of the State Agents of Negro Schools in Georgia,” attachment in Robert Cousins to Leo Favrot, 17 January 1928, Folder 589, Box 67, Series 1.1.

119. Some notes regarding a meeting of state agents at Hampton, circa 1924, Folder 1998, Box 208, Series 1.2, RAC-GEB.

120. Kelley, Robin D. G., Race Rebels: Culture, Politics, and the Black Working Class (New York, 1994)Google Scholar; Scott, James, Weapons of the Weak: Everyday Forms of Peasant Resistance (New Haven, 1985)Google Scholar;McAdam, , Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 1930–1970 (Chicago, 1982).Google Scholar

121. See Snow, David, Worden, Steven, Burke Rochford, E. Jr., and Benford, Robert D., “Frame Alignment Processes, Micromobilization, and Movement Participation,” American Sociological Review 51 (August 1986): 464–81.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

122. McAdam, Political Process and the Development of Black Insurgency, 59.

123. Balogh, “Reorganizing the Organizational Synthesis.”