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Asserting States’ Rights, Demanding Federal Assistance: Texas Democrats in the Era of the New Deal

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 March 2016

Kenneth J. Heineman*
Affiliation:
Angelo State University

Abstract

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Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Donald Critchlow and Cambridge University Press 2016 

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Footnotes

I would like to expresses my gratitude to Arnoldo DeLeon, the anonymous readers of JPH who improved this essay, and Katie Plum for awarding an Angelo State University Research Enhancement grant for this project. The staffs at the Texas State Library, the University of Texas, the Lyndon Johnson Presidential Library, and the Sam Houston Regional Library and Research Center are also gratefully acknowledged.

References

NOTES

1. Fenno, Richard F. Jr., Home Style: House Members in Their Districts (Boston, 1978), 2, 144.Google Scholar

2. Montejano, David, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986 (Austin, 1987), 167–71Google Scholar; Key, V. O., Southern Politics in State and Nation (New York, 1949), 260, 274Google Scholar. While southern per capita income in 1930 trailed the North by 47 percent, Texas lagged by 32 percent.

The scholarly literature on the New Deal is immense. For classic overviews of the era, Leuchtenburg, William E., Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal: 1932–1940 (New York, 2009)Google Scholar, is a must-read, as is Schwarz, Jordan A., The New Dealers: Power and Politics in the Age of Roosevelt (New York, 1993)Google Scholar. Shifting New Deal politics and coalitions are treated admirably in Fraser, Steve and Gerstle, Gary, The Rise and Fall of the New Deal Order, 1930–1980 (Princeton, 1990)Google Scholar. Fine discussions of the expanding federal role in Americans’ lives and New Deal politics include Smith, Jason Scott, Building New Deal Liberalism: The Political Economy of Public Works, 1933–1956 (Cambridge, 2009)Google Scholar, and Moreno, Paul D., The American State from the Civil War to the New Deal: The Twilight of Constitutionalism and the Triumph of Progressivism (Cambridge, 2013)Google Scholar. For works on the South, many of which are cited in this essay, see Bensel, Richard Franklin, Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880–1980 (Madison, 1984)Google Scholar; Scher, Richard K., Politics in the New South: Republicanism, Race, and Leadership in the Twentieth Century (New York, 1992)Google Scholar; Biles, Roger, The South and the New Deal (Lexington, Ky., 1994)Google Scholar; and Perman, Michael, Pursuit of Unity: A Political History of the American South (Chapel Hill, 2009)Google Scholar.

3. The propensity of southern Democrats to blame the North for their region’s economic woes persisted for decades after the Civil War, as did their unwillingness to criticize southern businessmen who paid low wages. See Scher, Politics in the New South, 29–30; Bensel, Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880–1980, 172; and Biles, The South and the New Deal, 13.

4. Patenaude, Lionel V., Texans, Politics, and the New Deal (New York, 1983), 6364Google Scholar; Katznelson, Ira, Fear Itself: The New Deal and the Origins of Our Time (New York, 2013), 16Google Scholar.

5. Alston, Lee J. and Ferrie, Joseph P., Southern Paternalism and the American Welfare State: Economics, Politics, and Institutions in the South, 1865–1965 (Cambridge, 1999), 2, 9Google Scholar; Dunn, Susan, Roosevelt’s Purge: How FDR Fought to Change the Democratic Party (Cambridge, Mass., 2010), 6.Google Scholar

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7. For an excellent discussion of Texas Democrats in the era of World War I, see Lewis L. Gould, Progressives and Prohibitionists: Texas Democrats in the Wilson Era (Austin, 1992).

8. Champagne, Anthony, Harris, Douglas B., Riddlesperger, James W. Jr., and Nelson, Garrison, The Austin-Boston Connection: Five Decades of House Democratic Leadership, 1937–1989 (College Station, 2009), 59Google Scholar; Lloyd J. Graybar, “John Nance Garner, American National Biography Online, February 2000, American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org.

9. D. B. Hardeman and Donald C. Bacon, Rayburn, A Biography (Austin, 1987), 60, 131, 164; Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 63–64.

10. Report of the Historical Committee of the United Confederate Veterans Convention Assembled at Jacksonville, Florida, May 1914, “The Soldiers of the Confederacy were Belligerents, not Rebels: A View of the Constitution” (Thomas Connally Papers, box 3L140, Dolph Briscoe Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin [hereafter DBC]); Anthony Champagne, “Sam Rayburn,” American National Biography Online, February 2000, American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org; Mary Catherine Monroe, “William Hatton Sumners,” Handbook of Texas Online, Texas State Historial Association (hereafter TSHA), http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; Tom Connally and Alfred Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally (New York, 1954), 1; Schwarz, The New Dealers, 251–52; Green, Elna C., “Antisuffragism to Anti-Communism: The Conservative Career of Ida M. Darden,” Journal of Southern History 65 (May 1999): 287316Google Scholar.

11. Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 58, 63–64, 70; Perman, Pursuit of Unity, 232; Domhoff, G. William and Webber, Michael J., Class and Power in the New Deal: Corporate Moderates, Southern Democrats, and the Liberal-Labor Coalition (Stanford, 2011), 60Google Scholar.

12. Campbell, Gone to Texas, 383–84, 387, 389; Calvert, Robert A. and DeLeon, Arnoldo, The History of Texas (Wheeling, Ill., 1990), 318–22.Google Scholar

13. Grantham, Dewey W., The South in Modern America: A Region at Odds (New York, 1994), 133Google Scholar; Champagne, Anthony, “Sam Rayburn and FDR,” in Franklin D. Roosevelt and Congress: The New Deal and Its Aftermath, 2 vols., ed. Wolf, Thomas P., Pederson, William P., and Daynes, Bryan W. (New York, 2001), 66;Google Scholar Schwarz, The New Dealers, 79–81; Biles, The South and the New Deal, 33.

14. “Ickes Changes His Ideas on Relief Labor Regulation,” Dallas Morning News, 28 August 1936; Martin Dies letter to John L. Coultor, 7 February 1936 (Martin Dies Papers, box 16, Texas State Library and Archives [hereafter TSLA]); Kenneth O’Reilly, “Martin Dies,” American National Biography Online, February 2000, American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org.

15. Martin Dies letter to F. J. Smith, 28 January 1939 (Martin Dies Papers, box 16, TSLA); Biles, The South and the New Deal, 75.

16. Schwarz, The New Dealers, 287–88; Wright Patman, “Impeachment of Andrew Mellon, Secretary of the Treasury,” Congressional Record, 6 January 1932, 72nd Cong., 1400–1401; Martin Dies letter to George D. Anderson, 16 January 1936 (Martin Dies Papers, box 1, TSLA).

17. Schwarz, The New Dealers, 255–56; Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 157–58; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 389.

18. Caro, Robert A., The Path to Power: The Years of Lyndon Johnson (New York, 1982), 502–28Google Scholar; Lyndon Johnson letter to C. L. Allen, 25 March 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 1, Lyndon B. Johnson Presidential Library [hereafter LBJPL]); Woods, Randall B., LBJ: Architect of American Ambition (New York, 2006), 135, 145Google Scholar. While Caro emphasized Johnson’s embrace of Roosevelt and his “court packing plan” in the 1937 special election, his campaign materials and correspondence demonstrate a more “local” emphasis on acquiring federal subsidies for electricity and crops. What Johnson “fed” to the national news media and Washington friends was not necessarily what he served up to voters.

19. Morris Sheppard, Press Release, “The New Deal and Our State Educational System with Particular Reference to Texas,” 1935 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 3N167, DBC); Richard Bailey, “John Morris Sheppard,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online.

20. Morris Sheppard, “Individualism and the New Deal,” Address to the Rotary Club of Texarkana, 26 August 1934 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 2G196, DBC); Morris Sheppard Press Release (untitled), 1936 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 3N187, DBC); Morris Sheppard Press Release (untitled), 5 July 1936 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 2G196, DBC); Scher, Politics in the New South, 108–9; Grantham, The South in Modern America, 104.

21. Gordon, Colin, New Deals: Business, Labor, and Politics in America, 1920–1935 (Cambridge, 1994), 5559Google Scholar; Biles, The South and the New Deal, 20; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 362.

22. Connally and Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally, 162–64; “Connally and Other Texas Congressmen Praised for Work,” Dallas Morning News, 28 February 1935; “IPA and the Pact,” Dallas Morning News, 28 February 1935; Biles, The South and the New Deal, 61.

23. Connally and Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally, 158–159; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 380; Ross Sterling et al., Western Union Telegram to Martin Dies, 21 May 1934 (Martin Dies Papers, box 11, TSLA).

24. Connally and Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally, 158–59.

25. Bruce Andre Beaubouef, “Clint Williams Murchison,” American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org.; Kenneth H. Williams, “Sid Williams Richardson,” American National Biography Online, February 2000, American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org.; Woods, LBJ, 145, 230; Merrill, Karen R., “Texas Metropole: Oil, the American West, and U.S. Power in the Postwar Years,” Journal of American History 99 (June 2012): 197207Google Scholar. See Phillips-Fein, Kim, Invisible Hands: The Making of the Conservative Movement from the New Deal to Reagan (New York, 2009)Google Scholar, for a discussion of the burgeoning relationship between government and business over the twentieth century. While she focuses on the post–World War II New Right, corporations sought (and seek) to influence policy and acquire favors from both sides of the aisle.

26. C. L. Hand, The Texas Company, letter to Martin Dies, 20 August 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 4, TSLA); D. P. Sheeks, The First National Bank of Port Arthur, letter to Martin Dies, 19 August 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 4, TSLA); Joe Park, The First National Bank of Port Arthur, letter to Martin Dies, 19 August 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 4, TSLA); Green, George Norris, The Establishment in Texas Politics: The Primitive Years, 1938–1957 (Norman, Okla., 1984), 44Google Scholar.

27. J. Edgar Pew letters to Martin Dies, 28 March 1935, 8 May 1935, 18 February 1937, 13 August 1937 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, TSLA); Martin Dies letters to J. Edgar Pew, 19 February 1936, 9 July 1937, 16 August 1937 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, TSLA).

28. J. Edgar Pew letters to Martin Dies, 7 July 1937, 12 July 1937, 17 November 1937 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, Texas State Library and Archives); J. Howard Pew letter to Martin Dies, 28 March 1934 (Martin Dies Papers, box 11, TSLA); Martin Dies letters to J. Edgar Pew, 7 January 1936, 9 July 1937 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, TSLA); Domhoff and Webber, Class and Power in the New Deal, 198.

29. Gellman, Erik S. and Roll, Jarod, The Gospel of the Working Class: Labor’s Southern Prophets in New Deal America (Urbana, 2011), 19–20, 24–25, 30Google Scholar; Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 96–97; “Texas Governor to War on Crime: Allred in Inaugural Pledges Suppression of Gambling and Bootlegging,” New York Times, 20 January 1935; Floyd F. Ewing, “James V. Allred,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; Rev. Robert Gibbs Mood letter to James V. Allred, 16 June 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA).

30. Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 102; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 390; W. Frank Persons, U.S. Department of Labor, telegram to Governor James V. Allred, 19 February 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 106, TSLA); Walter Simpson letter to James V. Allred, 28 May 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 110, TSLA); George Clarke on behalf of James V. Allred, letter to Walter Simpson, 4 June 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 110, TSLA); Calvert and DeLeon, The History of Texas, 322–23.

31. James V. Allred letters to Maury Maverick, 23 March 1935, 6 May 1935 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2l21, DBC); Campbell, Gone to Texas, 391; Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 42, 99.

32. Campbell, Gone to Texas, 369; Scher, Politics in the New South, 80; Chandler Davidson, Race and Class in Texas Politics (Princeton, 1990), 5; David L. Chapman, “Lynching in Texas” (M.A. thesis, Texas Tech University, 1973); “Texas Prosecutor Condon’s Lynching,” New York Times, 14 November 1935; G. G. Kelley letter to James V. Allred, 19 November 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA).

33. Chapman, “Lynching in Texas”; “Lynching Investigation,” New York Times, 15 November 1935; Paul Wassenich, YMCA, University of Texas–Austin, letter to James V. Allred, 14 November 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA); John Granbery letter to James V. Allred, 20 November 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA); Abram Vossen Goodman, B’nai B’rith Hillel Foundation, University of Texas–Austin, letter to James V. Allred, 18 November 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA); Ford Dixon, “John Cowper Granbery, Jr.,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online.

34. Woods, LBJ, 106–7, 112–13; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 389; Harry Williams, T., “Huey, Lyndon, and Southern Radicalism,” Journal of American History 60 (September 1970): 267–93.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35. W. B. Alexander, Superintendent, Cleveland Schools, letter to Lyndon Johnson, 27 April 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 2, LBJPL); Mother M. Albertini, President, Our Lady of Victory College, letter to Lyndon Johnson, 15 April 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 2, LBJPL); Caro, The Path to Power, 166–73.

36. H. P. Drought, Texas WPA Director, letter to Lyndon Johnson, 12 April 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 2, LBJPL); Mallory B. Randle, “Works Projects Administration,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; Lyndon Johnson letter to N. A. Gay, Superintendent, Bertram Public Schools, 17 March 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 1, LBJPL); G. C. Boswell, President, Weatherford College, letter to Lyndon Johnson, 12 April 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 2, LBJPL).

37. Lyndon Johnson, 1937 Internal Campaign Memorandum (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 1, LBJPL); Frantz, Joe B., “Opening a Curtain: The Metamorphosis of Lyndon B. Johnson,” Journal of Southern History 45 (February 1979): 326.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

38. The best biography of Robert Wagner remains J. Joseph Huthmacher, Senator Robert F. Wagner and the Rise of Urban Liberalism (New York, 1968).

39. Remarks of Hatton W. Sumners, Texas, Congressional Digest, 2 (January, 1922): 13; Rable, George C., “The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940,” Journal of Southern History 51 (May 1985): 201–20.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

40. Perman, Pursuit of Unity, 242; Grantham, The South in Modern America, 125; Rable, “The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940,” 201–20.

41. Morris Sheppard Draft Notes, Antilynching Legislation, 1937 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 2G196, DBC); Mary Catherine Monroe, “A Day in July: Hatton W. Sumners and the Court Reorganization Plan of 1937” (M.A. thesis, University of Texas at Arlington, 1973); Brewer, William M., “The Poll Tax and the Poll Taxers,” Journal of Negro History 29 (July 1944): 260–99;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Remarks of Hatton W. Sumners, Texas, Congressional Digest 14 (June–July 1935): 189–90.

42. Connally and Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally, 169–72; Rable, “The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940,” 201–20.

43. Connally and Steinberg, My Name Is Tom Connally, 169–72; Rable, “The South and the Politics of Antilynching Legislation, 1920–1940,” 201–20; Remarks of Tom Connally, Texas, Congressional Digest 14 (June–July 1935): 179–82.

44. Maury Maverick Campaign Biography, 1936, for the Washington Daily News (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L22, DBC); Kaaz Doyle, Judith, “Maury Maverick and Racial Politics in San Antonio, Texas, 1938–1941,” Journal of Southern History 53 (May 1987): 194224;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 74; David Cronon, E., “A Southern Progressive Looks at the New Deal,” Journal of Southern History 24 (May 1958): 151–76;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Peter Skerry, Mexican Americans: The Ambivalent Minority (New York, 1993), 42; Maury Maverick Press Release, 1932 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L21, DBC); Daniel Rosenbaum, Southern Newspaper Syndicate, letter to Maury Maverick, 10 February 1936 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L22, DBC); H. L. Mencken letter to Maury Maverick 23 April 1936 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L21, DBC). See Drew Pearson Papers at the Lyndon John Presidential Library for his extensive correspondence with Maverick.

45. Keith J. Volanto, Texas Voices: Documents and Biographical Sketches (Wheaton, Ill., 2011), 199–200; Montejano, Anglos and Mexicans in the Making of Texas, 1836–1986, 164; Skerry, Mexican Americans, 34, 39; Schwarz, The New Dealers, 265; Iber, Jorge and DeLeon, Arnoldo, Hispanics in the American West (Santa Barbara, 2006), 215Google Scholar.

46. Malcolm Bardwell letter to Lyndon Johnson, 14 April 1937 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 2, LBJPL); Weiss, Stuart L., “Maury Maverick and the Liberal Bloc,” Journal of American History 57 (March 1971): 880–95CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Maverick, Maury, “Let’s Join the United States,” Virginia Quarterly Review 15 (Winter 1939): 6477.Google Scholar

47. “Wrong Inference,” Dallas Morning News, 13 January 1938.

48. Leuchtenburg, Franklin D. Roosevelt and the New Deal, 1932–1940, 187; Kristi Andersen, The Creation of a Democratic Majority, 1928–1936 (Chicago, 1979), 29–30, 41–42; Heineman, Kenneth J., “A Tale of Two Cities: Pittsburgh, Philadelphia, and the Elusive Quest for a New Deal Majority in the Keystone State,” Pennsylvania Magazine of History and Biography 132 (October 2008): 311–40.Google Scholar

49. C. L. Puy, Vice President, C. L. Puy Chevrolet Company, letter to Martin Dies, 22 May 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); M. L. Vount, President, Rex Supply Company, letter to Martin Dies, 29 April 1936 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); E. E. Plumly, Vice President, Magnolia Petroleum Company, letter to Martin Dies, 23 April 1936 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); A. L. Ward, Vice President, Texas Cottonseed Crushers’ Association, letter to Martin Dies, 2 May 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); J. B. Perkins, Perkins Dry Goods Company, letter to Martin Dies, 30 April 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); A. Brainard, President, Beaumont Iron Works, letter to Martin Dies, 10 April 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); R. Wier, President, Wier Long Leaf Lumber Company, letter to Martin Dies, 20 May 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA).

50. Robinson, Charles M. IV, The Men Who Wear the Star: The Story of the Texas Rangers (New York, 2000), 282Google Scholar; Skerry, Mexican Americans, 22; Campbell, Gone to Texas, 388.

51. A. B. Emmert, Texas Cotton Growers’ Association, telegram to Governor James Allred, 24 October 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA); Richard King, Chairman, Port of Corpus Christi, Nueces County Navigation District, letter to Governor James Allred, 5 November 1935 (James V. Allred Papers, box 21, TSLA); W. F. Hill, Secretary, Port Arthur Trades and Labor Council, letter to Representative Martin Dies, enclosed with American Federation of Labor Report, 29 March 1936 (Martin Dies Papers, box 4, TSLA).

52. Biles, The South and the New Deal, 136; Governor James Allred telegram to Homer Martin, President, United Automobile Workers, 30 August 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 16, TSLA); Lister Hines letter to Governor James Allred, 23 August 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 16, TSLA); Preston P. Reynolds, President, Dallas County Law Enforcement League, letter to Governor James Allred, 24 August 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 16, TSLA); “League Commends Order of Allred,” Dallas Morning News, 25 August 1937; Dallas County Law Enforcement League Resolution, 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 16, TSLA); Preston P. Reynolds, letter to the editor, Dallas Morning News, 9 May 1936; “City May Request Ruling on Selling Beer Near Church,” Dallas Morning News, 26 January 1941; Hield, Melissa, Scott, Glenn, Flores, Maria, Croxdale, Richard, and Rabinowitz, Lauren, “‘Union-Minded’: Women in the Texas ILGWU, 1933–50,” Frontiers: A Journal of Women Studies 4 (Summer 1979): 5970.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

53. “Another Fuehrer,” Dallas Morning News, 16 October 1939; “Texas and the Sit-Downers,” The Cotton and Cotton Oil Press, 10 April 1937, Interstate Cotton Seed Crusher’s Association (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA); James V. Allred letter to Martin Luker, 10 April 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA); “Calvin Allred,” editorial and companion Jack Patton editorial cartoon, “–And He Means It,” Dallas Journal, 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA).

54. Jules H. Tallichet letter to Governor James V. Allred, 5 April 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA); Julia L. Vivian and Mary M. Standifer, “Jules Henri Tallichet,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; Thomas L. Blanton letter to Governor James V. Allred, 8 April 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA); Ben H. Proctor, “Great Depression,” Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; Thomas Lloyd Miller, “Thomas Lindsay Blanton,”Handbook of Texas Online, TSHA, http://www.tshaonline.org/handbook/online; S. Maston Nixon, assistant to the President, Southern Alkali Corporation, letter to Hugh Galt, President, 8 April 1937 (James V. Allred Papers, box 23, TSLA).

55. Zamora, Emilio, Claiming Rights and Righting Wrongs in Texas: Mexican Workers and Job Politics During World War II (College Station, 2009), 158–66Google Scholar; Weaver, Bobby D., Oilfield Trash: Life and Labor in the Oil Patch (College Station, 2010), 120, 163Google Scholar; Priest, Tyler and Botson, Michael, “Bucking the Odds: Organized Labor in Gulf Coast Oil Refining,” Journal of American History 99 (June 2012): 100110.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

56. Grantham, The South in Modern America, 104; Senator Morris Sheppard Press Release, 5 July 1936 (Morris Sheppard Papers, box 2G196, DBC).

57. Maury Maverick, “Maverick Urges South to Join in Progress,” Washington Post, 9 May 1938; Noel R. Beddow, Executive Director, Steel Workers Organizing Committee, Birmingham, Alabama, letter to Maury Maverick, 29 May 1939 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L24, DBC); C. F. Jarrett, Secretary-Treasurer, International Association of Oil Field, Gas Well, and Refinery Workers of America, Tulsa, Oklahoma, letter to Maury Maverick, 3 July 1937 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L23, DBC); Weiss, “Maury Maverick and the Liberal Bloc,” 880–95.

58. R. C. Hall, Vice President, Maverick-Clarke Litho Company, letter to Martin Dies, 17 June 1935 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA).

59. Ledesma, Irene, “Texas Newspapers and Chicana Workers’ Activism, 1919–1974,” Western Historical Quarterly 26 (Autumn 1995): 309–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vargas, Zaragosa, “Tejana Radical: Emma Tenayuca and the San Antonio Labor Movement During the Great Depression,” Pacific Historical Review 66 (November 1977): 553–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Polakoff, Murray E., “Internal Pressures on the Texas State CIO Council, 1937–1955,” Industrial and Labor Relations Review 12 (January 1955): 227–42;Google Scholar Gabriela Gonzalez, “Emma Tenayuca,” American National Biography Online, February 2000, American Council of Learned Societies, www.anb.org.; “Sit Down on San Antonio Relief,” New York Times, 27 August 1937; “Group Storms Alien Office,” Heraldo de Brownsville, 24 February 1937; “CIO Chief Leads Pecan Shellers’ Strike,” Dallas Morning News, 6 February 1938; Iber and DeLeon, Hispanics in the American West, 225.

60. Quinn Campaign Memo, 1939 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L24, DBC); Mortimer Riemer, National Secretary, National Lawyers Guild, letter to Maury Maverick, 24 January 1938 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L23, DBC); Maury Maverick letter to Jennings Perry, Associate Editor, The Tennessee Papers, 4 January 1936 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L22, DBC); Maury Maverick telegram to Morris Sheppard, 18 July 1938 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L23, DBC); Weiss, “Maury Maverick and the Liberal Bloc,” 880–95.

61. Quinn Campaign Memo, 1939; Edgar Eugene Robinson, They Voted for Roosevelt: The Presidential Vote, 1932–1944 (New York, 1970), 158.

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64. William Holden, General Manager, Fort Worth Chamber of Commerce, letter to Martin Dies, 18 April 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); “Southern Working Conditions,” Beaumont Enterprise 4 November 1938; A. E. Shepherd, President, Shepherd’s Launderers, letter to Martin Dies, 26 April 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA); J. E. Harrison, President, Harrison-Wilson Company, letter to Martin Dies, 25 April 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 10, TSLA).

65. J. M. Gilliam, President, Sabine Broadcasting Company, letter to Martin Dies, 30 April 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, TSLA); G. E. Richardson, letter to Martin Dies, 4 May 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 90, TSLA); Martin Dies letter to Clarence L. Villemen and Marie Pierce, Culinary Local 331, Port Arthur, 11 May 1938 (Martin Dies Papers, box 4, TSLA).

66. Felix Belair Jr., “President Assails Low Wage Bane in Texas Address,” New York Times, 11 July 1938; Dunn, Roosevelt’s Purge, 131–34.

67. Patenaude, Texans, Politics, and the New Deal, 132; Leuchtenburg, William E., “FDR’s Court-Packing Plan: A Second Life, a Second Death,” Duke Law Journal 34 (June–September 1985): 673–89;CrossRefGoogle Scholar Patterson, “A Conservative Coalition Forms in Congress, 1933–1939,” 757–72.

68. Ledesma, “Texas Newspapers and Chicana Workers’ Activism, 1919–1974,” 309–31; Horace Bryan, Pecan Workers Union Local 172, letter to Pat Jefferson, Mayor’s Office, 6 June 1939 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L24, DBC); Horace Bryan, Pecan Workers Union Local 172, letter to Mayor Maury Maverick, 3 June 1939 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L24, DBC); Anthony Wayne Smith, Executive Secretary, CIO, Washington, D.C., letter to Maury Maverick, 14 January 1939 (Maury Maverick Papers, box 2L24, DBC); Maury Maverick letter to Lyndon Johnson, 15 June 1949 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, LBJ Archive, box 27, LBJPL).

69. Cunningham, Cowboy Conservatism, 5; Michael Kazin, The Populist Persuasion: An American History (Ithaca, 1998).

70. Badger, Anthony J., “The Limits of Federal Power and Social Politics, 1910–1955,” in Contesting Democracy: Substance and Structure in American Political History, 1775–2000, ed. Shafer, Bryon E. and Badger, Anthony J. (Lawrence: Kans., 2001), 181200.Google Scholar

71. “It Won’t Balance the Budget,” Bonham Daily Favorite, 4 August 1937.

72. See Sam Rayburn Papers, DBC, box 3R275, for his newspaper editorial clippings; Sid Hildreth, Mayor of Farmersville, letter to Sam Rayburn, 10 July 1937 (Sam Rayburn Papers, DBC, box 3R275); Folsom, Burton Jr., New Deal or Raw Deal? How FDR’s Economic Legacy Has Damaged America (New York, 2008), 4Google Scholar.

73. “Federal Powers Are Held Too Vast,” New York Times, 5 April 1946; “Sumners Calls Federal Sway a ‘Tyranny,’” New York Times, 10 March 1946; Hatton Sumners, “States Now Federal Vassals,” New York State Chamber of Commerce Address, April 4, 1946,” Vital Speeches of the Day 12 (15 May 1946): 457–62.

74. Grantham, The South in Modern America, 107; Frantz, “Opening a Curtain,” 3–26.

75. W. A. Askew, Askew & Askew, letter to Tom Connally, 1 May 1952 (Thomas Connally Papers, box 3N167, DBC); J. Warren Jones, President, Austin Brothers Steel, letter to Tom Connally, 14 April 1952 (Thomas Connally Papers, box 3N167, DBC).

76. Roof, Tracy, American Labor, Congress, and the Welfare State, 1935–2010 (Baltimore, 2011), 28Google Scholar.

77. Domhoff and Webber, Class and Power in the New Deal, 28; Folsom, New Deal or Raw Deal? 112–15; Roof, American Labor, Congress, and the Welfare State, 1935–2010, 14; C. W. Webb, Webb & Webb, letter to Lyndon Johnson, 8 March 1938 (Lyndon Johnson Papers, House of Representatives, box 3, LBJPL).