¹ Cf. esp. Murray, Murray and Tecuşan, Slater, Schmitt-Pantel. I am grateful for comments to audiences in Durham and Oxford and to JHS's three acute and helpful referees.

² It is much less frequent in tragedy, though satyr-plays naturally use it: cf. e.g. Aeschylus, Ag. 1186-93, 1384-7, 1395-8; ?Cho. 344, Supp. 27, frr. 55 (Epigonoi), 179-80 (Ostologoi; satyr-play?). Sophocles, Ajax 1199 ff., frr. 42(?), 277 (Inachus), 425 (Nauplius), 537 (Salmoneus), 565 (Sundeipnoi; it is possible, but no more, that all these last four plays were satyr-plays), 611. Euripides, Ion 1170-95 (public banquet described, with normal sympotic features), Alc. 747-72 (Heracles alone at feast; cf. 343), Supp. 390 (κῶμον … άσπιδηϕόρον; cf. C. Collard, Euripides: Supplices [Groningen 1975] ad loc. for further tragic reference to the komos), Cycl. 411-26, 451 ff., Herc. 995 (τρίτον θῦμα; cf. fr. 148 [Andromeda] τέλειος of third krater), Phoen. 784-800 (Ares and symposium), frr. 562 (Oineus) and 631 (Pleisthenes) both refer to the kottabos. Cf. Palutan, M.G., ‘La parodia del cottabo nei Σύνδειπνοι di Sofocle e negli ‘Οστολóγοι di Eschilo’, SIFC xiv (1996) 10–34Google Scholar.

³ An exception is Lada-Richards, I., ‘Initiating Dionysus: ritual and theatre in Aristophanes’ Frogs' (Diss. Cambridge 1993 = Oxford forthcoming)Google Scholar, which obviates the need to discuss Frogs here. I also largely omit the comic fragments, on which Ian Ruffell is working in Oxford; cf. also Vetta, M., Poesia e simposio nella Grecia antica: guida storica e critica (Rome 1983) xiii-lx, esp. xlvii, liv–lviiGoogle Scholar; E.L. Bowie. For later comedy, cf. Hunter, R.L., Eubulus: the fragments (Cambridge 1983) 186Google Scholar: ‘The common milieu of the symposium in Middle Comedy perhaps contributed to the increasingly moralising tone of Comedy, since the symposium was traditionally a place for gnomic reflection’ (cf. Ibid. 22).

⁴ Schmitt-Pantel 222-31.

⁵ 224; the distinction is not total: public feasts can take the form of private symposia.

⁶ Cf. Pl. Laws 1.649d-50b (τῆς έν οἴνωι βασάνου). Cf. wine as the ‘mirror’ of the soul (Alc.fr. 333; Theog. 499-500; Aes. fr. 393), and current work on the iconography of drinking vessels (e.g. Lissarrague, Bérard).

⁷ ‘The Theognidea describes the polis in terms of a symposium and the symposium in terms of a polis’ (Levine, D.B., ‘Symposium and polis’, in Figueira, T.J. and Nagy, G. [eds.], Theognis of Megara: poetry and the polis [Baltimore and London 1985] 176)Google Scholar; cf. e.g. Theognis 499–502; Solon, fr. 4.9-10.

⁸ Though earlier generally critical of the symposium, in Laws i-ii he explores the symposium as a place of testing and education (Tecuşan, M., ‘Logos sympotikos’ in Murray 238–60)Google Scholar; cf. Rep. 7.562c-d, the democratic state's ‘thirst’ for freedom served by ‘bad wine-pourers’ too generous with unmixed wine.

⁹ ‘Since such entertainments may be seen as a microcosm of society … a properly conducted symposium or deipnon was an index of civilised behaviour’ (Paul, G., ‘Symposia and deipna in Plutarch's Lives and in other historical writings’, in Slater 166)Google Scholar.

¹⁰ For ancient collections of evidence, cf. esp. Pollux vi 7-112 and Athenaeus' Deipnosophists; also Mau, A., RE iv (1901) s.v. ‘Comissatio’ 610–19Google Scholar.

¹¹ Cf. Cook, A.B., Zeus: a study in ancient religion ii pt. 2 (Cambridge 1925) 1125 n.1, esp. passages quoted on 1129Google Scholar; cf. Diod. Sic. iv 3 ϕασὶν ἐπί τῶν δείπνων, ὅταν ᾰκρατος οἶνος διδῶται πᾶσιν, έπιλέγειν άγαθοῦ δαίμονος; Plut. Mor. 655e, 735d-e for use of the phrase before drinking new wine.

¹² Dedicated to Zeus and the Olympians, the heroes and Zeus Soter (or Teleius). Cook (n.11), 1123 n.7 lists the references to the different kraters; cf. Fraenkel, E., Aeschylus: Agamemnon (Oxford 1950) 652–3Google Scholar; Hunter (n.3) 185-9.

¹³ Cf. Athen. 641f and Alexis fr. 190.

¹⁴ Cf. Dicaearchus fr. 89 W (= Σ^RVE Clouds 1364); Ar. frr. 444 and perhaps 235.

¹⁵ Vases show this equality by the spatial arrangement of symposiasts around the krater. All seats were equally important; wine was distributed in equal measures, as was food, which is often so represented on vases; each drinker had his turn with the myrtle-branch.

¹⁶ Cf. Lamer, , RE xi (1922) 1286–1304Google Scholar; Headlam, W., Herodas: the mimes and fragments (Nock, A.D. [ed.], Cambridge 1922) on 3.34-7Google Scholar; Rossi; Adrados, F.R., Festival, comedy and tragedy: the Greek origins of theatre (Leiden 1975)Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Denied in Arist. Poet. 1448a37 (ώς κωμῳδοὐς ούκ άπὀ τοῦ κωμάζειν λεχθέντας), but found in Platonius de com. 2.1 (Kaibel, CGF p.7) and later passages in Kaibel pp. 16, 34, 36, 38, 58, 62, 72. This etymology is usually given second place to that from κώμη.

¹⁸ The word needs to be related to a wider range of activities in comedy than simply marriage, which was the suggestion of Cornford, F.M. in The origin of Attic comedy (Cambridge 1914)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ No extant comic chorus is described explicitly as a komos: contrast Eur. Cycl. 39 and Seaford ad loc. Cf. Et. Orion, p. 49.8 St. on Banqueters: ἐν ἱερῷ 'Hρακλέους δειπνοῦντες καὶ ἀναστάντες χορὸς ἐγένοντο; and the play-titles Κωμασταὶ ἤ ̌ Αϕαιστος (Epicharmus), Κύκλωψ (Epicharmus and Aristias), 'Οδυσσῆς (Cratinus) and ˇΗϕαιστος (Achaeus).

²⁰ This is suggested by Peace 839-41 and ἀπὸ δείπνου τινὲς | τῶν πλουσίων οὐτοι βαδίζουσ' ἀστέρων, | ἰπνοὺς ἒχοντες, Wasps 80 αὕτη γε [ϕιλοποσία] χρηστῶν ἐστιν ἀνδρῶν ἡ νόσος, and Philocleon's request when preparing for a symposium σκέψαι μ' ὅτῳ … ἕοικα … τῶν πλουσίων (ibid. 1171-2); cf. O. Murray, ‘The affair of the Mysteries’ in Murray 149-50; Vaio 338-40. Contrary arguments are less convincing, such as E. Pellizer's relying on the ‘proliferation of sympotic scenes in vase-painting’ (in Murray 181), and G.M. Calhoun's that Pl. Apol. 36b shows most citizens relied on clubs for protection (Athenian clubs in politics and litigation [Austin 1913] 1-2: the other things there mentioned are not such as ordinary citizens would normally have aspired to). To some extent, barbers’ shops (‘symposia without wine’, according to Theophrastus, ap. Plut. Mor. 679a) will have fulfilled the social and alcoholic roles of the symposium for the less wealthy: cf. Lewis, S., ‘Barbers’ shops and perfume shops’, in Powell, A. (ed.), The Greek world (London and New York 1995) 432–41Google Scholar.

²¹ Calhoun (n.20) 5-7 does not list συμπόσιον amongst the terminology for clubs, but there is no doubt about their sympotic nature.

²² Murray in Murray 150-1; for the last point, cf. Pl. Tht. 173d and Calhoun (n.20) 16.

²³ (n.20) 7-9.

²⁴ In Murray 150.

²⁵ Possibly more apparent than real? Cf. 525, 616-19.

²⁶ In Murray 150; cf. 151-2 on Andoc. i 37 ff.; also Vetta (n.3) xxxi.

²⁷ Perhaps from festivals, where they were sympotic themselves or saw elites being so? Philochorus FGrH 328 F 171 suggests almost sympotic activity in the theatre at the Dionysia: ἐστεϕανωμένοι ἐθεώρουν· παρά δὲ τὸν ἀγῶνα πάντα οἶνος αὐτοῖς ᾠνοχοεῖτο καὶ τραγήματα παρεϕέρετο (mistrusted by E.L. Bowie 113; Philochorus is relying on a passage of the comic poet Pherecrates [fr. 101]). Tzetzes Σ Hsd. Op. 368 refers to a κοινὸν συμπόσιον at the Pithoigia of ‘the Greeks’ (mistrusted by Hamilton 8).

²⁸ For such celebratory deipna, cf. Daremberg, C. and Saglio, E., Dictionnaire des antiquités grecques et romaines (Paris 1904) 1597Google Scholar. Parenthetically, one might suggest that such ‘reintegration’ may explain Pheidippides' reference to the Protenthai (1198-1200), officials equivalent to the later Progeustai who checked the food for festivals according to Athen. (171c-e; cf. also Pherecrates fr. 7; Aelian, , NA xv 10Google Scholar, fr. 39; the verb is not found again until Eustath. 1202.3). In fifth-century Athens, they were probably especially connected with the Apaturia (cf. Philyllios fr. 7 ἠ τῶν προτενθῶν Δορπία καλουμένη; Dorpia was one of the days of the Apaturia [Σ Ach. 146; Hsch. α 5842]). Does mention of these officials and the coining of a verb from their name draw attention to the Apaturia when fathers inducted sons into their phratries, and thus provide an ironic background for the dinner marking the son's return?

²⁹ Cf. Dover on 1353-90.

³⁰ Cf. e.g. Theognis 467-96; Alexis fr. 160; Plut. QC 629e-34f; Levine (n.7) 180-6; E.L. Bowie, ‘Greek table-talk before Plato’, Rhetorica xi (1993) 355-73. For ‘balance’ in the symposium, cf. Lissarrague 68-80. For the terms used of good and bad symposiasts, cf. Pollux vi 28-9.

³¹ Pl. Symp. 271c7 ff. In Plut. Ant. 70.3-4 a symposium of two is thought pleasant by one misanthrope, but a crowd by Timon.

³² In a comedy, it is hard to be certain, but a round-bottomed, handleless dinos, probably like the lebes on a stand, might seem on balance a slightly less unusual item than a large cup to stand outside a house. Much of the terminology of vase-names was laid down in the last century and usage in antiquity can be ambivalent. Richter, G.M.A. and Milne, M.J., Shapes and names of Athenian vases (New York 1935) 9–10Google Scholar argue against the use of dinos for the shape lebes and in favour of its being a cup. In Ar. Wasps 616 ff. and Pollux vi 96 it certainly is a cup; in Dionysius fr. 5.2-3 δῖνος μέγας | χωρῶν μετρητήν, ‘a cup the size of an amphora’ suits the exaggerations in this description of an old woman's fondness for cups (cf. Hsch. δ508); in Philyllius fr. 6.1 where a dinos is addressed as ‘ἀνϕορεῦ’ it could refer to a larger vessel, unless there were a similar joke to that in Dionysius. However, in Pollux vi 99 ὀ δὲ ψυκτὴρ πολυθρύλητος, ὃν καὶ δῖνον ἐκάλουν, ἐν ᾦ ἦν ὀ ᾰκρατος· οἰ πολλοὶ δ' ἀκρατοϕόρον αὐτὸν καλοῦσιν, it is clearly not a cup (cf. Athen. 530c); a psukter could be the size of a krater. In Strattis fr. 35, a head similar to δίνῳ περικάτω τετραμμένῳ would have more comic force if it referred to the round bottom of the large lebes (for which cf. Pollux l.c. and Σ Wasps 618d) rather than a round-bottomed cup (cf. Birds 806). For a discussion of the dinos as an old form of the krater, cf. Gericke, H., Gefäsdarstellungen auf griechischen Vasen (Berlin 1970) 36–42Google Scholar. Cf. also, though they do not clarify matters, Σ^vet Clouds 381, 1473; Σ^Th-Tr Clouds 380; Athen. 467d-f.

³³ For ἔντραγ', ‘used only of eating τραγήματα’, and δόρπον of a post-sympotic feast, cf. Neil on 51 and 52. There may also be a double pun in βυρσίνην, pointing to μυρσίνην, a fly-swatter (only Martial iii.82.2, in fact), and also perhaps the branch held by the symposiast.

³⁴ Cf. Pherecrates fr. 137.3; Plut. QC 669b.

³⁵ This was a significant moment: in Eur. Ion 1032-3, the poison is put in the cup at this point.

³⁶ Cf. Nicias' joke, τσῦ δαίμονος … τεύξομαι κακοδαίμονος (111-12).

³⁷ Cf. Theognis 487-8 σὺ δ' ‘ἕγχεε’ τοῦτο μάταιον | κωτίλλεις αἰεί; and X. Symp. 2.23; Theopompus frr. 41-2.

³⁸ Discussing the end of Acharnians, E.L. Bowie 114 suggests that one-man symposia are in part a function of the restrictions of the theatre, but that does not mean they cannot have the kind of significance given above.

³⁹ Eur. Cycl. 530 ff.

⁴⁰ Cf. O. Murray, ‘War and the symposium’, in Slater 84 for solitary drinking as generally unknown in many cultures. On the monophagos, cf. Ameipsias fr. 23 ἕρρ' ἐς κόρακας, μονοϕάγε καὶ τοιχωρύκε (cf. Schweighaeuser, J., Animadversiones in Athenaei Deipnosophistas i [Strasbourg 1801] 330–1Google Scholar); Antiphanes fr. 291 μονοϕαγεῖς ᾕδη τι καὶ βλάπτεις ἐμέ; Ar. Wasps 923. Cf. further Steinhart and Slater in this volume of JHS.

⁴¹ E.g. the Chalcidian ποτήριον (237) is evidence of fomenting a revolt amongst the Euboeans; improper enjoyment of the Prytaneum symposia is regularly held against Paphlagon (281, 709, 766; cf. 535-6 on Cratinus); only Cratinus' songs could be sung ἐν ξυμποσίῳ (529). On food and politics in the play, cf. O'Regan, D.E., Rhetoric, comedy and the violence of language in Aristophanes’ Clouds (Oxford 1992) 60 ffGoogle Scholar.

⁴² The scene is suggested by the banquet given to the citizens of Athens at the Panathenaea' (Neil on 1168-9), but his commentary shows the deipnon / symposium is a more powerful schema.

⁴³ Neil on 1166-7, quoting Pherecrates fr. 113; Frogs 504-11.

⁴⁴ Athen. 380d; Pollux vi 55; cf. Neil ad loc.

⁴⁵ Cf. Neil on 1222 προσεδίδου and LSJ s.v. προσδίδωμι II. παρατίθημι (1223) is also regular of meals, LSJ s.v. L.i.b, II. 1.

⁴⁶ 1225 may come from Eupolis' Helots (cf. Sommerstein, A.H., CQ xxx [1980] 51–3)Google Scholar, from which we have a sympotic fragment τὰ Στησιχόρου τε καὶ Άλκμᾶνος Σιμωνίδου τε | ἀρχαῖον ἀείδειν (fr. 148), and others referring to eating and culinary equipment.

⁴⁷ Miller, S.G., The Prytaneion: its function and architectural form (Berkeley, Los Angeles and London 1978)Google Scholar; Wycherley, R.E., The Athenian Agora iii (Princeton 1957) 166–74Google Scholar; Schmitt-Pantel 145-77; Rhodes, P.J., A commentary on the Aristotelian Athenaion Politeia (Oxford 1981) 308Google Scholar; Henry, A.S., Honors and privileges in Athenian decrees (Hildesheim, Zurich and New York 1983) 262–90Google Scholar; Gauthier, P., Les cités grecques et leurs bienfaiteurs, BCH Supp. xii (Paris 1985)Google Scholar. For the possible importance of the Prytaneum to drama, cf. Sourvinou-Inwood, C., ‘Something to do with Athens: tragedy and ritual’, in Osborne, R.G. and Hornblower, S. (eds.), Ritual, finance, politics: Athenian democratic accounts presented to David Lewis (Oxford 1994) 269–90Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ These people are connected with the aristocratic past of the city. The other form of public entertainment, a product of the democratic state, took place in the tholos, where architecture and entertainment suggested rejection of the Prytaneum's more aristocratic form (there was no symposium). Cf. Schmitt-Pantel 145-77; F. Cooper and S. Morris in Murray 66-85.

⁴⁹ Cf. Henry (n.47) 271-5 for the terminology; in the case of foreigners it is referred to as ξένια.

⁵⁰ Cf. Vaio 335-51. The symposium may also have had negative connotations in Banqueters: cf. esp. frr. 225, 232; Cassio, A.C., Aristofane: Banchettanti (Δαιταλὴς): i frammenti (Pisa 1977)Google Scholar; Lind, H., Der Gerber Kleon in den Rittern des Aristophanes (Frankfurt 1990) 141 ff.Google Scholar; W. Rösler, ‘Mnemosune in the symposion’, in Murray 236.

⁵¹ Cf. Burkert, W., Greek religion: archaic and classical (tr. Raffan, J., Oxford 1985) 420 n.32Google Scholar; K-A on Ar. fr. 578.

⁵² For riddles at the symposium, cf. e.g. Hsd. frr. 266-8; Theognis 681-2; Wasps 1308-13; Pl. Symp. 215a; Clearchus fr. 63, I Wehrli; Pollux vi 107-8; Monaco, G., Paragoni burleschi degli antichi (Palermo 1963)Google Scholar; West, M.L., Studies in Greek elegy and iambus (Berlin 1974) 17 n.26CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vaio 340 n.24. For this type of witticism, cf. e.g. Wasps 1225-48, 1308-21; Xen. Symp. 2.14, 20.

⁵³ Cf. Lissarrague 107-22.

⁵⁴ The other names in 230-4 are not sympotic; cf. ‘Pheredeipnos’ beside three non-sympotic names in 401; ‘Comarchides’ in another sympotic passage in Peace 1142.

⁵⁵ Cf. Bowra, C.M., AJP lxxix (1958) 376–91Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ For tragic songs at the symposium, cf. e.g. Clouds 1365 ff.

⁵⁷ It is a comastic feature also of the parodoi of Acharnians (211-18) and Lysistrata (271-85).

⁵⁸ Cf. Pratinas TGrF 4 F 3.4-9; Theognis 825-30; Pl. Symp. 212d; etc. (cf. Copley, F.O., Exclusus amator; a study in Latin love poetry [Madison 1956] 145 n.10)Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Cf. Copley (n.58) 148 n.26.

⁶⁰ E.g. Alc. fr. 70.5 LP; Lys. 1224, Eccl. 716-17.

⁶¹ For Aesopic stories at the symposium, cf. E.L. Bowie (n.30) 368-9. The unique οἰκτροχοοῦντες (555) sounds like οἰνοχοοῦντες.

⁶² Athen. 424b-c.

⁶³ Philocleon's ἐνύπνιον ἑστιώμεθα; (1218) recalls the slaves' dreams.

⁶⁴ For the personnel, cf. Storey, I.C., Phoenix xxxix (1985) 317–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Vetta (n.3) 117-31.

⁶⁵ Vases regularly show symposiasts carrying sympotic items through the streets. Vaio 345 n.47 relates Philocleon's dancing to the symposium, but he has already left the party. On ἄνεχε πάρεχε (1326) and the komos, cf. Seaford on Eur. Cycl. 203.

⁶⁶ Cf. 566 for such tales used to ingratiate defendants with the jurors; also 1401, 1446; Vaio 342-3.

⁶⁷ Schmitt-Pantel 17-31. For sympotic and military activity compared, cf. Pl. Laws 1.640-41a, 2.670c8-75c7; Plut. Aem. Paul. 28.5, Mor. 615e-f; Polyb. xxx 14; Athen. 2f, 47e; Tecuşan in Murray 254-5.

⁶⁸ Cf. Slater, W.J., ICS vi (1981) 205–14Google Scholar, esp. 211 n.5 (add Eur. Phoen. 784-800); E.L. Bowie 122-5.

⁶⁹ Cf. Hsch. and Pollux θεοὶ προτρύγαιοι; Achilles Tatius ii 2; Kany, R., ‘Dionysus Protrygaios: pagane und christliche Spuren eines antiken Weinfestes’, JbAC xxxi (1988) 5–23Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ ‘Er erscheint fast ausschliesslich auf Vasenbildern des Dionysischen Bereiches’, (Gericke [n.32] 22; cf. 36-42). For another pun on this word cf. 143-5.

⁷¹ 1242-4. In 1246-9, until Trygaeus mentions weighing, there is another sympotic resonance: πλάστιγξ could again refer to the scale-pan, placed, in other versions of the game, above a statue of Manes, and made to descend to strike his head by wine thrown by the player. On the kottabos, cf. Schneider, K., RE xi (1922)Google Scholar s.v. ‘Kottabos’ 1528-41; Sparkes, B.A., Archaeology xiii (1960) 202–7Google Scholar; Borthwick, E.K., JHS lxxxiv (1964) 49–53CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rosen, R.M., CQ xxxix (1989) 355–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Lissarrague 80-6; Hermippus fr. 48; Antiphanes fr. 57; Athen. 665a-68f; and Pollux vi 109-10 for different types (summarised by Rogers on 1244).

⁷² On a possible sympotic motif at the start, cf. Hamilton, R., GRBS xxvi (1985) 235–9Google Scholar.

⁷³ Cf. Isaeus iii 14 οὐδὲ αἰ γαμεταὶ γυναῖκες ἕρχονται μετὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἐπὶ τὰ δεῖπνα, οὐδὲ συνδειπνεῖν ἀξιοῦσι μετὰ τῶν ἀλλοτρίων; [Dem.] lix 24 καὶ συνέπινεν καὶ συνεδείπνει ἐναντίον πολλῶν Νέαιρα αύτηὶ ὡς ἂν ἐταίρα ούσα; cf. 33, 48. Contrast Persians (Hdt. v 18-20), and other barbarians (Pl. Laws 1.637d).

⁷⁴ E.g. Pl. Symp. 214b λέγομεν ἑπὶ τῇ κύλικι.

⁷⁵ Cf. LSJ s.v. ϕιλοτήσιος II, and Σ here.

⁷⁶ Aristophon fr. 14 calls the kulix known as the therikleion a εὐκύκλωτον ἀσπίδα.

⁷⁷ Cf. II. 3.295-301; Stengel, P., Opferbräuche der Griechen (Leipzig and Berlin 1910) 186Google Scholar. Contrast the Scythians (Hdt. iv 70), whose actions perhaps colour the reception of the women's actions.

⁷⁸ Burkert (n.51) 71.

⁷⁹ Henderson, J., Aristophanes: Lysistrata (Oxford 1987) 93–4CrossRefGoogle Scholar suggests that the stamnos was an extravagance in private contexts, quoting Men. Dysc. 448-9 ϕέρονται σταμνί', ούχὶ τῶν θεῶν | ἕνεκ' ἀλλ' ἑαυτῶν. But this remark parallels Knemon's other complaints that people make offerings to the gods in ways that actually benefit themselves: he is not comparing private and public drinking.

⁸⁰ J.-L. Durand, F. Frontisi-Ducroux and F. Lissarrague, ‘Wine: human and divine’, in Berard 126-7.

⁸¹ Cf. Frickenhaus, A., Lenäenvasen (Berlin 1912)Google Scholar. They were connected with the Anthesteria by Nilsson, M.P., Jdl xxxi (1916) 327–8Google Scholar. Cf. Pickard-Cambridge, A.W., The dramatic festivals of Athens (rev. ed. by Gould, J. and Lewis, D.M., Oxford 1988) 30–4Google Scholar; Burkert, W., Homo necans (London 1983) 230–8Google Scholar; Philippaki, B., The Attic stamnos (Oxford 1967) esp. xix–xxiGoogle Scholar; J.-L. Durand and F. Frontisi-Ducroux, RA (1982) 81-108.

⁸² Denied by de la Genière, J., MEFRA xcix (1987) 43–61CrossRefGoogle Scholar (cf. Hamilton 134-8): the red-figure vases (unlike the black) are all by a few artists and only from Etruria. The claim that they represent purely Etruscan iconography would be stronger if there were confirmatory evidence from Etruscan art as in other cases she mentions.

⁸³ We do not in fact know what a stamnos looked like: the modern use of the word is conventional (Philippaki [n.81] xvii-xviii). Cf. Amyx, D.A., Hesp. xxvii (1958) 190–95Google Scholar. Here ἁποπυτίζει may suggest a narrow-necked vessel rather than the wider-necked ‘stamnos’. Cf. K-A on As. fr. 546.

⁸⁴ Durand and Frontisi-Ducroux (n.81) 89.

⁸⁵ E.g. Ox. Ash. M. 523, ARV² 621 (41); NY Metr. Mus. no. 21-88-3, ARV² 1072.

⁸⁶ Cf. The Bulletin of the Cleveland Museum of Art, January 1992; Green, J., Theatre in ancient Greek society(London 1994) fig. 3.23-4Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Contrast perhaps Ar. fr. 364 for another, less reputable scene of (older) women: ἁκράτου | Θασίου μέλανος μεστὸν κέραμον | ταμιευόμεναι κοτύλαις μεγάλαις | ἐνέχεον.

⁸⁸ Cf. Burkert (n.81) 232-7.

⁸⁹ [Dem.] lix 73-8; esp. 78 for the oath ἁγιστεύω καὶ εὶμὶ καθαρὰ καὶ άγνὴ άπó <τε> τῶν ἅλλλν … καὶ ἀπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς συνουσίας. The association with the Anthesteria is contested by S.M. Peirce, ‘Representations of animal sacrifice in Attic vase-painting 580-380 BC’ (Diss. Bryn Mawr College 1984), for which cf. Hamilton 53-6.

⁹⁰ Exactly when it was right to sing ‘Telamon’ or ‘Cleitagora’ is not clear. ‘Telamon’ (cf. PMG 898-9) may have involved a lament (cf. Athen. 23e ἐπίνομεν μετὰ ταῦτα … | κατακείμενοι μαλακώτατ᾿ ἐπὶ τρικλινίῳ | Τελαμῶνος οἰμώζοντες ἀλλήλοις μέλη) and was presumably on a military subject. Was its military and threnodic nature the problem? PMG 912(b), from Wasps 1245-7, runs χρήματα καὶ βίαν (βίον Tyrwhitt) Κλειταγόρᾳ τε κἀμοὶ μετὰ Θετταλῶν; if Tyrwhitt's emendation were correct, then ‘Cleitagora’ may have celebrated prosperity, which would suit the context in Lysistrata (the scolion is also referred to in Ar. fr. 271 and Cratinus fr. 254). Cleitagora on a vase, D.M. Robinson, AJA lx (1956) 21-2. An ideological dispute over the appropriate scolion to sing appears also in Ai.fr. 444. Alternatively, the mistake may lie in singing the wrong words to the tune struck up: A.H. Sommerstein, Aristophanes: Lysistrata (Warminster 1990) 219 (with Cratinus fr. 254).

⁹¹ Cf. H.Herm 481; [Hsd.] Scut. 281.

⁹² The appeal to Μναμόνα (1248) recalls the sympotic use of remembrance of past events: cf. Rösler (n.50); Simondon, M., La mémoire et l'oubli dans la pensée grecque (Paris 1982)Google Scholar.

⁹³ Cf. e.g. Pindar's epinicians as komoi (Carey, C., AJP cx [1989] 545–65Google Scholar, esp. 549); Agathon's victory in Pl. Symp. and [Dem.] lix 33; also Alexander's seven-day komos after his Indian victories at Diod. xvii 106.1; Plut. Alex. 67.1.

⁹⁴ The staging and allocation of parts at the end is highly problematic, but if Sommerstein's (persuasive) arguments in favour of Lysistrata's giving the commands in 1273 ff. are right, we would have a scene with her in charge parallel to the oath-swearing at the start: cf. Sommerstein (n.90) 221-2.

⁹⁵ Cf. Daremberg and Saglio (n.28) 1597.

⁹⁶ Neaera again: [Dem.] lix 33 καὶ ὡς ἅλλους τε πολλοὺς ἐπὶ κῶμον ἕχων ἡλθεν αὐτήν.

⁹⁷ For Spartan hostility to the symposium, cf. Pl. Laws 1.637a-b.

⁹⁸ Cf. also Levine (n.7) 194-5 and Scaife, R., GRBS xxxiii (1992) 25–35Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ δέχομαι so regularly, and ἐκπίομαι = ‘drain off’ in Anac. PMG 373.2 (and = προπίνω in id. 433.2). Curiously, there are echoes of the Cyclops' reaction to Odysseus' miraculous wine: compare ὁ δὲ δέκτο καὶ ἕκπιεν and ἀλλὰ τόδ᾿ ἀμβροσίης καὶ νέκταρός ἐστιν ἀπορρώξ (Od. ix 353, 359). Is Dicaeopolis's Cyclopean isolation and selfishness thus foreshadowed at this crucial moment, and does his opposition to the one-eyed Pseudartabas hide a potential similarity?

¹⁰⁰ Diod. iv 12; the Acharnians use equally primitive stones.

¹⁰¹ Cratinus frr. 271, 292; Plato Com. fr. 201; Nicander, Alex. 362.

¹⁰² Fr. 41; see passages quoted by Rogers on Ach. 584.

¹⁰³ τριπήρ also means a vat into which wine is run (Isaeus fr. 24; Pollux vii 151).

¹⁰⁴ Furthermore, as Edmunds, L., YCS xxvi (1980) 20Google Scholar points out, ‘since Aristophanes… has defined comedy as wine-song (cf. 499-500), the characterization of War as the enemy of wine … implies … that War is the enemy of the festival, of the sacral basis of … peace’.

¹⁰⁵ Cf. Wasps 1222 ff.; Stracca, B.M. Palumbo, SIFC xiv (1996) 35–47Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Cf. Σ Pi. Ol. 9.1-2 ἕθος δὲ ἡν κωμάζειν τὴν νίκην ἐσπέρας τοῖς νικηϕόροις μετ᾽ αὑλητοῦ· μὴ παρόντος δὲ εἱς τῶν ἐταίρων ἀνακρουόμενος ἕλεγε· τήνελλα καλλίνικε; Lawler, L.B., ‘Orchesis kallinikos’, TAPA lxxix (1948) 254–67Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ So Σ Ach. 574; cf. Peace 474.

3¹⁰⁸ Cf. Dillon, J.E.M., ‘The Greek hero Perseus: myths of maturation‘ (Diss. Oxford 1989) 71–93Google Scholar; Vernant, J.-P., ‘Death in the eyes: Gorgo figure of the Other’, in Mortals and immortals: collected essays (Zeitlin, F.I. [ed.], Princeton 1990) 111-38 (137–8)Google Scholar; cf. ‘In the mirror of Medusa’, ibid. 141-50.

¹⁰⁹ Frontisi-Ducroux in Bérard 159-60; cf. Vernant (n.108) 149.

¹¹⁰ Cf. e.g. Frontisi-Ducroux in Bérard 151-65.

¹¹¹ ‘Lamachus oils the boss of his shield to make it shine more‘, (Σ^vet+Tr 1128). χαλκίον is not however so used elsewhere, meaning usually ‘a pot or cauldron’. Pollux quotes this passage for the meaning ‘metal reflector (of lamp)’: τὴν ἐλαιηρὰν ἑπίχυσιν, ἣν Εὔπολις μακρὸν χαλκίον ὠνόμασεν. καὶ Άριστοϕάνης… (x 92; cf. vi 110 = ‘bowl of a kottabos’); cf. Xen. Symp. 7.4 on the lamp and its reflector). However, since, in his corresponding lines, Dicaeopolis pours honey on his cake and this was earlier the counterpart of the shield (1124-5), the oil must be poured on the shield.

¹¹² E.g. ‘the satyr … presents man with the image of his hidden desires, of the savagery he holds in check, the exhibition of a truth quite different from his official identity’ (Frontisi-Ducroux in Bérard 156).

¹¹³ Cf. n.52 above. I know, however, of no texts where reflections in wine are discussed thus. Catoptromancy, for the first time in history, is another theme here: cf. Σ^vet 1128 and Delatte, A., La catoptromancie grecque et ses dérivés (Liege and Paris 1932) 133–5Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ If it does represent an event at the Choes, it is probably a private continuation of the drinking competition: cf. Hamilton 12-13; van Hoorn, G., Choes and Anthesteria (Leiden 1951) 30–3Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ The evidence is Eur. IT 947-60 (esp. ἄγγος ἴδιον, 953). Hamilton, who takes a very sceptical line on what we can know of the Anthesteria, suggests that this aetiology is the creation of Euripides (15), in part because the gloomy nature of the IT rite contrasts with that of the celebratory nature of the comic version. I see no problem, however, in a rite with different aspects that different genres could evoke for different purposes. 958-60 also seem odd if Euripides has made the connection up. Cf. on the festival Burkert (n.81) 213-47; Pickard-Cambridge (n.81) 1-25; Robertson, N., HSCP xcv (1993) 197–250Google Scholar.

¹¹⁶ Cf. A.M. Bowie 35-9.

¹¹⁷ In 590-600, κοινο-compounds appear six times; cf. 611-14.

¹¹⁸ Cf. [Dem.] xxv 21.

¹¹⁹ 229-30.

¹²⁰ Pl. Rep. 2.363c-d (tr. Cornford); cf. Foucart, P., Des associations religieuses chez les Grecs, thiases, éranes, orgéons (Paris 1873) 153–77Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Cf. πεπωκώς (948), δᾷδ᾿ ἔχων (978). Cf. Bowra (n.55).

¹²² A comparable scene of young man on komos and old lover appears near the end of Plutus (1040 ff.), but the very homely ending of that play makes no use of other sympotic imagery.

¹²³ Cf. esp. Saïd, S., ‘L'assemblée des femmes: les femmes, l'économie et la politique’, in Auger, D., Rosellini, M. and Saïd, S., Aristophane, les femmes et la cité (Fontenay-aux-Roses 1979) 33–69Google Scholar (abbr. tr. in Segal, E. [ed.], Oxford readings in Aristophanes [Oxford 1996] 282–313Google Scholar); Sommerstein, A.H., CQ xxxiv (1984) 314–33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Rothwell, K.S. Jr., Politics and persuasion in Aristophanes' Ecclesiazusae (Leyden 1990)Google Scholar; Taaffe, L.K., Aristophanes and women (London 1993) 124–33Google Scholar; Konstan, D. and Dillon, M., AJP cii (1981) 382Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ Cf. Xenoph. 1.17-18.

¹²⁵ For comedy as a symposium, cf. Plut. Mor. 10c (Socrates not offended by Clouds ὠς γὰρ ἑν συμποσίῳ μεγάλῳ ἐν τῷ θεάτρῳ σκώπτομαι); Cratinus fr. 182 οἴδ᾿ αὔθ᾿ ἡμεῖς, ὠς ὁ παλαιὸς | λόγος, αὑτομάτους ἀγαθούς ἱέναι | κομψῶν ἐπὶ δαῖτα θεατῶν; also Metagenes fr. 15; Astyd. TGrF 60 F 4; K-A on At.fr. 347. Cf. Philochorus FGrH 328 F 171 (n.27).

¹²⁶ Cf. A.M. Bowie 14-17.