¹ We also find κλείετε (Hes. Th. 105), ὔμνει (h. Herm. 1, h. ix 1, xiv 1, cf. xxxi 1).

² Hes. Th. 104, h. Dem. 494, h. vi 20, ix 7, x 5, etc.

³ Od. i 154 f., 328, 339 ff., iii 267, iv 17, viii 43 ff., 250 ff., 471 ff., ix 3, xi 368, xiii 9, 27, xvi 252, xvii 358, xxii 330 ff., xxiii 133, xxiv 439; Il. ix 186–91.

⁴ Besides the passages cited see Il. ii 599 f. (Thamyris), xiii 731, xxi 406; h. Herm. 425 ff. (where the instrument is a λύρη). For Hesiod see my note on Th. 30.

⁵ Ps.-Plut. de mus. 114 of/ia; but this only means that it was not used for Homer in the later classical period.

⁶ Heraclides Ponticus fr. 157 W. ap. Ps.-Plut. 1132c, καὶ γὰρ τὸν Τέρπανδρον ἔφη κιθαρῳδικῶν ποιητὴν ὄντα νόμων κατὰ νόμον ἔκαστον τοῖς ἔπεσι τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ καὶ τοῖς ῾Ομήρου μέλη περιτιθέντα ᾄδειν ἐν τοῖς ἀγῶσιν ἀποφῆναι δὲ τοῦτον λέγει ὀνόματα πρῶτον τοῖς κιθαρῳδικοῖς νόμοις Cf,1133c τὰ γὰρ πρὸς τοὺς θεοὺς ὡς βούλονται ἀφοσιωσάμενοι (citharodes before Phrynis) ἐξέβαινον εὐθὺς ἐπί τε τὴν ῾Ομήρου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ποίησιν. δῆλον δὲ τοῦτ᾿ ἐστὶ διὰ τῶν Τερπάνδρου προοιμίων (Citharodes' prooimia were evidently ascribed en masse to Terpander, as rhapsodes' prooimia to Homer. Cf. below n. 24.) Heraclides treated Homer's Demodocus and Phemius as citharodes, 1132b. Timomachus FGrH₇₅₄ F 1 gives the honour of being the first citharode to perform Homer's battles to one Stesandros of Samos (or Cyprian Salamis?).

⁷ Pl. Leg. εἰκός που τὸν μέν τινα ἐπιδεικνύναι καθάπερ Ομηρος ῥαψῳδίαν, ἄλλον δὲ κιθαρῳδίαν, κτλ.; Rep. 600d ῾´Ομηρον δ᾿ ἄρα οἱ ἑπ᾿ ἐκείνου . . . ἤ ῾Ησίοδον ῥαψωδεῖν ἄν περιιόντας εἴων; Cert, Hom. et Hes. ς ποιήσαντα γὰρ τὸν Μαργίτην ῾'Ομηρον περιέρχεσθαι κατὰ πόλιν ῥαψῳδοῦντα ἐκεῖθεν δὲ παραγενόμενος εἰς Κόρινθον ἐρραψῴδει τὰ ποιήματα

⁸ Pl. Ion 535b ἤ τὸν ᾿Οδυσσέα ὅταν ἐπὶ τὸν οὐδὸν ἐφαλλόμενον ᾄδῃς [Pl,] Eryx. 403d τῶν ῥαψῳδῶν οἴ τὰ ῾Ομήρου ἔπη ᾄδουσιν Vit. Hom. Scorial. περιιὼν δὲ τὰς πόλεις ᾗδε τὰ ποιήματα; Ps.-Hdt. Vit. Hom. 32 ὁ δὲ ῾῾Ομηρος ἀείδει αὐτοῖς τὰ ἔπεα τάδε, ἄ καλέεται Κάμινος; 33. The word ὁαψῳδός itselfimplies ᾄδειν. It is not attested before the fifth century (GDI 5786 [Dodona], Hdt. V67, S. OT 391), but best interpreted as referring to formulaic composition. Cf. ‘Hes.’ fr. 357. 2 μέλπομεν έν νεαροῖς ὔμνοις ῥάψαντες άοιδήν Pind. N. ii i ῾Ομηρίδαι ῥαπτῶν ἐπέων . . .ἀοιδοί

⁹ Pl. Ion 535b, c bis, c, 537a; Ps.-Hdt. 9, 11, 14, 16, 17, 22, 30, 31, 35, Cert. 7–8, 12; 15 ὁ δὲ ῾῾Ομηρος . . . περιερχόμενος ἔλεγε τὰ ποιήματα, 17, 18.

¹⁰ Schol. Pind. N. ii id, Eust. in Horn. p. 6. 17, schol. Pl. Ion. 530a = Suda s.v. ῥαψῳδοί Cf. below, p. 124. Note, however, that Plato classes Homer's Phemius as a rhapsode (Ion 533c, even if ῥαψῳδοῦ be removed from the text).

¹¹ Pl. Ion 532d, 535–6a, Rep. 395a, Alcid. Soph. 14, Arist. Rhet. 1403b22, Poet. 1462a6.

¹² See J. Wackernagel, Kl. Schr. 880–1, 1102–7, 1154–78.

¹³ E.g. SIG³ 711 L 31,958. 35, 959. 9; IG vii 1773.17, 1776.15.

¹⁴ Paus. ix 30. 3; cf. x 7. 3, λέγεται δὲ καὶ ῾Ησίοδον ἀπελαθῆναι τοῦ ἀγωνίσματος (the hymn competition at Delphi) ἄτε οὐ κιθαρίζειν ὁμοῦ τῇ ᾠδῇ δεδιδαγμένον See further my note on Hes. Th. 30.

¹⁵ Murko, M., Neue jb. f. das Kl. Alt. xliii (1919) 285Google Scholar.

¹⁶ H. M., and Chadwick, N. K., The Growth of Literature (Cambridge 1932–1940) ii 22, 452;Google ScholarLord, A. B. in Wace, A. J. B., Stubbings, F. H. (edd.), Companion to Homer (London 1962) 181Google Scholar.

¹⁷ For a full account of the correlation of accent and melody see Winnington-Ingram, R. P. in Symb, Osl, xxxi (1955) 64–73;Google ScholarPöhlmann, E., Griechische Musikfragmente (Nürnberg 1960) 17–29Google Scholar.

¹⁸ Bake, A. in The New Oxford History of Music i 200Google Scholar Earlier four notes were used; see Strangways, A. H. Fox, Sammelband der Internationalen Musikgesellschaft ix (1907–1908) 482–3Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Strabo xiii 2. 4 p. 618, Clem. Str. vi 144. 1, Cleonid. p. 202 Jan, An. Par. i 56. 10.

²⁰ See Gombosi, O. J., Die Tonarten and Stimmungen der antiken Musik (Kopenhagen 1939) 35–40;Google ScholarWegner, M., Archaeologia Homerica U (Musik und Tanz) (Göttingen 1968) 2–12Google Scholar. Seven- and eight-stringed lyres had earlier been in use among the Minoans and Mycenaeans (Wegner 26–7).

²¹ See Winnington-Ingram, , CQ vi (1956) 183–6Google Scholar. He is concerned with the classical cithara, but the same arguments hold for the phorminx.

²² Ps.-Plut. 1141b, οἴονται δὲ καὶ τὴν κροῦσιν τὴν ὑπὸ τὴν ᾠδὴν (heterophonic or pararhythmic accompaniment) τουτον (the dithyrambist Krexos) πρῶτον εὑρεῖν, τοὺς δ᾿ ἀρχαίους πάντας πρόσχορδα κρούειν (played in unison with the voice).

²³ The same is true of a good deal of Anglican chant, A number of the specimens of primitive music given by Schneider, M. in The New Oxford History of Music i 61–82Google Scholar have an equally restricted melodic range; some of them are on only three notes, or two. See nos 1–3, 5, 7–10, 14, 27–8, 56, 58, 61, 86; and p. 152.

²⁴ They suit the transition at the end of a prooimion, and might genuinely be the work of some early citharode who contributed to the corpus of prooimia later attributed to Terpander. Most but not all of these were in hexameters; see CQ xxi (1971) 307–9Google Scholar. For their non-integral character cf. Cic. de Orat. ii 325, cónexum autem ita sit principium cónsequenti órátióní ut nón tamquam citharoedí prooemium adfictum aliquid sed cohaeréns cum omní corpore membrum esse videátur.

²⁵ Ps.-Plut. 1132d, Poll, iv 65, Suda iii 477. 16 Adler τετράδιος codd.: a genuine variant?).

²⁶ All note values are to be understood in terms of relative, not absolute pitch. Successive octaves are represented as C–B, c–b, and c'–b' (c' = Middle C). A line over a letter (ē) indicates that the note is raised by a quarter tone.

²⁷ Harm, i 26.

²⁸ Harm, i 19, 2y, fr. 83 Wehrli.

²⁹ E.g. Michaelides, S., The Music of Ancient Greece. An Encyclopaedia (London 1978)Google Scholar, under Diatonon genos and Enharmonion genos; Pintacuda, M., La Musica nella Tragedia Greca (Cefalù 1978) 59Google Scholar f., 160, 163.

³⁰ Arist. Probl. xix 15, Plut. de and. 46b, Ps.-Plut. 1137dc, Psellus π. τραγῳδίας 5 (ed. R. Browning in FEPAE, Studies Presented to G. Thomson [Prague 1963] 67Google Scholar ff.). Chromaticism was introduced to tragedy by Agathon (Plut. Quaest. cony. 645de) or Euripides (Psellus). On Psellus' remark that some tragic enharmonic had an admixture of the diatonic, see below, p. 128.

³¹ Ps.-Plut. 1137f, 1145a.

³² Ibid. 1141b, 1143b.

³³ Aristox. Harm, i 23, fr. 83; Ps.-Plut. 1143c.

³⁴ Ps.-Plut. 1135ab, 1137ab.

³⁵ Ibid. 1134f–5b, 1137b–d, cf. Arist. Probl. xix 32 Nicom. p. 253 Jan.

³⁶ Winnington-Ingram, , CQ xxii (1928) 83Google Scholar ff.

³⁷ Cf. Fox Strangways (n. 18) 477 f. ‘The actual sound of these intervals, as sung in modern European Folksong (by all reports) or in India, does not present itself as either major or minor Third, but as something which is neither and yet perfectly suitable.… It seems quite clear that though major Thirds and minor Thirds may incidentally be sung often enough, the intervals are not thought so; and it is the “functions” of notes that really matter.’

³⁸ ii 14, p. 80. 29 W.-L; Winnington-Ingram, , Mode in Ancient Greek Music (Cambridge 1936; repr. Amsterdam 1968) 59Google Scholar. For the immediate source Laloy, L., RPhil xxiv (1900) 33,Google Scholar plausibly suggested a commentary on Plato. Thrasyllus may be a possibility.

³⁹ See Mountford, J. B., CQ xvii (1923) 126–9;Google Scholar Winnington-Ingram (n. 38) 21 ff. (with reservations about the Lydian scale).

⁴⁰ See L. Picken in The New Oxford History of Music i 145 f., 166 f.

⁴¹ Agathon is said to have introduced them to tragedy (Psellus, π. τραγ. 5). Of course if the source is a commentary on Plato, they do not appear because Plato does not mention them in the passage concerned.

⁴² Unless we say they are just aulos-scales; but harmonic theory was always based on the cithara.

⁴³ Agis 10.7, de profic. in virt. 84a, Lac. Apophth. 220c. Others say Timotheus (Plin. NH vii 204) or Prophrastus of Pieria (Nicom. p. 274 J., Boeth. Inst. Mus. i 20).

⁴⁴ Gombosi (n. 20) 67 ff.

⁴⁵ Arist. Probl. xix 20, 33, Ps.-Plut. 1135a, Dio Chrys. li 7 (ii 174. 3 Arnim).

⁴⁶ According to Ps.-Plut. 1135b (apparently from Aristoxenus) it originated in the Lydian and Phrygian modes. The name given to the smallest interval, δίεσις, means ‘a letting through’, sc. of an extra quantum of air; the unit of measurement based on the lyre is τόνος ‘a tightening’, sc. the tightening required to increase a fourth to a fifth.

⁴⁷ Alem. 126 Φρύγιον αὔλησε μέλος τὀ Κερβήσιον Stes. 212 τοιάδε χρν´ Χαρίτων δαμώματα καλλικόμων ὑμνεῖν Φρύγιον μέλος ἐξευρόντας ἁβρῶς ἦρος ἐπερχομένου

⁴⁸ See below, p. 126.

⁴⁹ The Phrygian mode, admittedly, is more strongly associated with the pipes (cf. Alcm. loc. cit., Arist. Pol. 1342b); it was supposedly invented by the piper Hyagnis or Marsyas. But no mode is peculiar to one instrument.

⁵⁰ They are practically confined to poetry. νέατος survives in Hippocratic writing and in the Arcadian dialect. The choice of στρατηγὸς ὔπατος as the Greek for consul is unexplained; see Mason, H. J., Greek Terms for Roman Institutions (Toronto 1974) 165Google Scholar ff.

⁵¹ Artistic representations, for what they are worth, sometimes show the forefinger on the third string, sometimes on the second (Gombosi [n. 20] 121 f).

⁵² Thrasyllus ap. Theon. Smyrn. p. 88 Hiller; Boeth. Inst. Mus. i 20 p. 208 Friedlein. An alternative name is διάπεμπτος (in the ὁρμασία p. 32 Pöhlmann).

⁵³ It may be of interest to note that Gombosi, by quite different arguments, arrives at a tuning for the four-stringed lyre which differs in only one note from that suggested here (op. cit. [n. 20] 41, 77: e a b d').

⁵⁴ This sort of downward progression is common in primitive melodies. See the examples in Schneider (above n. 23), nos 14, 26, 56, 68,71, and p. 152 ex. 247, p. 178 exx. 284 and 286. Often these songs end on the note a fourth, fifth, or octave below that on which they began. It may be relevant that the earlier Greek practice was to read scales downwards.

⁵⁵ Georgiades, T., Der griechische Rhythmus (Hamburg 1949) 122Google Scholar ff., propounded a faintly similar theory, according to which the singer repeated the same melody in each line, but with minor modifications (shakes on particular notes) to take account of word accents.

⁵⁶ P. i 3. Schol. glosses ἀμβολάς as προαναφωνήσεις καὶ κρούσεις Cf. schol. N. vii 114 d (ἀναβάλεο) ἀνακρούου καὶ ἄρχου τι λέγειν; Et. Magn. ἀμβολάδην ἀναβάλλων, ἤ ἐξ ὑποβολῆς . ἀμβολαὶ γὰρ αἱ ἀναβολαί, ἀρχὴ καὶ προοίμιον παρὰ τοῖς μουσικο.

⁵⁷ Phot. ἀναβοκή προοίμιον διθυραμβικοῦ ᾄσματος. Εὔπολις Βάπταις (5 Demiańczuk, 67A Edmonds). αὔλησον αὐτήν κύκλιον ἀναβολήν τινα. Ar. Pax 830 (schol. τὰς ἀρχἀς τῶν ᾀσμάτων) Av. 1385 (schol. προοίμια). Arist. Rhet. αἱ περίοδοι αἱ μακραὶ οὖσαι λόγος γίνεται καὶ ἀναβολῇ ὅμοιον· ὥστε γ´ιγνεται ὃ ἔσκωψε Δημόκριτος ὁ Χῖος εἰς Μελανιππίδην ποιήσα ἀντὶ τῶν ἀντιστρόφων ἀναβολάς,‘οἷ τ᾿αὐτῷ κακὰ τεύχει ἀνὴρ ἄλλῳ κακὰ τεύχων,ἡ δὲ μακρὰ ἀναβολὴ τῷ ποιήσαντι κακίστη’. The word is here apparently extended to instrumental passages within a composition.

⁵⁸ Theoc. vi 20, viii 71, x 22, Philostr, . imag. i 29,Google ScholarAphthon, . Progymn. 1 p. 2. 5Google ScholarRabe, , Himer. or. iii 3,Google Scholar Nonn. D. i 478, xix 102, xxiv 242. A little differently in Philostr. Jun. imag. 6. 3: (Orpheus' right foot) ἀναβάλλεται τὸν ῥυθμὸν ἐπικροτῶν τοὔδαφος τῷ πεδίλῳ In Ar. Pax 1267 and Isoc. Panath. 39 προαναβάλλεσθαι seems to mean ‘rehearse’.

⁵⁹ Parry, M. and Lord, A. B. , Serbocroatian Heroic Songs (Camb. Mass. 1953) i 437–62.Google Scholar

⁶⁰ Georgiades (n. 55) 98–121, points out that this is the rhythm of the commonest of modern Greek dances, the συρτός Καλαματιανός See also S. Baud-Bovy, Revue de Musicologie liv (1968) 12.

⁶¹ See Gnomon xlviii (1976) 5Google Scholar.

⁶² See my Hesiod. Theogony (Oxford 1966) 438Google Scholar ff.

⁶³ Mesomedes 1; Seikilos' song.

⁶⁴ Cf. Wilamowitz, , Pindaros (Berlin 1922) 339Google Scholar n. He renders ‘nach dem Faden seiner Verse’, appealing to the fact that ῥάβδος can mean ‘stripe’ in woven fabric (Poll. vii 53). ‘Recht alt, von Menaichmos von Sikyon (Schol. N. 2, 1) [FGrH 131 F 9] ist die Deutung, ῥάβδος wäre στίχος aber sie ist kaum mchr als ein Autoschediasma.’

⁶⁵ The idea of poetry as something ‘woven’ (cf. Pind. N. iv 44, fr. 179, Bacch. v 9, xix 8) is Indo-European: see M. Durante, Rend. Acc. naz. Lince ixv (i960) 238 f. = Schmitt, R. (ed.), Indogermanische Dichtersprache (Innsbruck 1973) 272–4Google Scholar.

⁶⁶ Cf. Il. iii 218 f., σκῆπτρον δ᾿ οὔτ᾿ ὀπίσω οὔτε προπρηνὲς ἐνώμα, ἀλλ᾿ ἀστεμφὲς ἔχεσκεν ἀΐδρῖ φωτὶ ἐοικώς

⁶⁷ Ath. 602cd. Cf. Pl. Ion 531a, where Ion is asked whether he is an expert only on Homer or also on Hesiod and Archilochus. Dionysius I hired rhapsodes to perform his own poetry at Olympia (Diod. xiv 109).

⁶⁸ Cf. JHS xcviii (1978) 164Google Scholar with n. 3. For Hesiod sung to the lyre cf. also Plut. Quaest. conv. 736e.

⁶⁹ See my Studies in Greek Elegy and Iambus (Berlin 1974) 12–14Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ I must refer to the second chapter of the work just cited.

⁷¹ Ps.-Plut. 1141a. Theoc. epigr. 21. 5 f. celebrates Archilochus as ἐπιδεξιος ἔπεά τε ποιεῖν πρὸς λύραν τ᾿ ἀείδειν Phillis of Delos (Ath. 626b) knew a stringed instrument called ίαμβύκη, to which τοὺς ἰάμβους ᾗδον . —Nothing useful can be inferred from D.L. ix 18 on Xenophanes, γέγραφε δὲ ἐν ἔπεσι καὶ ἐλεγείας καὶ ἰάμβους . . . ἀλλὰ καὶ αὐτος ἐρραψῴδει τὰ ἑαυτῦ.

⁷² Cf. CQ xxi (1971) 306–14Google Scholar.

⁷³ PMG 212. 2, quoted above (n. 49). This is consistent with Glaucus of Rhegium's statement (fr. 2 Lanata, ap. Ps.-Plut. 1133f) that Stesichorus used the ἁρμάτειος νόμος, which derived from the Phrygian Olympus. The Phrygian slave in Orestes 1384 calls his song ἁρμάτειος νόμος, and as he keeps emphasizing the barbarian nature of his lament, the mode was presumably the Phrygian. The scholiast identifies it with theνόμος Ἀθηνᾶς, and we are told that this was in the Phrygian mode (Ps.-Plut. 1143b). Alexander was so aroused by the sound of the ἁρμάτειος νόμος played on the pipes that he rushed for his weapons (Plut. Alex. fort. aut virt. 335a): cf. Cassiod. Varia ii 40 Phrygius (modus) pugnás excitat et vóum furóis inflammat.

⁷⁴ The Lydian harp: Pind. fr. 125, Soph. fr. 412 Radt, Diogenes TrGF 45 F 1.6 ff. Phrygian pipers: besides the legendary Olympus, Marsyas, and Hyagnis, cf. Ath. 624b, and Hipponax 163.

⁷⁵ M. Schneider (n. 25) 29.

⁷⁶ See Glotta li (1973) 161–87;Google ScholarCQ xxiii (1973) 179–87Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Arist. Probl. xix 37 οἱ νόμοι<οἱ> ὀ.ρθιοι καὶ οἱ ὀξεῖς χαλεποὶ ᾆσαι διὰ τὸ ἀνατεταμένοι εἶναι.

⁷⁸ P. 28. 12 W.-I. He characterizes the nomic style generally as νητοειδής, the dithyrambic as μεσοειδής, the tragic as ὑπατοειδής, p. 30. 1–4.

⁷⁹ Other passages are Pratinas 712(a) μήτε σύντονον δίωκα μήτε τὰν ἀνειμέναν {Ἰαστὶ} μοῦσαν, ἀλλὰ τὰν μέσαν νεῶν ἄρουραν αἰόλιζε τῷ μέλει (not quite in accord with Lasus); Telestes 810. 4 τοὶ δ᾿ ὀξυφώνοις πηκτίδων ψαλμοῖς κρέκον Λύδιον ὕμνον; Pl. Rep. 398e, Arist. Pol. 1340a40 ff., 1342b20 ff., cf. 1290a19 ff.

⁸⁰ Barbitos: Pind. fr. 125 says Terpander invented it, inspired by the Lydian harp's ψαλμὸς ἀντίφθογγος, i.e. its octave chords, its doubling of the melody in the bass. Auloi: Poll, iv 81, Ath. iv I74f–182e, Aristid. Quint, p. 85.4 ff W.-I.

⁸¹ Ps.-Plut. H34ab. Xylander's τριμελῆ and τριμελοῦς for τριμερ-, after 1132d, makes the name more meaningful, and fits the early use of μέλος for ‘mode’ seen in Alcm. 126, Stes. 212, Prat. 712(a).

⁸² See Winnington-Ingram (n. 38) 49 ff.

⁸³ Alcm. 1. 96–9. This improves on the musical interpretation put forward in CQ xvii (1967) 11 f. I referred there to the Pythagorean symbolon τί ἐστι τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖς μαντεῖον; τετρακτύς, ὅπερ ἐστὶν ἡ ἁρμονία, ἐν ᾔ αἱ Σειρῆνες, and to the eight Sirens who sing the notes of the octave in Pl. Rep. 617b.

⁸⁴ Cf. Chailley, J., Acta Musicologica xxviii (1956) 157Google Scholar.

⁸⁵ Paus. ix 12. 5, Ath. 631e.

⁸⁶ Fr. 32. The συμφωνοῦσαι ἁρμονίας τρίοδοι are nodal points from which the player could choose which modal path to take. When Pherecrates fr. 145 speaks of Phrynis getting twelve ἁρμονίαι on five strings, this may be a comic inversion of ‘five ἁρμονίαι on twelve strings’, which would be credible.

⁸⁷ Laloy (n. 38) 33; Winnington-Ingram (n. 38) 27.

⁸⁸ Psellus π. τραγ. ς ἡ δὲ παλαιὰ τραγικὴ μελοποιία γένει μὲν τῷ ἐναρμονίῳ ἐχρήσατο ἀμιγεῖ καὶ μικτῷ γένει τῆς ἁρμονίας καὶ δι<α>τόνων, χρώματι δε οὐδεὶς φαίνεται κεχρημένος τῶν τραγικῶν ἄχρις Εὐριπίδου. Dorian and Mixolydian are given as the modes chiefly used in earlier tragedy (Aristox. fr. 81 ap. Ps.-Plut. 1138d; Psellus loc. cit.). The Phrygian was introduced to the theatre by Sophocles (Aristox. fr. 79 ap. Vit. Soph. 23, Psellus loc. cit.).

⁸⁹ Psellus loc. cit.

⁹⁰ Cleonid. p. 198. 13, Bacchius p. 309. 9, Gaudentius p. 347. 10 Jan. Xenocritus: schol. Pind. O. xi 17. Ath. 625e says the Locrian mode was neglected after the time of Pindar, but this may be based on the fact that the name fell into disuse.

⁹¹ I owe gratitude to Professor R. P. Winnington-Ingram not only for much illumination from his published work but also for reading the present article and saving me from some errors.