¹ The mausoleum cannot be identified with any of the architectural remains recorded either on the sketch-plan of Fellows (Xanthian Marbles, pl. 2) or on that of Krickl published by Benndorf, (ÖJh. iii (1900), p. 100Google Scholar). According to Fellows' description it must have been situated at the foot of the south slope.

² Descriptions of nos. 959 and 960 and pencil sketches of no. 958, presumably the work of F. Matz, are in the material of the Corpus of Sarcophagus Reliefs.

³ For permission to study and to publish the sarcophagi, for photographs and drawings, and for other information I am indebted to Mr. E. J. Forsdyke and to Mr. F. N. Pryce. The latter is also responsible for the translation of my German text.

⁴ Cf. Cat. of Sculpt. II, p. 61. As the excessively minute drawing and in particular the lettering forbade any attempt at photographic reproduction, Mr. Waterhouse made a copy of the original, including every material detail. The drawings of the sarcophagi mentioned l.c. are of no importance.

⁵ For the literature, cf. Mau-Mercklin, , Kat. d. Bibl. d. deutschen arch. Inst. Rom., I, 1Google Scholar, pp. 192 ff., and Matz, F.Supplement, pp. 121Google Scholar ff. In particular, MAMA. III (Keil-Wilhelm, Denkmäler aus dem Rauhen Kilikien).

⁶ ÖJh. xxvi (1930), Beiblatt, p. 7, fig. 3.

⁷ Cf. Benndorf-Niemann, , Reisen in Lykien u. Karien, pp. 90Google Scholar, 101; Luschan, Petersen-v., Reisen in Lykien, etc., II, p. 152Google Scholar; Paribeni-Romanelli, , Mon. Ant. 23 (1914), p. 244Google Scholar; Keil-Wilhelm, op. cit., p. 35.

⁸ In the mausoleum of Claudia Tatiana at Ephesus the two Attic sarcophagi were also apparently set in opposition as a pair. It is to be hoped that the publication of all the fragments will shortly give us further details of these chronologically important pieces. Another pair may have been formed with the Attic Amazon-sarcophagus and an Erotes-sarcophagus from Tolmetta, now in the Museum at Benghazi; the fragments are published by Pietrogrande, A. L., Africa Ital. iii (1930), pp. 108Google Scholar ff.

⁹ Petersen in Lanckoroński, , Städte Pamphyliens und Pisidiens, II, pp. 72Google Scholar, 184.

¹⁰ Numerous examples prove that it was no hindrance to export for back or sides to be unfinished. Hence there is no reason to assume with de Jerphanion, G., Orient. Christ, xxviii, pp. 223Google Scholar ff. that the couch-sarcophagus of S. Lorenzo was made, or worked over, in Rome.

¹¹ This corresponds with the description of Oribasius (Bussemaker-Daremberg, , Oeuvres ďOribase, I, p. 522Google Scholar; de Fouquières, Becq, Les jeux des anciens, p. 163Google Scholar), who uses the word κρίκος for the hoop.

¹² For hoop-play and for the shape of the ἐλατήρ, cf. Becq de Fouquières, op. cit. pp. 159 ff.; van Hoorn, G., De vita atque cultu puerorum, pp. 72Google Scholar ff.; Klein, A. E., Child Life in Greek Art, p. 17Google Scholar.

¹³ Athens, National Museum, nos. 1181 and 1183, from Anaphe; Papaspyridi, p. 171; Photo Alinari 24339.

¹⁴ Compare e.g. fig. 2 and Robert, , Sarkophagreliefs, III, 2Google Scholar, no. 216, pl. 70.

¹⁵ Cf. fig. 2; Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xlv (1930), p. 168Google Scholar, n. 7.

¹⁶ The lion group on the back of the Mattei Musesarcophagus now in the Museo delle Terme is probably a product of the influence of Attic sarcophagi imported into Asia Minor; I interpreted this differently in RM. 38–39, p. 7, n. 2. Morey, , The Sarcophagus of Claudia Antonia Sabina (Sardis, V, 1), pp. 49 ff.Google Scholar, does not refer to the back. The sarcophagus in Termessos, Lanckoroński, II, p. 111, fig. 78, is more strongly orientalising.

¹⁷ Inv. no. 1454. Kekulé-Schröder, , Gr. Skulptur,³ p. 373Google Scholar.

¹⁸ JdI. xlv (1930), p. 160.

¹⁹ AZ. 30 (1873), pp. 11 ff.

²⁰ JdI. xlv (1930), Taf. 5–7, Abb. 32, p. 178, n. 5.

²¹ JdI. xlv (1930), p. 178.

²² Also the ‘puer’ of the Horatian ode (see above) is not a small child, but a big lad. On the other hand, on Roman sarcophagi we often find typical children's games, among them a disk with an axis driven by a stick (cf. Benndorf-Schóne, Lateran no. 30; van Hoorn, op. cit. p. 75, fig. 26).

²³ Goethe intuitively felt the Greek nature of the Hippolytos-sarcophagus in the Duomo of Girgenti, (Ital. Reise, 24 April, 1787Google Scholar). When he said, ‘In this the object was to portray beautiful youths; for this reason the old woman was represented very small and pigmy-like between them, as a mere accessory which would not disturb,’ he hit upon a distinctive quality of Greek sarcophagi, in opposition to the narrative character of Roman art.

²⁴ On the symbolic meaning of gryphons, lions, and sphinxes on the backs of the Attic sarcophagi see Snijder, G. A. S., Raccolta in onore di F. Ramorino, pp. 264Google Scholar ff.

²⁵ See e.g. Robert, II, 2, nos. 154 and 160, pls. 48 and 50.

²⁶ Robert, II, p. x; Altmann, , Arch. u. Orn. d. ant. Sark. pp. 86Google Scholar ff.; Robert, III, 2, p. 170; Weigand, , JdI. xxix (1914), p. 77Google Scholar.

²⁷ The sexual organs conform to the movement.

²⁸ Battle of the ships (from the Iliad): literature in Robert, III, 2, pp. 362 ff., nos. 1–8, Supplementary plates A and B; Robert III, 3, p. 576. As an example of a Roman Gaul-sarcophagus cf. the Ammendola sarcophagus in the Museo Capitolino (Jones, Stuart, Cat. 74Google Scholar, no. 5, pl. 14).

²⁹ Cf. JdI. xlv (1930), pp. 120 ff.

³⁰ The interpretation and the relation to the Battle of the Ships-sarcophagi cannot be discussed here. We are free to speculate whether Greek battle-sarcophagi, like the Roman Gaul-sarcophagi, go back to painted prototypes which had mutually a close connexion, as pendants or parts of a row of pictures.

³¹ Dütschke, II, no. 407; Robert, II, p. 131; Kieseritzky, , Museum of Ancient Sculpture (Russian), 1927, p. 150Google Scholar, no. 192 A; Waldhauer, , Anc. Sculptures (Russian), 1924, p. 150Google Scholar, no. 378. The sides and the larger left half of the front in Robert, l.c. from drawings by Eichler, made while it was still in Florence. The new photographs I owe to Waldhauer's constant kindness.

³² If the angle-akroteria mentioned by Dütschke, op. cit. p. 192, really belonged, then the sarcophagus had a roof-shaped lid, not a group on a couch. The roof form, the oldest, occasionally persists, though on later examples the couch predominates.

³³ Kastriotis 1179; Papaspyridi, pp. 173 ff., pl. xii (right short side). Drawings of all sides and of the figures on the lid in Le Bas-Waddington, Voyage arch. pl. 99/100; Matz, l.c. p. 15; Robert II, p. 131.

³⁴ Robert, II, no. 110, pl. 45; BM. Sculpt. Ill, no. 2303.

³⁵ Morey, C. R., The Sarcophagus of Claudia Antonia Sabina (= Sardis, V, 1, 1924Google Scholar). See also my remarks RM. 38/39 (1923–4), pp. 2 ff.; Gnomon, i (1925), pp. 121 ff.; and JdI. xlv (1930), pp. 184 ff.

³⁶ See note 16 above.

³⁷ Cf. e.g. Fellows, , Journal written … in Asia Minor, pls. 11 and 12Google Scholar. The direct connexion of tombs of this kind in Perge and the columnar-sarcophagus with tomb-door described by Lanckoroński (I, p. 50) is striking.

³⁸ The motive of the funeral feast, which is especially frequent in southern Asia Minor, may have assisted the adoption of the couch form of lid. On the still incompletely understood problem of the way in which this form was spread see Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xlv (1930), pp. 138Google Scholar ff., and Pietrogrande, , Africa Ital. iii (1930), p. 130Google Scholar. Another form of lid has yet to be proved for Asia Minor columnar-sarcophagi. In reply to an enquiry Eichler, F. kindly informs me that even on the columnar-sarcophagus (ÖJh. xxvi (1930)Google Scholar, Beibl. p. 10) the gable form of lid is not certain.

³⁹ It might also be a figure such as occurs on the fragment from Jailar: Morey, op. cit. p. 29, better illustrated in Keil-Premerstein, , Ber. über eine dritte Reise in Lydien (Denkschr. d. Akad. d. Wiss. Wien, 57, 1Google Scholar), p. 16, figs. 8 and 9.

⁴⁰ AA. 1930, pp. 464 ff., figs. 18–20.

⁴¹ Robert, , Sarcophagreliefs, III, 3, p. 455Google Scholar; Morey, pp. 33 ff.

⁴² Robert, II, no. 138, pl. 50; Morey, pp. 43 fr., fig. 73. The sarcophagus was built into the town wall and is so drawn by Laborde, , Voyage de ľAsie mineure, pl. LXIV, p. 133Google Scholar.

⁴³ Robert, III, 3, p. 337; Robert, , Arch. Hermeneutik, p. 70Google Scholar. Cf. Gnomon, i (1925), p. 126.

⁴⁴ Ann. Scuola di Atene, vi–vii (1923–6), pp. 481 ff., fig. 3. For the photograph reproduced here I am indebted to the kindness of R. Paribeni.

⁴⁵ Aristotle, , Hist. Anim. VIII, 33Google Scholar; Pliny, , Nat. Hist. VIII, 1Google Scholar, 79; Keller, O., Tiere d. class. Altertums, pp. 68Google Scholar ff.

⁴⁶ On hunting on horseback cf. Rodenwaldt, , Tiryns, II, p. 132Google Scholar, n. 1; Albizzati, , Mem. Pont. Acc. I, 1 (1932)Google Scholar; pp. 48 ff. was included in the third storey of the pyre of Hephaistion (Diod. XVII, 115).

⁴⁷ Robert, II, no. 68, pl. 37; III, 3, p. 552; Schrader, , Phidias, pp. 98Google Scholar ff.

⁴⁸ Perhaps further examination of the remains would establish the point.

⁴⁹ Xen, . Cyneg. 10, 12Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Op. cit. pp. 479 ff., figs, 1 and 2.

⁵¹ Amelung, , Skulpt. Vat. Mus. II, p. 232Google Scholar, no. 86, pl. 22; illustrated here from a new photograph. The other long side is so far unfinished that the hair and locks of the masks are not worked.

⁵² Mél. École de Rome, 1885, pl. VIII; Reinach, , Rép. Reliefs, II, p. 198Google Scholar, 2. The photograph Moscioni, Roma 11339, is inscribed beneath ‘Museo Borghese.’

⁵³ That the garlands bear no grapes may be ascribed to chance, or possibly to Roman taste, which preferred simple garlands. I hope elsewhere to have an opportunity to trace the influence of the eastern sarcophagi upon those of Rome.

⁵⁴ From old photographs it can be seen that the sarcophagus of the Via Salaria had the same gable ornament.

⁵⁵ Cf. the parallels adduced by Young; in particular, those from southern Asia Minor.

⁵⁶ Robert, II, no. 45, pl. 21. The correspondence is so strange that suspicion of forgery might arise were not the other parts of the sarcophagus free from objection.

⁵⁷ Morey, pp. 40 ff. Cf. the Asia Minor parallels mentioned by Young, op. cit. p. 152; add the frieze on the lid of a garland-sarcophagus from Tarsus in the Metropolitan Museum (Rodenwaldt, , Die Kunst der Antike ², p. 600Google Scholar), which in other details belongs to another class of garland-sarcophagi.

⁵⁸ E.g. on the child's sarcophagus in the Belvedere where Amelung expressed doubt, without cause, whether lid belonged.

⁵⁹ The length of the lid with fluted decoration (Pl. XV, top and left) measures 2·45 m., that of the other 2·44. I owe these dimensions to M. Gütschow. I will not discuss the tombs in detail here. The illustrations are from new photographs by C. Faraglia. The tombs are not in their original site; cf. Platner, , Bunsen, , etc., Beschreibung der Stadt Rom, III, 2, p. 327Google Scholar.

⁶⁰ Photo Berggren (the negatives of this collection of photographs are now in the possession of the German Archaeological Institute in Istanbul). Cf. Aziz, A., Guide du Musée de Smyrně ² (Istanbul, 1933), 44Google Scholar, photo, no. 9.

⁶¹ Mendel, Cat. d. Sculpt. III, no. 1363; Young, op. cit., p. 153. The same form of gable appears on two votive stelae to the god Men from Yalovatch (Antiochia ad Pisidiam), already adduced by Young (Mendel, nos. 1381 and 1382). The tendril along the slope of the gable is also found on a local group of grave-stones in Konia, derived from the pillar-sarcophagi (cf. Morey, p. 94), and on the tomb in Koumbet (Laborde, , Voyage de ľAsie Min. p. 78Google Scholar, pl. XXIX, 65). Probably derived from this is the motive of the tomb-façades of Aizanoi (Studniczka, , Trop. Traiani, p. 36Google Scholar, fig. 13).

⁶² It is open to doubt whether the fragment in Naples (Rizzo, , RM. xxv (1910), p. 104Google Scholar, fig. 5; Morey, p. 44) comes from a sarcophagus.

⁶³ JdI. xxix (1914), p. 73; Morey, p. 72.

⁶⁴ Cumont, , Syria, 1929, p. 218Google Scholar, pls. XL and XLI.

⁶⁵ Morey, p. 69; Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xlv (1930), p. 186Google Scholar, n. 1.

⁶⁶ Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xxviii (1913), p. 323Google Scholar and xxxvi (1921), p. 2, n. 1.

⁶⁷ Dütschke, , Ravennat. Studien, pp. 59Google Scholar ff., fig. 250a–d.

⁶⁸ E.g. Dütschke, op. cit. p. 10, fig. 3; p. 14, fig. 14a and b; p. 69, fig. 28a–d; p. 83, fig. 35a and b, etc. Further, we also encounter at Ravenna sarcophagi of Asia Minor form. The publication of Ravenna sarcophagi up to the present is inadequate.

⁶⁹ Cf. Annuario, iii (1916–20), pp. 25 ff.

⁷⁰ Morey, p. 34, figs. 39–41.

⁷¹ Torlonia: Morey, p. 47, figs. 83, 84. London: Morey, p. 51, fig. 92.

⁷² Even greater simplification is shown on a group of Asia Minor frieze-sarcophagi of which at the moment I can cite only two examples:—1, the Endymion-sarcophagus in the Louvre, found in the island of Castellorizo, (Cat. somm. 1922, p. 111Google Scholar, no. 3184); 2, a Dionysian sarcophagus in the monastery of S. Scolastica at Subiaco, which will be discussed in Vol. IV of the Corpus of Sarcophagus Reliefs. On these, above a Lesbian kymation (which is not decorated on the Endymion sarcophagus), stands a horizontal fluting as the lower border of the frieze of figures. There is no kymation at the top; the roof supplied the tectonic finish. This is found on Attic sarcophagi in the profile of the bases, which are similar in appearance but which clearly must be distinguished. To the influence of such eastern prototypes must be ascribed the unusual profile of the Roman Protesilaos-sarcophagus in the Vatican (Robert, III, 3, no. 432, pl. CXXXII).

⁷³ Moretti assumes that this sarcophagus had a second frieze above the upper terminal cornice. It is difficult to judge of this without a pictorial reconstruction incorporating all the fragments. In any case, we may attach to the ‘group of the Torre Nova sarcophagus’ and to connected sarcophagi, in a relation which should further be explored, the remarkable Centaur-sarcophagus of which front and sides are built into the wall of the Sala delle Muse in the Vatican (Robert, III, 1, no. 132, pl. XL). The lower member of the base is wanting. The Erotesfrieze has parallels on the lid of the Sidamara sarcophagus, and on the Garland-sarcophagus from Tarsus (Rodenwaldt, , Die Kunst der Antike ², p. 660Google Scholar).

⁷⁴ Morey, p. 48, figs. 85 and 86. Weigand's misplaced doubt of its Asia Minor origin was corrected by Rodenwaldt, , RM. 38–39 (1923–1924), p. 3Google Scholar, and by Morey, p. 48.

⁷⁵ Morey, figs. 66 and 67.

⁷⁶ Op. cit. p. 50. The photographs here referred to cannot be traced in Vienna despite A. Schober's kind researches. If the interpretation, l.c., of the very fragmentary remains is correct, pilasters replaced columns. The sarcophagus of Torre Nova has already taught us that we must reckon with the variant form in which pilasters are substituted for columns. Pilasters appear on the sarcophagus of Termessos published by Lanckoroński (op. cit. II, pp. 73 ff., fig. 24); the fragment of an arcaded sarcophagus in the Konia museum (no. 133) has three pilasters. This fact is of importance in some cases where it is doubtful whether we are dealing with works from Asia Minor or with Roman imitations (e.g. on the front of the vanished Herakles-sarcophagus, Robert, III, 1, no. 128, pl. XXXIX). Pilasters alone are no proof of western origin.

⁷⁷ Closely related in structure and base ornament to the sarcophagus of Melfi and the Torlonia Herakles-sarcophagus is a fragment of sarcophagus found by Theodore Bent in a tomb at Lydae in Lycia (cf. Kalinka, , ÖJh. iii, Beibl. p. 44Google Scholar) and given by him to the British Museum (fig. 15; Cat. of Sculpt. III, no. 2330, 4; Robert, III, 3, p. 573, no. 218; Robert following the description erroneously explained the fragment as a replica of the Attic Meleager-sarcophagi). Whether the various fragments (Cat. of Sculpt. l.c. nos. 2330, 1–4; cf. Robert, p. 570, no. 99) belong together, and how, is a problem that requires further investigation.

⁷⁸ Illustrated, by kind permission of M. Schede, from a photograph of the German Archaeological Institute in Istanbul.

⁷⁹ I do not here mention the other arcaded sarcophagi.

⁸⁰ Shapley, , Art. Bull. v (1923), p. 72Google Scholar; Morey, p. 78; Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xlv (1930), p. 84Google Scholar.

⁸¹ On this style of relief see Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xxxvii (1922), pp. 35Google Scholar ff. Pyxis of Bobbio, ib. p. 36, fig. 6, and note 1. Pyxis in Florence, Dutuit-Volbach, , Art Byzantin, p. 41Google Scholar, pl. 17 B. Pyxis in Sens, Duthuit-Volbach, p. 41, pl. 17 A; AA. 1932, p. 555, figs. 5, 6. Glass vase in S. Marco: Albizzati, , Mem. Acc. Pont. I¹, 1, pp. 51Google Scholar ff., Pl. II. Sarcophagus of Helena: Rodenwaldt, l.c. pp. 31 ff. On the diptychs see Delbrück, Die Consulardiptychen, passim, and especially Duthuit-Volbach, pl. 12 (Liverpool) and pl. 15 A and B (Florence).

⁸² ÖJh. xxiii (1926), Beibl. pp. 317 ff.

⁸³ Vereinig, d. Freunde Ant. Kunst: Bericht 1914, pp. 12 ff., Pls. II, III; Neugebauer, , Führer d.d. Antiquariurn, Berlin, I (Bronzen), p. 94Google Scholar, pl. 78; Lamb, W., Gr. and R. Bronzes, p. 233Google Scholar, n. 3; Neugebauer, , Gnomon, vi (1930), p. 269Google Scholar. Zahn assigns it to the beginning of the second century and assumes Alexandria, as the place of origin (Die Silberteller von Hassleben und Augst in Röm.-Germ. Forsch. 7, p. 82Google Scholar, n. 8 and p. 84).

⁸⁴ De Ridder, , Bronzes ant. du Louvre, II, p. 175Google Scholar, pl. 116; Neugebauer, , Führer d.d. Antiquarium, p. 95Google Scholar; Peirce-Tyler, , Ľart byzantin, I, p. 58Google Scholar, pl 67 (‘about 400 A.D.’) Fig. 15 from a new photograph by Giraudon, no. 31158.

⁸⁵ No. 745.

⁸⁶ The motive of the rider in combat bending back has been assigned by St. Poglayen-Newall, (Münch. Jahrb. xiii, 1923, pp. 54Google Scholar ff.), correctly, I believe, to Oriental influence. The working of the Oriental tradition can be traced as early as the Huntingmosaic in Palermo (Fuhrmann, , Philoxenos von Eretria, pp. 235 ff.)Google Scholar. Further, the preference for the full gallop on classical monuments of Asia Minor may be due to the neighbourhood of the Orient; cf. the hunts of Alexander and the Alexander mosaic as opposed to the Alexander-sarcophagus.

⁸⁷ Rodenwaldt, , JdI. xxxiv (1919), pp. 85Google Scholar ff. (Zeus Bronton). Allied to this Ferri, S., Nuovi monumenti plastici dello Zeus di Bitinia (Historia, vi, 1932), pp. 238Google Scholar ff. Of especial interest are the parallels to Phrygian provincial art in the newly-found sculptures of Doura (Baur, P. V., Prel. Report, 1929–1930; pp. 102Google Scholar ff., pls. xiv, xv). In respect of connexions and parallels with the neighbouring Orient, it would well repay us to investigate the local styles of the districts of Asia Minor in Imperial times. A. Riegl, it is well known, set the base of the column of Antoninus Pius in juxtaposition with the sarcophagus of Helena, (Spätröm. Kunstindustrie, ed. 1927, p. 172Google Scholar). He ignored the great differences; in particular, the column-base does not shew the isolation of individual figures. But all the same, the style of the relief is unusual for Rome and may have been influenced by art of Asia Minor corresponding to the style of the Hunting-sarcophagi.

⁸⁸ Cf. JdI. xlv (1930), p. 178 ff.

⁸⁹ Pfuhl, , M.u.Z. II, pp. 591Google Scholar, 600. It is to be hoped that the second, small vase of Xenophantos in Leningrad will be published shortly.

⁹⁰ Sarre, Die Kunst des alten Persien, pls. 114, 115.

⁹¹ Rostovtzeff, , Inlaid Bronzes of the Han Dynasty, 1927Google Scholar, pl. XIV; Tomita, Kojiro, Bull. Mus. of Fine Arts, Boston, xxviii (1930), p. 46Google Scholar.

⁹² E.g. Sarre, op. cit., pl. 104, etc.

⁹³ Cf. the Berlin wool-embroidery with huntingscenes, O. von Falke, Kunstgesch. d. Seidenweberei, figs. 30, 31. Attention may be especially called to the uncommon motive of the mounted huntsman of fig. 30 (cf. AA. 1932, p. 558, fig. 7), who carries a shield on his left arm, as is the case on the sarcophagus of Adalia. The same motive reappears on the hunting-mosaics of Orléansville (Reinach, , Rép. de Peint. p. 301Google Scholar, 3) and Magna, Leptis (Africa Ital. ii, 1928, p. 254Google Scholar, figs. 7 and 81); and these further have resemblances in their composition. Whether the composition of north-African hunting-mosaics and, to go further west, of hunting-scenes on Gaulish sigillata ware (e.g. Oswald and Pryce, , Introd. to the Study of Terra Sigillata, pl. XII, 1 and 2Google Scholar) is influenced by the Orient, remains to be ascertained.

⁹⁴ On the problem of Parthian art, cf. Gnomon, vii (1931), pp. 232 ff. and Müller, V., Gnomon, ix (1933), p. 104Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Müller, V., Die Raumdarstellung der altoriental. Kunst, Archiv, f. Orientforschung, v. 1928–1929, pp. 199Google Scholar ff.

^95a Cf. also Baur-Rostovtzeff, , Excav. at Dura-Europos, 1928–1929Google Scholar, pl. XLIII, 1, and 1930–1, pl. XXII, 1.

⁹⁶ On the Mesopotamian tradition of huntingscenes, which we may presume to have continued in the Parthian period, cf. Herzfeld, , Am Tor von Asien, p. 99Google Scholar. Cf. the leopards on the Hellenistic hunting scenes of Marissa, which are also in the Oriental tradition: Peters-Thiersch, Painted Tombs of Marissa, pl. VI. Roughly contemporary with our sarcophagus is the plaster frieze of Orthonobazos from Doura (Cumont, , Fouilles de Doura-Europos, pp. 233Google Scholar ff., pl. LXXXVI, 2 left). In describing the group of the rider who charges a lion standing up on its hind legs, Cumont referred to the Oriental connexions of the motive, which here again is taken over in its antique form.

⁹⁷ Ill. London News, 13 Feb. 1932, pl. i, no. 5. If this can be admitted as certainly Parthian, it will be of considerable significance for the problem of Parthian-Sassanian influence on the late antique hunting tapestries which are allied in many respects (cf. Falke, op. cit. figs. 30, 31; Reichl, O., AA. 1932, PP. 555Google Scholar ff.).

⁹⁸ JdI. xxxvii (1922), p. 38; Bonner Jhb. 133 (1929), pp. 243 fr.; JdI. xlv (1930). pp. 182 ff.; Gnomon, vii (1931), pp. 291 ff.

⁹⁹ Cf. Gnomon, vii (1931), p. 295.

¹⁰⁰ purely Oriental is the battle with a lion on the Lion Tomb of Xanthos, Pryce, , BM. Sculpt. I, 1, p. 121Google Scholar, pl. xx. See Fuhrmann, , Philoxenos von Eretria, p. 242Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ A complete chronology of Attic sarcophagi, based on a complete catalogue, will, it is hoped, be shortly published in a Berlin dissertation.

¹⁰² Cf. JdI. xlv (1930), pp. 185 ff.

¹⁰³ JdI. xlv (1930), p. 186.

¹⁰⁴ Both fragments described also by Lanckoroński, I, p. 16.

¹⁰⁵ Cf. the child's sarcophagus in Cyrene, , Africa Ital. iii (1930), p. 114Google Scholar, fig. 9.

¹⁰⁶ Lanckoroński, I, p. 50, II, p. 144: ‘The married couple on the mattress-lid is more common (in Sagalassos) than in Termessos.’ The example illustrated op. cit. fig. 113 is also given in Morey, P. 53, fig. 96.

¹⁰⁷ Op. cit. pp. 484 ff.; Annuario, viii-ix (1925–6), P. 359, fig. 1. The sarcophagus of Pednelissos, (Annuario, iii, 1916–1920, pp. 124Google Scholar ff., fig. 63) is plainly a local work.

¹⁰⁸ Robert, III, 3, p. 552.

¹⁰⁹ Altmann, , Arch. u. Orn. d. ant. Sark. p. 100Google Scholar. I am indebted to J. Keil for knowledge of the oldest certain date for Garland-sarcophagus of Asia Minor. The example published by Keil-Premerstein, , II Bericht über eine Reise in Lydien (Denkschr. d. Akad. Wien, Bd. 53), p. 39Google Scholar, fig. 34, is dated in the year 69–70.

¹¹⁰ As is assumed in JdI. xlv (1930), p. 186.