^{page 99 note 1} Halbherr, F. and Orsi, P., Antro di Zeus (Ideo, p. 3Google Scholar and Tav. xi.

^{page 99 note 2} J.H.S. xvii. (1897), p. 350 seqq.

^{page 100 note 1} See below, p. 113 seqq.

^{page 100 note 2} See Annual of the British School at Athens, 1900.

^{page 100 note 3} See my letter to the Academy, July 4, 1896, p. 18, and ‘Goulas, , the City of Zeus’ (Annual of the British School at Athens, 1896)Google Scholar. The recent French excavations on this site, conducted by M. De Margne, have shown that a part of it at least was occupied by the inland Latô. But the fact remains incontestable that the overwhelming mass of existing remains belongs to the prehistoric period.

^{page 100 note 4} See below, p. 181.

^{page 101 note 1} Apparently iu a large pot: recalling the culture of nurseling palms at Bordighera, where they are largely cultivated for religious purposes, owing to a special privilege from the Pope.

^{page 101 note 2} See p. 154, Fig. 32.

^{page 101 note 3} It was obtained by me on the spot in 1894.

^{page 102 note 1} Tsuntas, Μυκῆναι, Pl. XI.

^{page 102 note 2} See below, p. 135 seqq.

^{page 102 note 3} See p. 170.

^{page 104 note 1} Schliemann, , Mycenae, pp. 191Google Scholar, 192, Figs. 290, 291. These form part of a cruciform ornament. Schliemann did not notice that they were fig-leaves, but their outline is quite naturalistically drawn.

^{page 104 note 2} Paus. i. 37.

^{page 104 note 3} Athenaem, iii. 14: Διόνυσος Συκίτης Cf. Bötticher, , Baumkultus, p. 437Google Scholar.

^{page 104 note 4} See Bötticher, op. cit. p. 440.

^{page 104 note 5} See below, p. 128 seqq.

^{page 104 note 6} See below, p. 154, Fig. 31.

^{page 105 note 1} Anthropologie, vi. pp. 562, 563.

^{page 105 note 2} Od. xii. 62, 63.

^{page 105 note 3} Paul, Diac. De Gestis Langobardorum, v. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 105 note 4} Ohnefalsch-Richter, , Kypros, die Bibel und Homer, p. 283Google Scholar, Figs. 181, 182, 186. Tombs of the early class in which these vases occur go back, if we may judge from the discovery in one of them of a cylinder of Sargon (3800 B.C.), as early as the fourth millennium before our era.

^{page 105 note 5} For the ideas underlying this widespread primitive cult I need only refer to Tylor, , Primitive Culture, ii. p. 160Google Scholarseqq. and p. 215 seqq. The spirit is generally forced to enter the stone or pillar by charms and incantations, and sometimes also passes into the body of the priest or worshipper. The ‘possession’ itself of the material object is only in its nature temporary. ‘When the spirit departs the “idol” remains only a sacred object. When a deity is thus brought down into a tree it blends with the tree life.’

^{page 106 note 1} See my paper on ‘The Rollright Stones and their Folklore,’ p. 20, Folklore Journal, 1895.

^{page 106 note 2} It is worth noting in this connexion the appearance of a Zeus Labranios in Cyprus. I. Hall, H., Journ. American Oriental Soc. 1883Google Scholar. Cited by Richter, O., Kypros, &c. p. 21Google Scholar.

^{page 107 note 1} Amm. Marc. xxxi. 2, 21. ‘Nee templum apud eos visitur aut delubrum. … sed gladius barbarico ritu humi figitur nudus eumque ut Martern regionum quas circumcircant praesulem vereeundius colunt.’ Prof. Ernest Gardner also calls my attention to a passage of the Schol. A on Iliad A 264; Καινεὺς πήξας ἀκόνκιον ἐν τῷ μεσαιτάτῳ τῆς ἀγορᾶς θεὸν τοῦτο προσέταξεν ἀριθμεῖν

^{page 107 note 2} Perrot, et Chipiez, , Ľ; Art dans l'Antiquité, t. iv. p. 642Google Scholar and p. 647, Fig. 320.

^{page 108 note 1} Head, , Historia Numorum. pp. 476, 477Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 1} Plutarch, , Quaest. Graec. 45Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 2} See especially the reverse of a coin of Aphrodisias, struck under Augustus, , B. M. Cat. Caria, &c., Pl. VII. 2Google Scholar. Zeus Labraundos is often represented in only partially anthropomorphised form.

^{page 109 note 3} Et. Magn. s.v. Εὔδωνος Cf. Roscher's, Lexikon, Art. ‘Kureten,’ p. 1599Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 4} Πανάμαρος is the more usual form. See Kretschmer, , Einleitung in d. Gesch. d. griech. Sprache, p. 303Google Scholar, n. 2.

^{page 109 note 5} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 362Google Scholar, Fig. 541; Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, Pl. II. 42Google Scholar.

^{page 109 note 6} Jahrbuch d. K. D. Inst. vii. (1892), p. 191. He derives Λαβύρινθος from Λαβρύνθιος a possible adjectival form of Λάβρυς A similar but somewhat variant view is put forth by Kretschmer, (Einleitung, p. 404Google Scholar), to whom it had occurred independently. He makes Λαβύρινθος a Cretan corruption of the Carian Λαβραυνδος or its alternative form Λαβραυυνδος Dr.Spiegelberg, W., indeed, has lately (Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, Dec. 1900, pp. 447—449Google Scholar), revived the view, suggested by Jablonsky, that the name Λαβύρινθος took its origin from the Egyptian building known to the Greeks by that name, the Mortuary Temple, namely of Amenemhat III, whose more lasting monument is the Fayum Province. The official form of Amenemhat's name N -m;'t-Re' was Grecised into Λαβαρίς and Spiegelberg would derive Λαβύρινθος from this + the -ινθος ending of place-names, as Κόρ῀ινθος But the obvious objection to this is that this termination, which in related forms can be traced through a large Anatolian region as well as Greece, belongs to the præ-Hellenic element of the Aegean world, to the same element, in fact, to which labrys itself belongs. On the other hand it is quite natural to suppose that the Greeks having taken over the word Λαβύρινθος applied by the earlier race to the Cretan building, should by a kind of Volksetymologie transfer the term to the Temple of ‘Labaris.’

^{page 109 note 7} Max Mayer and Kretschmer (locc. citt.) derive the names of the places Λάβρανδα and Λαβύρινθος from the names of the God, and thus indirectly from the λάβρυς But the numerous terminations of local Carian names in -nda -ndos, on the one side, and of prae-Hellenic sites in Greece in -intbos or -yn(th)s, make it probable that both the Labyrinth and Labranda may have taken their name directly from the sacred axe, meaning simply “the place of the labrys.”

^{page 111 note 1} See Annual of the British School at Athens, 1900.

^{page 111 note 2} Annual of the British School at Athens, 1897–8, p. 15.

^{page 111 note 3} Murray, A. S., etc. Excavations in Cyprus, p. 73Google Scholar, Fig. 127.

^{page 112 note 1} Lenormant, , Art. ‘Baetylia’ in Daremberg, and Saglio, , Dict, des Antiquités, i. 642Google Scholarseqq.; Baudissin, , Studien zur Semitischen Religion, ii. 232Google Scholarseqq.; Dr.Lewy, H., Die SemitischenFremdwörter im Griechischen, pp. 255, 256Google Scholar, who prefers the derivation ‘bet'eloah.’ The word was derived by the ancient grammarians from the Cretan βαίτη = goat or goat-skin, in special allusion to the stone substitute of Zeus swallowed by Kronos. This view has been revived by Svoronos, , Zeitschrift für Numismatik, 1888, p. 222Google Scholar, and is preferred by Mayer, Maximilian, Art. ‘Kronos,’ in Roscher's, Lexikon, ii. p. 1, 524Google Scholar. But it is not explained how the word came to be applied (according to the Etymol. M.) to the stone of Heliopolis.

^{page 113 note 1} Etymol. Mag. s. v.

^{page 113 note 2} ‘Further Discoveries of Cretan and Aegean Script,’ J.H.S. xvii. (1897) p. 350 seqq.

^{page 113 note 3} Od. x. 519, 520.

^{page 113 note 4} Cf. Diod. v. 20.

^{page 114 note 1} The analogy between these and the Diktaean Libation Table as reconstructed has been noted by Dr.Wolters, P. (Jahrbuch d. k. d. Inst. 1900, pp. 147, 148)Google Scholar; but the explanation given by him, that both the Diktaean structure and those represented on the signets are ‘altars,’ falls, as I venture to believe, short of the truth. The view again and again put forward in the course of the present study, is that they are in reality small shrines, the central columnar support of which is the aniconic image of the divinity. They are only ‘altars’ in a secondary sense.

^{page 114 note 2} I have actually seen egg offerings thus placed on the top of a sacred stone in Finnish Lapland. The stone itself was so high that for the convenience of the votaries a primitive form of ladder in the shape of a notched pine trunk was laid against it.

^{page 114 note 3} Mon. Inediti, ii. Pl 37; Bötticher, Baumkultus, Pl. 56.

^{page 115 note 1} Figs. 8 a, and 8 b, Tarsus, seal, haematite, Arch. Inst. Journ. 1887, p. 348 (Ashmolean Museum)Google Scholar; cf. cylindrical seal from Cæsarea in Cappadocia, Dresden Museum (Messerschmidt, L., Orientalistische Litteratur-Zeitung, 1900, p. 442Google Scholar, Fig. 1). Fig. 8, c, seal from Yüzgat, S. E. of Boghaz Kiòi, Budge, , Proc. Soc. Bibl. Arch. ix. Nov. 1886Google Scholar, (in the British Museum). Cf. another seal from Yüzgat (Tyler, T., Internat. Congr. of Orientaliste, 1892, p. 267Google Scholar, Fig. 13), where the winged disk surmounts a somewhat more primitive cone. On several examples the God himself is seen in anthropomorphic form before his baetylic cone and altar slab.

^{page 115 note 2} Now in the British Museum. Mr. Dennis obtained it when Consul at Bengazi, but no account exists of the exact place or circumstances of its discovery.

^{page 116 note 1} More fully described below. See p. 161.

^{page 116 note 2} Svoronos, , Numismatique de la Crète ancienne, Pl. XXXV. 36Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 1} Thanks to the kindness of Dr. Tsuntas I am able to reproduce these objects from drawings made by M. Gilliéron.

^{page 117 note 2} See below, p. 168 seqq.

^{page 117 note 3} See Fig. 1, p. 101.

^{page 117 note 4} From a dromos tomb, with rock-cut square chamber, some distance north of the Acropolis.

^{page 117 note 5} Found in a plundered tholos tomb west of the ridge leading from the Acropolis to Charvati.

^{page 117 note 6} Found in the same tomb as the preceding.

^{page 117 note 7} Dr. Tsuntas interprets this feature in the same manner. It might be also regarded as a capital of the column, but this would not explain the side supports. It is obviously a receptacle.

^{page 118 note 1} See Prof. Gardner, P., J.H.S. xvi. (1896) Pl. XII. and p. 275Google Scholarseqq., where various classical parallels to this type of tripod are given.

^{page 118 note 2} Herodotus (ix. 81) speaks of the tripod as standing over the three-headed serpent.

^{page 118 note 3} P. 30, Ed. Orelli.

^{page 118 note 4} See Wide, Sam, Lakonische Culte, p. 21Google Scholar. ‘Zeus Kappotas is der vom Himmel gefallene ἀργὸς λίθος καππώτας= κατα-πώτ-ας aus der Wurzel πετ- πώτ- vgl. πώτ-ά-ομαί’ Sam Wide saw in it rather a ‘thunder-stone’ than a meteorite. But the two ideas can hardly be kept distinct.

^{page 118 note 5} Pliny, , H. N. xxxvii. 9Google Scholar. Sotacus et alia duo genera fecit cerauniae, nigrae rubentisque, ac similes eas esse securibus; iis quae nigrae sunt et rotundae urbes expugnari et classes easque betulos vocari: quae vero longae sunt ceraunias.' Betuli are βαίτυλοι. On stone axes or celts regarded as thunderbolts, cf. Evans, J., Ancient Stone Implements (2nd ed.), p. 62Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 118 note 6} Διὸς κεραυνο῀ Cauer, , Del. (2nd Ed.) 447Google Scholar, (I. G. A. 101) S. Wide, loc. cit., refers to this.

^{page 119 note 1} See Prof.Miers, H. A., ‘The Fall of Meteorites in Ancient and Modern Times,’ Science Progress, vol. vii. 1898Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 1} Tsuntas, , Ἐϕ. Ἀρχ. 1899Google Scholar, Pl. VII.

^{page 120 note 2} Clem. Rom., Recogn. 1. 24Google Scholar; Enmann, , Kypros und der Ursprung des Aphroditekulus, p. 34Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 3} Clem. Alex., Protr. p. 40Google Scholar; see Enmann, op. cit. p. 33 and p. 27 seqq.

^{page 120 note 4} Tatian, , adv. Graec. 8, 25Google Scholar. ῾Ο δὲ ὀμφαλὸς τάφος ἐστὶ Διονύσου

^{page 120 note 5} Philoch. fr. 22 in Malala, ἔστιν ίδεῖν τῆν ταφὴν αὐτοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖς παρὰ τὸν Απόλλωνα τὸν χρυσοῦν βόθρον δέ τι εἶναι ὐπονοεῖται ἠ σορός ἐν ᾦ γράφεται ᾿Ενθάδε κεῖται θανὼν Διόνυσος ὁ ἐκ Σεμέλης

^{page 120 note 6} Paus. ii. 23, 7.

^{page 120 note 7} Plutarch, , Theseus, 20Google Scholar.

^{page 120 note 8} Ἀμυκλαίου, Ἑκ τοῦ. [Ἐφημ. Ἀρχαιολ. 1892, p. 1Google Scholarseqq.]

^{page 120 note 9} Cf. Polybios, 1. viii. c. 30, 2.

^{page 121 note 1} Hymn i.:— Κρῆτες ἀεὶ ψεῦσται, καὶ γὰρ τάφον ὦ ἄμα σεῖο Κρῆτες ἐπεκτήναντο σὺ δ᾿ οὐ θάνες ἐσσὶ γὰρ ἀεὶ

^{page 121 note 2} De Falsa Religione, lib. i. c. 11. ‘Sepulchrum eius (sc. Jovis) est in oppido Gnoso. … inque sepulchro inscriptum antiquis literis Graecis ὁ Ζεὺς τοῦ Κρόνου

^{page 121 note 3} Schol, in Callimachum. Hymn. i. According to this version the original description was Μίνωος τοῦ Διὸς τάφος then the name of Minôs was omitted. This version may, of course, be set down to Euhemerism, but it seems to record a true religious process by which the cult of Minôs passed into that of Zeus. That this explanation should have obtained currency is another indication that a tomb of Zeus was shown at or near Knossos.

^{page 121 note 4} Porphyr, , v. Pyth. § 17Google Scholar. Cf. Chrysostom, in Ep. Pavli ad Tit. 3Google Scholar. Hoeck, , Creta, iii. p. 36Google Scholar. The passages relating to the tomb of Zeus are collected in Meursius, , Greta, p. 80Google Scholar.

^{page 121 note 5} Jupit. Tragoed. 45: τάφον τινὰ ἐκεῖθι δείκνυσθαι καὶ στήλην ἐφεστάναι Cf., too, De Sacrificiis, 13.

^{page 121 note 6} De Errore Profanarum Religionum, c. vii 6, A vanis Cretensibus adhuc mortui Jovis tumulus adoratur.

^{page 121 note 7} ᾿Αναγωγὴ εἰς τὸν Τάνταλον cited by Meursius, Creta: ἐπὶ τῷ τάφῳ δεικνύουσι κολωνόν Buondelmonti and other later writers refer to the tomb as above a cavern.

^{page 121 note 8} Dr. Joseph Hazzidakis, the President of the Cretan Syllogos at Candia, and now Ephor of Antiquities, informs me that the remains on the top of Mount Juktas are still known to the country people about as Μνῆμα τοῦ Ζιἁ

^{page 122 note 1} The spot was visited by Pashley, (Travels in Crete, i. p. 252Google Scholarseqq.) who gives a sketch of a part of the outer temenos wall. He also found the spot locally known as the ‘Tomb of Zeus.’ The best account of the circuit wall is that given by Dr.Taramelli, Antonio, ‘Ricerche Archeologiche Cretesi,’ p. 70Google Scholarseqq. (Mon. Ant. vol. ix. 1899), accompanied by plans and illustrations. I cannot find, however, in either writer any mention of the remains of the small building on the summit.

^{page 122 note 2} See Academy, June 20, 1896, p. 513. The eastern and western ranges of Dikta, the sites respectively of the Temple and Cave of Zeus, are known as the Aphendi Vouno, from Αὐθέντης Χριστός or ‘Christ the Lord.’ A votive deposit, apparently connected with some Zeus cult, on a peak of Lasethi is also known as Aphendi Christos. It is, perhaps, worth noting in this connexion that at ‘Minôan’ Gaza Zeus Krêtagenês was known as Marnas, a form of the Syrian word for ‘Lord.’

^{page 122 note 3} See below, p. 177, 180.

^{page 122 note 4} This comparison has been independently made by Mr.Fowler, Warde, The Roman Festivals, p. 350Google Scholar. A similar shield, as Mr. G. P. Hill points out, is carried by the Juno of Lanuvium on Roman denarii.

^{page 122 note 5} Liv. Epit, lxviii.

^{page 123 note 1} See p. 192 seqq.

^{page 124 note 1} ᾿Εφημερὶς ᾿Αρχαιολογική 1887, Pl. X. 2, and p. 162; Tsuntas, and Manatt, , Myc. Age, Pl. XI., p. 299Google Scholar.

^{page 124 note 2} See below, p. 174.

^{page 124 note 3} ᾿Εφημερὶς ᾿Αρχαιολογική 1887, Pl. X. 1.

^{page 124 note 4} See below, p. 170.

^{page 124 note 5} See below, p. 163 seqq.

^{page 125 note 1} Both are in the Ashmolean Museum at Oxford.

^{page 125 note 2} For specimens of these Syrian bronzes see Perrot, & c., iii. p. 405, No. 277. Helbig, , Question Mycénéenne, p. 15Google Scholar seqq. Fig. 6–9. One is from Antaradus (Tartûs), another from Laodicea (Latakieh), and two others from Northern Phoenicia. Another fine ‘Hittite’ example was in the Tyszkiewicz collection. Helbig, while admitting that the Peloponnesian examples ‘révèlent un style plus souple et qui, par la rondeur de ses formes, se rapprochent déjà considérablement de la nature’, regards this as a more recent development of the same Oriental school, and, with Tsuntas (᾿Εφ. ᾿Αρχ 1891, p. 23), sees in them imported ‘Phoenician’ objects. But the Mycenaean examples are, if anything, earlier in date, and the two groups belong to very different schools, of which the Syrian is (as usual) the more barbarous.

^{page 125 note 3} See W. Max Müller, Asien und Europa.

^{page 126 note 1} Hogarth, D. G., Annual of the British School at Athens, 1900Google Scholar.

^{page 126 note 2} Tzetzes, , Chil. i. 537Google Scholar. Themistius, , Orationes, 15. p. 316Google Scholar a. Cf. Farnell, , ‘Origins and Earliest Development of Greek Sculpture,’ Archaeological Review, 1889, p. 169Google Scholar.

^{page 127 note 1} On the survival of this aniconic cult in historic Greece and its gradual transformation, see especially, Farnell, L. R., ‘The Origins and Earliest Development of Greek Sculpture,’ Archaeological Review, vol. ii. 1889, p. 167Google Scholarseqq. and his Cults of the Greek States, i. p. 13 seqq.

^{page 127 note 2} For the materials hearing on this subject I need only refer to the exhaustive work of Bötticher, Der Baumkultus der Hellenen.

^{page 127 note 3} Called Μϵνϵλαΐς Paus, viii, 23, 3.

^{page 127 note 4} See below, p. 170.

^{page 127 note 5} Paus. viii. 38, 7. Bérard, M., De l'Origini des Cultes Arcadiens, p. 73Google Scholarseqq. has rightly seen that the pillars here, like those of the Phoenician Melkarth and other Semitic examples, represent the God. But it is not necessary to accept his conclusion that this shows Phoenician or Semitic influence.

^{page 127 note 6} Paus. viii. 48, 6.

^{page 128 note 1} Diod. v. 66.

^{page 128 note 2} Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, Pl. L. 33Google Scholar. The gem is in my own collection.

^{page 129 note 1} Hoeck, G., Creta, i. 149Google Scholar and 343.

^{page 129 note 2} For the coins of Kydonia see B.M. Cat. ‘Crete.’ Pl. VII.; Svoronos, , Numismatique de la Crète Ancienne, Pl. IX. 22–26Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 3} Nikandros, in Antoninus Liberalis, 30.

^{page 129 note 4} For the great community between Mars and Apollo, see Furtwängler, in Roseher's, Lexikon, s. v. ‘Apollo,’ pp. 444Google Scholar, 445.

^{page 130 note 1} It is perhaps also worth remarking that, whereas in the Ficus Ruminalis Mars, is represented by his sacred bird, the picus or woodpecker (Cf. Mon. dell' Inst. xi. Tav. 3, 1Google Scholar, the Bolsena Mirror, and the gem in Bötticher, Baumkultus, &c. Fig. 37), Kedrênos calls the Cretan Zeus ‘Гīκος.’

^{page 130 note 2} Mr.Smith, Cecil (Class. Rev. 1899, p. 87Google Scholar) has noted, in relation to the recent discoveries, that the ‘niger lapis’ of Festus represented a black baetylic stone, such as that of the ‘Great Mother’ brought to Rome from Pessinus. He also aptly compares the lions beside the ‘tombstone’ of Romulus with those of Rhea-Kybelê. He further suggests that the so-called Tomb of Romulus being a baetylic stone standing in a bidental was naturally a ‘locus funestus.’

^{page 132 note 1} It is the more necessary to bear in mind the above considerations that Dr.Von Fritze, H., in his recently published essay, ‘Die Mykenischen Goldringe und ihre Bedeutung für das Sacralwesen,’ in Strena Helbigiana, p. 73Google Scholarseqq. has revived the endeavour to use the religious parallels observable between the Semitic religion and the Mycenaean cult scenes as an evidence of direct derivation from an Oriental source. He regards the Mycenaean, gold rings as ‘imports from the East’ (p. 79Google Scholar), and apparently (p. 82 seqq.) as of Phoenician fabric. Were it not for the fact that such views are still advanced, it would hardly seem necessary to point out that the rings belong to the same local Aegean school as the gems.

^{page 132 note 2} Cf. Bötticher, , Baumkultus, p. 520Google Scholar.

^{page 132 note 3} Genesis, xxviii. 18.

^{page 132 note 4} Genesis xxviii. 22.

^{page 133 note 1} See above, p. 112.

^{page 133 note 2} Joshua, iv. 5–9, 20–23.

^{page 133 note 3} Wrongly translated ‘grove’ in the Authorised Version.

^{page 133 note 4} The opinion that this was a Canaanite Goddess called Ashera is, as Smith, Robertson (Religion of the Semites, pp. 188, 189)Google Scholar has pointed out, not tenable. ‘Every altar had its Ashera, even such altars as in the popular, pre-prophetic forms of Hebrew religion were dedicated to Jehovah.’ (Cf. Deut. xvi. 21.)

^{page 133 note 5} See Robertson Smith, op. cit. pp. 204, 205.

^{page 133 note 6} The olive tree, with the two pillars beneath it, is represented on colonial coins of Tyre of the third century A.D. They bear the legend ΑΜΒΡΟΞΙΕ ΠΕΤΡΕ (Eckhel, , Doctrina Numorum, iii. 389Google Scholar; Babelon, , Perses Achérn. p. cxciv., Pl. XXXVII. 9, 11, 16)Google Scholar. Cf. Pietschmann, , Gesch. der Phönizier, p. 295Google Scholar.

^{page 133 note 7} II. Samuel v. 24.

^{page 133 note 8} Judges iv. 4 seqq.

^{page 134 note 1} Smith, Robertson, Religion of the Semites, p. 133Google Scholar, who compares ‘the old Hebrew fable of trees that speak and act like human beings.’

^{page 134 note 2} Op. cit. p. 193.

^{page 134 note 3} Judges ix. 8 seqq.

^{page 134 note 4} Macbeth, act iv. sc. 1. Svashcheniiya roshdi i derevja u Kavkazkih narodov. (In Reports of the Russian Geoyraphical Society, Caucasian Section, t. v. p. 158 seqq. ) Khetag is the legendary ancestor of a peculiar dark-haired tribe among the Ossetes whose badge is the lime tree.

^{page 134 note 6} See p. 200 seqq.

^{page 135 note 1} See p. 107.

^{page 135 note 2} See Fig. 3, p. 103.

^{page 135 note 3} See Fig. 65, p. 191.

^{page 135 note 4} See Figs. 56, 58.

^{page 135 note 5} See Fig. 25, p. 142.

^{page 135 note 6} See below, p. 154.

^{page 136 note 1} See below p. 190.

^{page 136 note 2} See p. 191.

^{page 136 note 3} Since this paragraph was written, Dr.Wolters, P. has made the same suggestion (Jahrbuch d. K. d. Arch. Inst. 1900, p. 148Google Scholar).

^{page 137 note 1} Halbherr, F. e Orsi, P., Antichità delľ Antro di Zeus Ideo, Tav. XIV. 3 and p. 227Google Scholar. Part of the horn of another similar object was found. Both were presented by Mr. T. A. Triphylli to the Museum of the Syllogos at Candia, together with other votive objects of Mycenaean date from the same cave.

^{page 137 note 2} Exodus xxvii. 2.

^{page 137 note 3} Perrot, et Chipiez, , Ľ Art, &c. t. iv. p. 392Google Scholar, Fig. 206, from which the above sketch is taken.

^{page 137 note 4} The figure in the text has been specially drawn from a specimen of the coin in the British Museum, For other examples see Donaldson, , Architectura Numismatica, No. 20. P. et C. iii. p. 60Google Scholar, Fig. 19; Pietschmann, , Geschichte der Phönizier, pp. 200, 201Google Scholar.

Copied by me in the Museum at Cagliari, where are several votive stones of the same kind from Capo di Pula. In other cases there are two stelae on the same base. On a votive monument from Hadrumetum (Susa) (Pietschmann, , Geschichte der Phönizier, p. 205Google Scholar) a single broad base, of the same form as that of Fig. 22, supports two smaller bases, with separate panels, each bearing a triple group of pillars. Above one panel is the orb and crescent; above the other the Carthaginian sign of divinity, a development of the Egyptian Ankh or life symbol.

^{page 139 note 1} Corpus. Inscrip. Semit. i. 1. No. 138; Berger, P., Rev. Arch. 3rd s. iii. pp. 209–214Google Scholar; P. et C. iii. p. 308, Fig. 232; cf. Pietschmann, op. cit. p. 206.

^{page 139 note 2} Pietschmann, op. cit. p. 205.

^{page 139 note 3} See Doughty, , Travels in Arabia Deserta, i. p. 121 and p. 187Google Scholar; Documents Épigraphiqnes recueillis dans le Nord de ľ Arabie, pp. 21–23, Pl. XLV. XLVI.; Ph. Berger, , L' Arabie avant Mahomet d'après les Inscriptions, 1885, p. 19Google Scholar; P. et C. iv. p. 389–391.

^{page 140 note 1} I am informed of this usage by my friend Mr. F. C. Conybeare. The special consecration in the case of the Armenian crosses is partly due to the necessity of previously exorcising the evil spirits inherent in the material substance of the crosses.

^{page 140 note 2} Furtwängler, und Löschke, , Mykenische Vasen, p. 39Google Scholar, Fig. 23. Few, I imagine, will agree with Dr.Ohnefalsch-Richter's, view (Kypros die Bibel und Homer, p. 112Google Scholar), that we have here fantastic representations of wooden poles ‘with human heads,’ the middle one wearing a crown.

^{page 140 note 3} See below, p. 149.

^{page 140 note 4} I observe that Dr.Ohnefalsch-Richter, (Kypros die Bibel und Homer, p. 183Google Scholar), though he has not understood the object of the foot of the columns, has rightly recognised in them Mycenaean Massebas, and compared their triple form with the Semitic groups. He saw in them ‘Drei Chammanim… die Abgessandten der Androgynen Gottheit Moloch-Astarte.’ It is hardly necessary to observe that this precise attribution, and indeed the whole supposition,-that they are purely and simply Semitic pillar idols, goes far beyond the evidence at our disposal.

^{page 141 note 1} Paus. ix. 38, 1.

^{page 141 note 2} See below p. 183.

^{page 141 note 3} Mariani, L., ‘Antichità Cretesi’(Mon. Ant. vi. 1895, p. 178, Fig. 12)Google Scholar; Furtw., Ant. Gemm. iii. p. 47Google Scholar, Fig. 22. Fig. 25 represents an enlarged drawing by Mr. F. Anderson from a cast obtained by me some years since at Candia. The gem is in the Museum of that town.

^{page 142 note 1} See p. 182.

^{page 142 note2} See Fig. 4, p. 108.

^{page 142 note 3} Lajard, , Culte de Milhra, xxvii. 6Google Scholar; Culte du Cyprès, ix. 3.

^{page 142 note 4} Wilkinson, , Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians (1878 ed.), iii. p. 24Google Scholar, Fig. 504.

^{page 142 note 5} On a stele excavated by Prof. Petrie at Koptos, now in the Ashmolean Museum. Fig. 26 is taken from a drawing of this kindly made for me by Mr. C. F. Bell.

^{page 142 note 6} Wilkinson, op. cit. i. p. 404, Fig. 173, iii. Pl. LX. E.; Rosellini, , Monumenti dell' Egitto, iii. LVI. 3Google Scholar, and cf. Ohnefalseh-Richter, , Kypros, &c. Taf. cliii. 1, and p. 461Google Scholar, who compares the votive cypresses of the Cypriote sanctuaries.

^{page 143 note 1} Wilkinson, op. cit. iii. Pl. LX. E.

^{page 143 note 2} On the patera of Amathus, for instance (P. and C. iii. p. 774, Fig. 547), bases of this type serve as pedestals for hawk-headed divinities, and for the scarabaeus that they adore.

^{page 143 note 3} E.g. as a table (Wilkinson, , Manners and Customs of the Ancient Egyptians, i. p. 418, Fig. 194, 2); as the plinth of a building (op cit. i. p. 346, Fig. 114, 1).Google Scholar

^{page 144 note 1} See below, p. 192 seqq.

^{page 144 note 2} 1 Kings vii. 15 seqq.; cf. Jeremiah li. 21 seqq. The Capitals are described as of ‘Lily Work’ (1 Kings vii. 19). An elaborate restoration of these columns has been made by Chipiez (P. and C. t. iv. Pl. VI. and cf. p. 314 seqq.). But the lotus form is better given by De Vogüé, Le Temple, Pl. XIV.

^{page 144 note 3} Menander of Tyre, cited by Josephus, , Antiq. viii. 5Google Scholar. It is called the temple of ‘Zeus.’

^{page 144 note 4} Copied by me in the Museum of Carthage. Cf. P. et C. t, iv. Fig. 167, p. 324, Fig. 168, p. 325.

^{page 144 note 5} Gazette Archéologique, iv. 1884 Pietschmann, , Geschichte der Phönizier, p. 210Google Scholar. (Votive stone from Hadrumetum.)

^{page 144 note 6} In the Louvre, Musée Napoléon III. Pietschniann, op. cit. p. 274.

^{page 144 note 7} Three in the Louvre are given in P. et C. iii. p. 116, Figs. 51, 52, 53. Cf. Pietschniann, op. cit. p. 277. Four more capitals of the same kind, from votive stelae in the sanctuary of Aphrodite at Idalion, are figured by Ohnefalseh-Richter, Kypros, die Bibel und Homer, Taf. lviii, lix.

^{page 144 note 8} Cf. Smith, Robertson, Religion of the Semites, p. 208Google Scholar, n. 1.

^{page 145 note 1} The free-standing pillars shown outside the temple of Paphos on either side of the central opening with the cone of Aphroditê have been brought into comparison with Jakim and Boaz. They are sometimes however incense altars.

^{page 145 note 2} Cf. a Carthaginian stela from Sulcis in Sardinia. P. et C. iii. p. 253, Fig. 193. The entablature bears the winged disk and uraei.

^{page 145 note 3} Compare below, p. 155 seqg.

^{page 145 note 4} ‘Svashcheniiya roshdi i derevja u Kavkazkih narodov,’ op. cit. t. v. (Tiflis, 1877–1878).

^{page 146 note 1} De Iside et Osiride, c. 15, 16. Isis hovers round the pillar in the form of a swallow.

^{page 146 note 2} C. 15, ἔρεισμα τῆς στέγης c. 16, τὴν κίονα τῆς στέγης

^{page 146 note 3} Robertson-Smith, op. cit, p. 191.

^{page 146 note 4} See above, p. 143.

^{page 147 note 1} Petrie, Flinders, Egyptian Decorativi Art, pp. 68Google Scholar, 69.

^{page 147 note 2} Borchardt, L., Die Ægyptische Pflanzensüule, p. 18Google Scholarseqq.; Die ‘Lilien’ säulen. In the Old and Middle Kingdom a simple ‘lily’ type appears. It is only from the time of the Eighteenth Dynasty, however, that the type appears described by Borchardt as ‘the lily with pendants,’ and above as the iris or fleurde-lys.

^{page 148 note 1} This is Mr. F. Ll. Griffith's suggestion. He considers that the adoption of the iris type in eighteenth dynasty times may be due to Mycenaean influence.

^{page 148 note 2} The literature regarding the flower ὑάκινθος has been summarised by Greve (Roscher's Lexikon, s. v. ‘Hyakinthos.’) The conclusion is ‘es ist jedenfalls eine Irisart aber unbestimmt welche.’

^{page 148 note 3} Fig. 4, p. 108.

^{page 148 note 4} Petrie, , Tell-el-Amarna 1991Google Scholarseqq.. Similar designs are seen on the moulds for glazed wall flowers from the same site, Pl. XVIII. 369 seqq. At times these are crossed with elements taken from the lotus.

^{page 148 note 5} See below, p. 150.

^{page 149 note 1} See especially Pietschmann, , Geschichte der Phönizier, p. 225Google Scholar, who gives a good example of a rayed divinity with a pillar-shaped body, from the marble basin found at Sidon, now in the Berlin Museum. He compares with this certain representations of divinities on the coins of Demetrios II, Nikator (Gardner, P., B. M. Cat. ‘Seleucid Kings of Syria,’ Pl. XVIII. 1Google Scholar, and XXV. 2), and others struck under Antoninus Pius in the Cilician town of Mallos.

^{page 149 note 2} Codrington, R. H., The Melanesians. p. 184Google Scholar.

^{page 150 note 1} Found in an intrusive burial at Kahun, , Petric, , Kahun, Guroh, and Hawara, Pl. X. 79, and p. 32Google Scholar.

^{page 150 note 2} Fig. 29, 2 is from a cylinder, Cesnola, , Salaminia, Pl. XII. 7Google Scholar. Fig. 29, 3 op. cit. p. 145, Fig. 128. Both are from Salamis.

^{page 151 note 1} A Cypro-Myeenaean cylinder in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 151 note 2} Dr.Ohnefalsch-Richter, , Kypros &c. p. 182Google Scholar, has perhaps rightly recognised this type in the pairs of double axe-like figures grouped on either side of a serpent on a Cypriote cylinder (Cesnola, , Salaminia, p. 128Google Scholar. Fig. 118). He uses the word ‘Chammanim’ in connection with these double cones.

^{page 151 note 3} Menant, C., Glyptique Orientale, i. p. iii. Fig. 99, p. 165Google Scholar, Fig. 102; Cat. De Clercq. Pl. XVI. Fig. 160. This class of haematite cylinders is common in Syria and Cilicia, anda good example from Cyprus exists in the British Museum. The double staff with the uraei also occurs in a separate form between two figures of Hea-Bani contending with a bull, bearing the names of the Sun God Samas and apparently his consort (Menant, , Cat. De Clercq. i. Pl. VIII. Fig. 68 and p. 57Google Scholar), where, however, the comparison with the symbol of Istar is missed, and the object described as a ‘candelabrum.’

^{page 152 note 1} Lepsius, , Denkmäler, iv. Taf. 108, 111Google Scholar; cited by Riegl, , Stilfragen, p. 40Google Scholar.

^{page 152 note 2} B.M. Gem Cat. No. 144.

^{page 152 note 3} Ib. No. 142. The animals are there described as wolves; to me they seem clearly oxen, though roughly drawn; Myk. Vasen Pl. E, 39.

^{page 152 note 4} See below Fig. 42.

^{page 153 note 1} Myk. Vasen, Taf. E, 2.

^{page 153 note 2} A banded agate.

^{page 153 note 3} A striated chalcedony. I obtained it on the site in 1898.

^{page 154 note 1} See below, p. 159.

^{page 155 note 1} It was found at Goulàs, in Crete (cf. (Goulàs, the City of Zeus, p. 24Google Scholar. The stone is a lentoid, of transparent and milky chalcedony.

^{page 155 note 2} Gozzadini, , Di alcuni Sepolcri della Necropoli Felsinea, p. 20Google Scholar; Undset, , Zeitschrift für Elhnologie, B. xv. p. 214Google Scholar. Reinach, S., Anthropologie, 1893, p. 707Google Scholar, and Les Celtes dans les Vallées du Pô et du Danube, pp. 165, 166, gives a conjectural restoration (Fig. 93) of the monument as inserted in the tympanum of a gate of prehistoric Felsina. A comparison of the stone with other sepulchral stelae in the Museum at Bologna has, however, convinced me that it belongs to the same class. Several of these terminate above in conventional palmettes like so many of the later Greek stelae.

^{page 155 note 3} Cf. Perrot, et Chipiez, , Ľ Art, &c. vi. Fig. 428, 22Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, iii. p. 42Google Scholar, Fig. 17.

^{page 156 note 1} From Tomb 25 of the Lower Town. Tsuntas, , ’Εφ. ’Αρχ 1889, Pl. X. 43, and pp. 143 and 179Google Scholar. Tsuntas describes the animals as horses, δύο ἴπποι (ἄγριοι) but short horns are clearly discernible.

^{page 156 note 2} In my own collection; hitherto unpublished.

^{page 156 note 3} Of agate, from Tomb 10 of the Lower Town Mycenae. Tsuntas, , ’Εφ. ’Αρχ. 1888, Pl. X. 7 and p. 140Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , Ant Gemmen, iii. 27Google Scholar.

^{page 156 note 4} Reinach, M. Salomon, however, has shown himself alive to its true significance, and in his ‘Mirage Orientale’ (Anthropologie, iv. 1893, p. 705 and p. 730)Google Scholar not only rightly describes the column as an aniconic image, but uses the fact of the appearance of the Goddess in its place on the monument of Arslan Kaya as an argument for the later date of the Phrygian relief.

^{page 157 note 1} Perrot, et Chipiez, , Grèce Primitive, p. 800Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 2} Brunn, , Griechische Kunstgeschichte (1893) pp. 26–28Google Scholar; Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. p. 801.

^{page 157 note 3} Ueber die königlichen Grabmäler des heroischen Zeitalters, Rhein. Museum, vi. (1838), p. 256. Col. Mure thought the lionswere wolves, and brought Apollo Lykeios into connexion with them.

^{page 157 note 4} Mykenische Alterthümer (10^ter Programm, Winckelmannsfest, Berliner, Berlin, 1850) p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 5} Peloponnesos (Gotha, 1852), ii. 405, and Gr. Geschichte, i. 116.

^{page 157 note 6} N., Rhein. Museum, i. (1842) p. 161Google Scholar. Göttling notes the correspondence between the Mycenaean column growing smaller towards its base and the Hermae pillars—a pregnant observation.

^{page 158 note 1} Arch. Zeitung, 1865, p. 6, ‘Alle solche Idole niemals in der Form einer mit einem Capitell geschmückten Säule (welche hier sogar eine Decke trägt) sondern stets frei beendigt als Conus, Meta, Phallus erscheinen.’

^{page 158 note 2} Ol. ii. 145, Τροίας ἀμαχον ἀστραβῆ κίονα

^{page 158 note 3} Lolling, . Kuppelgrab von Menidi, p. 20Google Scholar. Perrot, et Chipiez, , L'Art, &c, p. 528Google Scholar, Fig. 208.

^{page 158 note 4} Tsuntas, , Ἐφ. Ἐρχ. 1887, Pl. XIII, B, and p. 171Google Scholar. P. et C. vi. p. 833, Fig. 417, where however it is erroneously described as ‘from the Acropolis of Athens.’

^{page 158 note 5} Tsuntas, , Μυκῆναι, Pl. V. 6Google Scholar; Ts. and Manatt, , Myc. Age, P. 254Google Scholar, Fig. 131. Furtw., Ant. Gemm. vol. iii. p. 44Google Scholar, Fig. 18.

^{page 159 note 1} Tsuntas, , Ἐφ. Ἐρχ. 1888, Pl. X. 30, and p. 178Google Scholar; P. et C. Fig. 428, 17; Furtw., Ant. Gemm. Pl. III. 24Google Scholar. He describes the monsters (vol. ii. p. 23) as ‘zwei geflügelte und gehörnte Löwen.’

^{page 160 note 1} From tomb 8 of the lower town of Mycenae, , Tsuntas, , Ἐϕ. Ἐρχ. 1888, Pl. X. 2, and p. 175Google Scholar; P. et C. vi. Pl. XVI. 20; Furtw., Ant. Gemm. Pl. III. 23Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 2} Formerly in the Tyszkiewicz Collection, at present in my own. Fröhner, , Coll. Tyszk., Pl. I. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 160 note 3} Schliemann, , Mycenae, p. 242Google Scholar, Fig. 352.

^{page 160 note 4} See above p. 109.

^{page 160 note 5} B. M., Gem Cat. Pl. A. 106Google Scholar; Curtius, , Wappengebrauch und Wappenntil, p. 111Google Scholar; Furtw., u. Löschke, , Myk. Vas. Pl.: E. 6, pp. 15 and 75Google Scholar; Furtw., Ant. Gemm. Pl. III. 20Google Scholar.

^{page 161 note 1} Furtwängler, u. Löschke, , Myk. Vasen, Pl E 11Google Scholar; Furtw., , Geschnittene Steine (Berlin Cat.) pl. I 34Google Scholar; P. et C. vi. Pl. XVI. 11; Furtw., , Ant. Gemm., Pl. III. 22Google Scholar. The stone is a dark red steatite.

^{page 161 note 2} See above p. 116 seqq.

^{page 164 note 1} In the Museum at Péronne.

^{page 164 note 2} A white agate lentoid; in my collection. Found in 1894.

^{page 164 note 3} In the Berlin Museum. Furtw., Geschn Steine, No. 9.

^{page 165 note 1} In my collection.

^{page 165 note 2} From the collection of the late Sir Wollaston Franks, to whose kindness was due the cast from which Fig. 45 was drawn. The ring is now with the rest of his collection in the British Museum. It was originally in the hands of a Swiss collector, but the provenience is unknown. From the style of cutting it is probably of Cretan fabric, and in support of this view it may be mentioned that pale yellow cornelians of the same class are common in a rough state in Eastern Crete.

^{page 166 note 1} See Ramsay, W. M., Journ. Hellen. Stud. vol. iii. p. 18Google Scholarseqq. and Plates XVIII., XIX. One group is thus described loc. cit. p. 19. ‘Over the door is carved an obelisk. On each side of the obelisk a large lion is carved in low relief rampant with its fore-paw on the top of the door.’ In this case there was a little cub below each of the lions.

^{page 166 note 2} Journ. Hellen. Stud. vol. v. (1884), pp. 244, 245.

^{page 166 note 3} The true import of this figure was first pointed out by Reinach, M. Salomon, ‘Mirage Orientale’ (Anthropologie, iv. 1893, p. 705Google Scholar). M. Reinach justly observes ‘cette déesse tient la place de la colonne de Mycènes qui appartient au stage aniconique de la civilisation grecque: le monument où l'anthropomorphisme se fait jour est certainement le plus récent des deux.’

^{page 167 note 1} Diodôros, 1. iii. c. 57.

^{page 167 note 2} Pausanias (iii. 22, 4) mentions a temple and image of Mother Goddess at Akriae in Lakonia, said to be the most ancient shrine of the kind in the Peloponnese, though he adds that the Magnesians, to the north of Sipylos, claim that on Τροίας ἀμαχον ἀστραβῆ κίονα to be the oldest of all and the work of Broteas the son of Tantalos. The special connexion of the cult with the Tantalidae makes its appearance at Mycenae the more probable.

^{page 168 note 1} Fig. 4 above, p. 108.

^{page 168 note 2} See Fig. 51 below.

^{page 168 note 3} Thanks to the kindness of Dr. Tsuntas I am able here to reproduce this interesting and hitherto unpublished type.

^{page 168 note 4} Annali dell' Instituto, 1885, Pl. GH. ; Cook, , ‘Animal Worship,’ J.H.S. xiv. (1894) p. 120Google Scholar; Helbig, , Question Mycénienne, p. 37 (325) Fig. 24Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, iii. p. 37Google Scholar Fig. 16 and p. 38 note, where the alleged provenience is with reason called in question.

^{page 169 note 1} P. 117. Figs. 13, 14.

^{page 169 note 2} Dr. Winter compares Thueris. As noticed below, her counterpart or double the stellar Ririt has perhaps a better claim.

^{page 169 note 3} See Maspero, , Dawn of Civilisation (Engl. Ed.), p. 94Google Scholar.

^{page 169 note 4} Cesnola, Salaminia, Pl. XIII. No. 29. The material is haematite.

^{page 172 note 1} In the cylinder given in Salaminia, Pl. XII. No. 8 the star and crescent are seen above the luminous pillar.

^{page 172 note 2} Salaminia, Pl. XII. Nos. 7 and 8. Sometimes the adoring animal is a griffin (op. cit. Pl. XII. No. 5); in one case it has a horse's mane (Pl. XII. No. 6).

^{page 172 note 3} Op. cit. Pl. XII. No. 14.

^{page 172 note 4} Salaminia, p. 145, Fig. 138.

^{page 173 note 1} See ‘Further Discoveries of Cretan and Aegean Script; with Proto-Egyptian and Libyan Comparisons’ J.H.S. xvii., 1897.

^{page 175 note 1} See above, p. 107 seqq.

^{page 175 note 2} The Aphrodite of Kanachos at Sikyon held poppies in one hand and an apple in the other, Paus. ii. 10, 5. Cf. Furtwängler, , Myk. Vasen, p. 79Google Scholar, and Antike Gemmen, p. 36.

^{page 175 note 3} Hesych. ἀδνόν ἀγνόν Κρῆψες The form ᾿Αριάγνη also appears on vases, O. Jahn, Einl. in d. Vasenbinde, etc.; C.I.G. 7441, 7692. Cf. Stoll, Art. ‘Ariadne’ in Roscher's Lexikon.

^{page 176 note 1} Fig. 51 is drawn from a cast kindly sup plied me by Dr. Tsuntas shortly after its discovery. The ring is described in Tsuntas, and Manatt, , Mycenaean Age, p. 172Google Scholar. It has since been reproduced by Furtwängler, , Antike Gemmen, iii. p. 36Google Scholar, Fig. 14 and by von Fritze, H., Strena Helbigiana, p. 73Google Scholar, 6.

^{page 176 note 2} Here as elsewhere the designs are de scribed as they appear in the impression.

^{page 176 note 3} As far as I am able to judge from a minute examination of the engraving, the hand of the male figure is not, as interpreted by Dr.Furtwängler, (Antike Gemmen, p. 36Google Scholar), grasping the Goddess's wrist but simply repeats the same gesture. According to Dr. Furtwängler's interpretation of the action it is the well known symbolic gesture (χειρὸς ἐπὶ καρπῷ) for the leading home of a bride. It will be seen that the alternative explanation offered below does not essentially differ in its general significance.

^{page 176 note 4} See Mallery, Garrick, ‘Sign Language among the North American Indians compared with that among other peoples and with Deaf Mutes’ (Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, Washington, i. 1881), p. 286Google Scholar, Figs. 61 and 62, and Fig. 81 from De Jorio, , La Mimica degli Antichi investigata nel Gestire Napoletano (Naples, 1832)Google Scholar.

^{page 176 note 5} Tsuntas, , Ἐψ. Ἐρχ. 1889, Pl. X. 39, and p. 170Google Scholar: Tsuntas, and Manatt, , Myc. Age, p. 225Google Scholar; Perrot, et Chipiez, , L'Art etc. vi. p. 847Google Scholar, Fig. 431. Reichel, , Hom. Waffen, p. 6Google Scholar, Fig. i; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, Pl. II. 19Google Scholar, and vol. ii. 9; Fritze, , Strena Helbigiana, p. 73Google Scholar, Fig. 7.

^{page 176 note 6} Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, Pl. VI. 3 and vol. ii. p. 25Google Scholar. Fritze, op. cit. p. 71 Fig. 7.

^{page 177 note 1} This tree has been described by Tsuntas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ 1890, p. 170Google Scholar, as growing out of a large vessel ὠσεὶ ἀπὸ ἀγγείου ἐπιμήκους ἐκφυό μενον but a comparison with the parallel ring from Mycenae (Fig. 53) inclines me to believe that the object below, though certainly tub-like, is a somewhat thick column.

^{page 177 note 2} Mallery, Garrick, ‘Pictographs of the North American Indians,’ Fourth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, 1886, p. 236Google Scholar, and cf. Fig. 155, p. 235, representing the celebrated rock-painting on the Tule River. California.

^{page 178 note 1} Jahrbuch d. k: d. Inst. 7 (1892), p. 191. So too Fritze, op. cit.

^{page 178 note 2} Lajarde, Culte de Mithra, Pl. XXXVI. Fig. 13.

^{page 178 note 3} Cf. Lajarde, op. cit. Pl. XXXIV. Fig. 6; Pl. XXXV. Figs. 2 and 4; Pl. XXXVI. Figs. 8, 9, 10 and 11.

^{page 178 note 4} On objects belonging to the first Dynasties found by M. Amélineau at Abydos.

^{page 179 note 1} Cf. Tyler, Thomas, Babylonian and Oriental Record, 1887, pp. 150, 151Google Scholar, and ‘The Nature of Hittite Writing,’ Trans. Congress of Orientalists, London, 1892, p. 261 seqq. As Tyler rightly points out, this development of the symbol stands in a near relation to the ‘headed triangle’ emblem of Baal and Ashtoreth on Carthaginian stelae. Here the side limbs assume the form of arms and this anthropomorphised symbol seems to have affected the later development of the sacred cone at Paphos and elsewhere. The distinguishing feature of the Carthaginian modification of the Ankh is the arms, in the Hittite the legs.

^{page 179 note 2} Lajarde, op. cit. Pl. XVIII. Fig. 7.

^{page 179 note 3} Tsuntas, , Ἐφ. Ἀρχ. 1890, p. 170Google Scholar ‘ἀντικєίμєνόν τι ὡσєὶ ἔντομον ὑπєρμέγєθєς.’ Mayer, Max (Jahrbuch d. Arch. Inst. 1892, p. 189Google Scholar), recognised the shield but took the figure above it for a helmet with a high crest. He regards the shield and the imaginary helmet as having been laid aside by the male figure. But the analogy of the parallel ring Fig. 53 shows that the figure is simply an attendant.

^{page 180 note 1} See p. 122.

^{page 181 note 1} For the triliths of primitive cult we need go no further than Stonehenge.

^{page 182 note 1} In my own collection.

^{page 183 note 1} I also owe the impression from which Fig. 57 has been drawn to Dr. Tsuntas's kindness. The signet has since been figured by Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, ii. p. 24Google Scholar, and by H. von Fritze, op. cit. p. 73, 5.

^{page 184 note 1} From an impression taken with Dr. Tsuntas's kind permission. The signet is also reproduced by Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, Pl. VI. 4Google Scholar, and by von Fritze, H., Strena Helbigiana, p. 72Google Scholar, 4.

^{page 184 note 2} The greater part of the contents of this tomb were acquired by the Louvre; unfortunately, however, the lentoid intaglio in question is wanting. Fig. 59 above is from a sketch of the stone made by me when it was in the finder's possession shortly after the discovery of the tomb.

^{page 185 note 1} See below p. 189.

^{page 186 note 1} Wallhouse, M. J., ‘Non-Sepulchral Rude Stone Monuments,’ Journ. Anthr. Inst. vii. p. 21Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 186 note 2} See p. 145.

^{page 187 note 1} Cartailhac, Monuments Primiti s des îles Baléares. Fig. 61 is taken from a monument of the kind known as ‘Nau’ (op. cit. Pl. 46), Fig. 62 from an underground chamber of the kind known as ‘Cova’ (op. cit. p. 18).

^{page 188 note 1} See below, p. 197.

^{page 188 note 2} Ἐφ, . Ἀρχ. 1899, Pl. VII. 4Google Scholar. See above, p. 120.

^{page 188 note 3} See below, Figs. 63, 64. These designs have been already independently compared by Mayer, Max., ‘Myk. Beitr.’ ii. Jahrbuch, 1893, p. 190Google Scholar, 5.

^{page 189 note 1} Tsuntas, , Μυκῆναι, Pl. V. 3Google Scholar; Perrot et Chipiez, vi. Fig. 428, 23. Reichel, , Vorhellenische Götterkulte, p. 3Google Scholar; Furtwängler, , Ant. Gemmen, iii. p. 44Google Scholar, Fig. 21. von Fritze, H., Strena Helbigiana, p. 73Google Scholar, 3.

^{page 189 note 2} Reichel, W., Ueber vorhellenische Götterkulte, p. 5Google Scholar: ‘Das Gebäude ist ganz deutlich ein Thron. Vier Beine die naiv so gezeichnet sind dass man das jenseitige Paar innerhalb des vorderen erkennt, zusammt einer Säule, tragen das Sitzbrett: über diesem eine niedere Armlehne und eine steile Rückenlehne, streng in Profil.’

^{page 190 note 1} See the signet ring, Fig. 51 above.

^{page 191 note 1} Schuchhardt (Sellers' Translation), p. 200. ‘The curved lines under the columns of the niches should be interpreted in the same manner: they merely cover the empty space or else they are patterns decorating the doors.’ Still, Dr. Schuchhardt admitted ‘the position of the columns themselves in the centre of the openings remains a problem.’

^{page 192 note 1} P. 136.

^{page 194 note 1} Compare for instance the chequer decoration over a house from a Sixth Dynasty Tomb. (Maspero, , Man. of Egypt. Arch., Engl. Edition, p. 21Google Scholar).

^{page 194 note 2} See Dörpfeld, in Schliemann's, Tiryns, p. 284Google Scholarseqq. and Pl. IV. and Perrot, et Chipiez, , L'Art, etc. vi. p. 698Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 194 note 3} Dörpfeld, , in Schliemann's, Tiryns, p. 284Google Scholar. Perrot, et Chipiez, , L'Art, etc., vi. p. 710Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 195 note 1} See Dörpfekd, in Schliemann's, Tiryns, p. 270Google Scholarseqq.

^{page 195 note 2} Homer, , Od. xvii. 340Google Scholar.

^{page 197 note 1} From a photograph taken by me in 1897.

^{page 198 note 1} See p. 187.

^{page 198 note 2} This view is repeated in Perrot, et Chipiez, , L' Art, &c. iii. p. 306Google Scholar. ‘Enfin (ces monuments) nous fournissent des types authentiques sinon élegants et beaux de cette architecture réligieuse des Phéniciens, dont nous savons si peu de chose.’

^{page 198 note 3} During a careful exploration of these monuments in 1897 I observed quantities of fragments of this class of pottery in and around the megalithic buildings of Malta and Gozo. A complete bowl of the same kind found at Hagiar Kim with incised scrolls and punctuations, inlaid with chalky matter, is in the Museum at Valletta. Many fragments were simpty adorned with punctuations like the decoration of the stones on a small scale; an indication of common origin.

^{page 198 note 4} Compare especially some bucchero pottery of this class from the cemetery of Molinello (near Megara Hyblaea) associated in one case with a fragment of imported Mycenaean pottery. Orsi, P., ‘Di due Sepolcreti Siculi’ (Arch. Storio Siciliano, N.S. Anno XVIII.) Tav. iii. and p. 14Google Scholarseqq. One of these vases presents a double point of comparison with the Maltese examples from its combination of the incised linear and punctuated decoration.

^{page 198 note 5} Orsi, , Bulletino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1889, p. 206Google Scholar Tav. vii. 5, 9: 1891, p. 121; ‘Necropoli sicula presso Siracusa con vasi e bronzi Micenei’ (Mon. Antichi, ii. 1883), &c.

^{page 198 note 6} Orsi, , ‘La Necropoli sicula di Castellucio,’ Bullettino di Paletnologia Italiana, 1892, pp. 69, 70Google Scholar, Tav. vi.

^{page 199 note 1} Nouvelles Annales de l'Institut de Correspondance Archéologique i. (1832); Perrot et Chipiez, op. cit. iii. p. 299, Fig. 222.

^{page 199 note 2} The cone is broken in two.

^{page 199 note 3} It is possible that the Egyptian influence here arrived by a Libyan channel, but it is more reasonable to refer it to the same Mycenaean agency that was undoubtedly at work on the opposite Sicilian coast.

^{page 200 note 1} These comparisons were pointed out by me in a paper read at the Ipswich Meeting of the British Association entitled ‘Primitive European Idols in the Light of Recent Discoveries,’ printed in the East Anglian Daily Times, Sept. 19, 1895. Cf. too, Cretan Pictographs, &c., p. 129.

^{page 200 note 2} Caruana, , Report on the Phoenician, &c. Antiquities from Malta, pp. 30Google Scholar, 31 and photograph; P. et C., iii. p. 305, Figs. 230, 231.

^{page 200 note 3} See Primitive European Idols, &c. loc. cit. To the steatopygous female figures from Sparta described by Dr.Wolters, (Ath. Mitth. 1891, p. 52Google Scholar, seqq.) may be added an example from Patesia near Athens, now in the Ashmolean Museum.

^{page 200 note 4} Petrie, , Nagada and Ballas, Pl. VI. Figs. 1–4, pp. 13Google Scholar, 14, 34.

^{page 202 note 1} The name of the village (= Village of the Teke) in its Slavonic form is Tečino Selo. It lies in the hills a little north of the track from Skopia (Üsküb) to Istib, a short day's journey from the former place.

^{page 202 note 2} According to one account it was brought to its present position by a holy man from Bosnia.

^{page 203 note 1} Gen. xxvii. 18; xxxv. 14. See above, p. 132. Compare Smith, Robertson, Religion of the Semites, p. 232Google Scholar, who illustrates the late survival of the practice by the ‘lapis pertusus’ at Jerusalem described by the pilgrim from Bordeaux in the fourth century of our era. ‘Ad quem veniunt Judaei singulis annis et ungunt eum.’ Near Sidon the practice of anointing sacred stones with oil—in this case strangely enough Roman milestones—goes on to this day; Pietschmann, , Geschichte der Phönizier, p. 207Google Scholar. Theophrastus (16), makes the superstitious man anoint and worship smooth stones at the cross-ways. The practice itself is connected with the oriental custom of anointing living persons as a sign of honour (cf. Psalm xlv. 7) which still survives in the case of kings and ecclesiastical dignitaries.

^{page 203 note 2} Near it was a wooden coffer for money offerings.

^{page 203 note 3} It is permitted to drink it through a cloth or kerchief.

^{page 203 note 4} Robertson Smith, op. cit., p. 322. N. 3 remarks that this draught ‘that makes the mourner forget his grief, consists of water with which is mingled dust from the grave (Wellhausen, p. 142), a form of communion precisely similar in principle to the Australian usage of eating a small piece of the corpse.

^{page 204 note 1} The hands were separated, still palms downwards, and the numbers of the pebbles under the right and left hand respectively were then counted.

^{page 204 note 2} Near him was a kind of low gallows from which was suspended a three-pointed flesh-hook for hanging up the meat. This flesh-hook had to be touched three times with the tip of the right hand little finger.