^{page 334 note 1} The incorrect description in Klein, p. 113 n. 11, is to be set right by this.

^{page 335 note 1} The proof of this I hope to produce in my Griech. Meisterschalen. Furtwängler in Roscher, 's Lexicon, p. 2234Google Scholar, is already disposed to assign the fragments to Brygos rather than to Duris, as Winter proposed.

^{page 335 note 2} The numbers of the fragments do not correspond with those of note 46, p. 229, which may easily give rise to confusion.

^{page 336 note 1} I believe that I can prepare the way for a more correct explanation of the fragments of the interior design of the Akropolis cylix than that given by Winter, in the Jahrbuch, 1887, p. 229Google Scholar. The club still preserved on fragment 6 proves that this as well as the external design is concerned with the representation of one of the adventures of Herakles. The vine-leaves on fragment 8 led Winter to conjecture that it might be that which took place in the vineyard of Syleus. But the posts of a couch with the remains of the pillow on fragment 7 show too plainly that those vine-tendrils are to be considered as hanging from a dining-table, as is often the case in vase-paintings of this period (cf. the cotyle with the ransoming of Hector, also from the hand of Brygos, Conze, , Vorlegebl. i. 3Google Scholar after Mon. viii. 27, or the Symposion cup of Duris). In all probability, then, Herakles was represented as advancing upon a man lying upon a couch. We may recognize a resemblance between the Brygos cup from the Akropolis and the interior design of the Louvre cup with white ground (972)—a splendid vase, though almost entirely destroyed—which has been interpreted by Furtwängler in Roscher's Lexicon, p. 2233, as representing the slaying of Iphitos by Herakles at a banquet in his (i.e. Herakles') own house, according to Odyssey xxi. 27 ff.: a view in which he is undoubtedly correct. This interpretation is especially commended in the present instance by the fact that an incident from the same cycle of myths is also represented on the exterior of the vase; and besides this, the staff lying under the couch speaks strongly in favour of the wandering Iphitos who went in search of the horses he had lost.

^{page 337 note 1} Cf. Welcker, , Ep. Cycl. i. 214ff.Google Scholar

^{page 338 note 1} It would lead to over-subtlety of interpretation were we to assume that the king's sons have not yet discharged their arrows because they still hold their bow and arrow in their hand: These should rather be considered as merely attributes.

^{page 339 note 1} Just in the same way as on the fallen Eurytion on the Geryoneus cup of Euphronios: cf. Klein, , Euphr. p. 54Google Scholar, and on the torso from the Akropolis, , Ephem. Arch. 1891, 13Google Scholar.

^{page 339 note 2} Cf. especially Furtwängler, , 50 Berl. Winckelmann's Progr. p. 159Google Scholarff.

^{page 339 note 3} Strabo, xi. 530b:

^{page 339 note 4} I hope to publish some new vases with representations of barbarians in my Griech. Meisterschalen.

^{page 340 note 1} Zannoni, Scavi della Certosa, Pl. 39; Él. Céram. IV. Pl. 90—93: cf. Bullet. 1842 p. 166, 1843, p. 90, 1879 p. 1, Hübner, , ant. Bildwerke in Madrid, National bibliothek, 392Google Scholar.

^{page 341 note 1} The triskeles is very often used as the device on shields on black-figured vases (cf. Göttling, , Jenaer Programm, 1855Google Scholar: ‘de crure albeo in clipeis vasorum Graecorum’); more rarely on red-figured (cf. Él. Céram. i. 9, where it is painted black, as here).

^{page 341 note 2} Cf. Gerhard, , A. V. 198Google ScholarPubMed and Annali, 1883, Pl. Q. Our fragment is accordingly to be removed from Hirsch's list of the εἴδωλα, ‘de animarum apud antiquos imaginibus,’ p. 10.

^{page 342 note 1} Cf. in especial Robert, Thanatos; 39 Berliner Winckelmann's Programm.

^{page 342 note 2} Six (in the Gazette archéol. 1888, p. 21) and Reisch, (Röm. Mitth. 1890, p. 331)Google Scholar have recently denied, without further proof, that Euphronios painted this cup. I hope in my Griech. Meisterschalen to establish his claim more conclusively than it was possible for Klein to do with the material at his command. The figures putting on their armour on the exterior B are certainly Amazons, a point which Robert, denies (Thanatos, p. 10)Google Scholar. The female breast can be plainly recognized in the one which carries a snake as the device on her shield.

^{page 343 note 1} In the vase published in the Arch. Ztg. 1884, Pl. 3, the winged figure sitting on Alkyoneus is in the shape of a bird, not of a man, and should be compared to Annali, 1883, Pl. Q.

^{page 345 note 1} I consider it in general a doubtful point whether small naked winged figures of this kind are ever represented in ancient art with the character of the female sex. They are either draped and hence to a certain extent sexless, like our pictures of angels, or if they are naked, they bear the character of the male sex.

^{page 345 note 2} Tischbein ii. 20; Millin cxx. 459; Annali 1833, Pl. D. 1; Müller-Wieseler ii. 70, 881; Jahn, , Sächs. Berichte, 1853, Pl. VII. 2Google Scholar.

^{page 346 note 1} Genelli, , in his Illustrations of Homer (Iliad, xxii. 361–66)Google Scholar, has introduced an exactly similar little winged figure in the ‘Death of Hector’ which, with one hand, presses the head of the fallen man to the ground. It would be interesting to know whether Genelli originated this motive or borrowed it from some ancient model.

^{page 347 note 1} I should like to call attention to the fact that the interior design of No. 8 in Klein, Brit. Mus. 842 (E 52), represents a warrior taking aim with his arrow—a motive which will be fully discussed in my Griech. Meisterschalen in connection with the cup in the Bourguignon collection (Klein, , Lieblingsinschriften, p. 49Google Scholar, 2) with the love-name

^{page 347 note 2} No. 603, Camp. 577.