Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-ttngx Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-08T02:26:12.540Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false
  • English
  • Français

Arrian the epic poet

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  11 October 2013

Simon Swain
Simon Swain
Affiliation:
All Souls College, Oxford
Get access Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

We know of several Greek translators of works originally written in Latin. Of non-Christian, purely literary material, we know of six. First, there is Claudius' powerful freedman, Polybius, who turned Homer into Latin prose and Vergil into Greek prose (Seneca Consol. ad Polyb. 8.2, 11.5). Then, under Hadrian we have Zenobius ‘the sophist’, who translates Sallust's Histories and “so-called Wars’ (Suda Z 73). The translation into Greek of Hyginus' Fabulae can be dated precisely, for its unknown author tells us that he copied it up on 11th September 207 (CGIL iii 56.3off.). Similarly, the extant translation of Eutropius' Breviarium by Paianios, probably a pupil of Libanius, can be dated securely to about 380. The translation of the same by Capito (Suda K 342), which survives in excerpts, is placed with some confidence at the beginning of the sixth century. The date and identity of the last of our translators, ‘Arrian the epic poet’, who rendered the Georgics of Vergil (Suda A 3867), is unclear.

Type
Notes
Information
The Journal of Hellenic Studies , Volume 111 , November 1991 , pp. 211 - 214
Copyright
Copyright © The Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies 1991

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

1 I should like to thank Ewen Bowie for his numerous invaluable contributions. It has not been possible to incorporate work published later than spring 1990.

Fundamental to the subject are Reichmann, V., Römische Literatur in griechischer Übersetzung, Philologus Suppl. xxxiv.3 (Leipzig 1943Google Scholar) on non-literary, official, and literary translations (MSS, epigraphy, papyri), and Fisher, E., YCS xxvii (1982) 173ffGoogle Scholar. on literary translations, and Christian material including use of the Fourth Eclogue (MSS, papyri). There were also glosses and juxtalinear interpretations, of which, we have papyrological evidence for Cicero, Juvenal, Sallust, Terence, and Vergil (most texts in Cavenaile, R., Corpus Papyrorum Latinorum [Wiesbaden 1958]Google Scholar; see generally Pack, R., The Greek and Latin literary texts from Greco-Roman Egypt2 [Ann Arbor 1965Google Scholar] nos. 2917–52 with Mertens, P., in Miscellània papirològica R. Roce-Puig [Barcelona 1987] 189–204Google Scholar), and the sub-literary running translations for school use ascribed to Dositheus Magister (CGIL iii); these areas are discussed by Reichmann and Fisher. Note also Häussier, R., RhM cix (1966) 339–55Google Scholar on the false notion of a Greek version of Asinius Pollio's Histories.

2 Polybius: Baldwin, B., AJP xcvii (1976) 361Google Scholar suggests reasonably that the translation of Vergil was restricted to the Aeneid; Paianios/Capito: Reichmann (n.1) 62–87.

3 Kl. Pauly v 1493 (cf. RE xix 11), though note SHA Hadr. 16.6 Sallustio Caelium praetulit. Cf. Christ-Schmid, ii.2, 694, 879f. on Zenobius' other work. One cannot imagine one of Philostratus' sophists translating Latin literature.

4 On this translation see Reichmann (n.1) 51; Rose, H., CQ xxiii (1929) 96–9Google Scholar; id., Hygini Fabulae (Leiden 1933) 172ff; Dionisotti, A. C., JRS lxxii (1982) 89–90Google Scholar on the significance of the date for the other Hermeneumata; see also the remarks of E. L. Bowie on Apollodorus' Bihliotheca in Finley, M. I. (ed.). Studies in ancient society (London 1974) 189–90Google Scholar.

5 Meineke, A., Analecta Alexandrina (Berlin 1843) 370–1Google Scholar; RE ii 1229–30 (‘mehrere Dichter’); Christ-Schmid ii.2, 673; Adler, A., Suidae Lexicon v (Lepizig 1938) 137Google Scholar; Kl. Pauly i 605; Lloyd-Jones, H. and Parsons, P., Supplementum Hellenisticum (Berlin-New York 1983) 207–12CrossRefGoogle Scholar. It is possible that the Alexandrias of Adrianos mentioned by Stephanus Byz. (s.v. Astraia and Saneia) is that of Arrian (Meineke 371; Lloyd-Jones and Parsons 208–9; cf. FGrH 153 F 15bc; the work is perhaps correctly ascribed to the sophist Hadrian by Rothe, S., Kommentar zu ausgewählten Sophislenuiten des Philostratos [Heidelberg 1989] 125Google Scholar—cf. I. Ephesos v 1539.13 Μούσσισι μέλων, Philostratus VS 590). It is suggested that one of the Arrians should be connected with the Arrian who wrote an epigram in epic style on the Sphinx, which is of imperial date (Meineke, RE; denied by Lloyd-Jones and Parsons; text in Bemand, E., Inscriptions métriques de l'Égypte gréco-romaine [Paris 1969] 129Google Scholar).

6 We know of one other translation of the Georgics, a juxtalinear fragment (Pack [n.1] no. 2936) on a 5th cent. papyrus, which interprets and translates the Latin; it clearly has nothing to do with Arrian; see Husselman, E. M., in Studi Calderini e Paribeni ii (Milan 1957) 453ffGoogle Scholar.

7 Cf. Reardon, B. P., Courants littéraires grecs des IIe et IIIe siècles après J.-C. (Paris 1971) 189Google Scholar, Bowie, E. L., ANRW ii 16.2 (1978) 1665Google Scholar.

8 Bowie (11.4) 170ff, 179, 184; Russell, D. A., Greek declamation (Cambridge 1973) 107Google Scholar. Deterrents: Plutarch Aristides 6, Demetrius 1 ff.; Favorinus On fortune (Ps.-Dio of Prusa lxiv)) 22; Lucian Icaromenippus 15.

9 IGR iii 173 = OGI 544; the Attalus in question is Attalus II Philadelphie (cf. Halfmann, H., Die Senatoren aus dem östlichen Teil des Imperium Romanum bis zum Ende des 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. [Göttingen 1979] 47CrossRefGoogle Scholar), but this does not invalidate the argument (Attalus II himself very probably claimed the attention of an epic poet, Musaeus; see below). For Severus' career see PIR2 I 573; Halfmann no. 62.

10 On Pardalas see Habicht, Chr., Altertümer von Pergamon viii.3 (Berlin 1969) 142Google Scholar. For other members of Severus' philoprogenitive family who may have had literary/sophistic links, see Halfmann (n.9) on his nos. 26 (C. Iulius Quadratus Bassus), 42 (C. Iulius Fronto), 63 (C. Iulius Bassus), 72 (Cn. Claudius Severus Arabianus), 101 (Cn. Claudius Severus).

11 PIR2 I 147; Halfmann (n.9) 152.

12 W. Eck, RE Suppl. xv 123; he would not of course be a senator (not necessarily a difficulty, despite his brother's attainment).

13 Cf. Hansen, E. V., The Attalids2 (Ithaca 1971) 408Google Scholar, Lloyd-Jones and Parsons (n.5) 560–1.

14 IGR iv 416 Ὠ φιλοι, ἐσθίετε βρώμην καὶ πείνετε οἶνον Ἀττάλου εὐφροσύνοις τερττόμενοι θαλίαις.

Cf. Od. xi 603, xii 23. Attalus' house (Dörpfeld, W., Ath. Mitt. xxxii [1907] 167–89Google Scholar, pl. xiv; Conze, A., Altertümer von Pergamon i.2 [Berlin 1913] 286–90Google Scholar; Radt, W.Pergamon [Köln 1988] 120–4Google Scholar, 177) is positioned between the lower agora and the terraced gymnasium.

15 ᾌτταλος οὖτος ό τὴνδε θεῶν πανυττείροχον εἵσας ‘Ρωμαίων ὕπαττος πρόσπολός ἐστι θεᾶς.

Cf. Hepding, H., Ath. Mitt, xxxii (1907) 364Google Scholar no. 117 ‘II. oder III. Jahrh.’; Hepding clearly meant this date to apply also to his nos. 116 (IGR iv 414)—see below—and 118 (ICR iv 416)—see n.14.

16 Ti.—Halfmann (n.9) no. 125, Leunissen, P. M. M., Konsuln und Konsulare in der Zeil von Commodus bis Severus Alexander (180–231 n Chr.) (Amsterdam 1989) 202Google Scholar, PIR2 C 795 (Pergamene domicile is unattested; but see below); C.—Halfmann 196, Leunissen 169, PIR2 C 800.

17 Barbieri, G., L'albo senatorio da Settimo Severo a Carino (Rome 1952Google Scholar) no. 140 (Ti.) with 590 addenda, no. 142 (C.) with 590 addenda.

18 Cf. Halfmann (n.9) 196; id., Tituli v (Epigrafia e ordine senatorio ii) (Rome 1982) 626; Leunissen (n.16) 169.

19 Ath. Miti, xxiv (1899) 184 no. 142 παιδὸς ὁμωνυμίῃ γε … | Ἀττάλου ἐστὶ πατήρ

20 Cass. Dio lxxix 3.5, 4.3; Halfmann (n.9) 195–6; see below.

21 Halfmann (n.9) 195; Leunissen (n.16) 202. Note that IGR iv 413, another poetic text on a herm of Attalus from the Pergamene countryside, is dated by Hepding (n.15) 365 n.1 to the first half of the second century, and therefore belongs (if at all) to an earlier generation of the family (with which has been connected the Pergamios who commemorates setting up in the house of Attalus during the Hadrianic era at the earliest a copy of Alcamenes' Hermes Propylaios [see n.41]).

22 Halfmann (n.9) 45, 196; id. (n.18) 626, where Halfmann notes the connection with the Flavii Damiani (on which see below).

23 Barbieri (n. 17) no. 140 with 590 addenda; Mitford, T. B., ABS A xlii (1947) 230Google Scholar.

24 Jones, C P., GRBS xxi (1980) 374–7Google Scholar.

25 Reference at Halfmann (n.9) 162–3.

26 Philostratus VS 543; Förster, R., Scriptores physiognomonici i (Leipzig 1893) lxxvGoogle Scholar n.4; Stegemann, W., RE xxi.2 (1952) 3121–2Google Scholar.

27 He lived longer than his father, if he is really the Attalus who brought about the death of C. Arrius Antoninus in ca. 188 (SHA Commndus 7.1); Barnes, T. D.. Historia xviii (1969) 383–4Google Scholar.

28 Stein, A., Römische Reichsbeamte der Provinz Thracia (Sarajevo 1920Google Scholar) no. 29; Grosso, F., La lotta politica al tempo di Commodo (Turin 1964) 523–4Google Scholar; Birley, A. R., BJ clxix (1969) 274Google Scholar; cf. Leunissen (n. 16) 290; the date will be about 189/90, which leaves room for another known office-holder under Caracalla (Eck, W., ZPE xlii [1981] 231–2Google Scholar). Active service into old age was not of course unknown: e.g. the governor of Egypt who took up office in his 69th year (Neugebauer, O. and van Hoesen, H. B., Greek horoscopes [Philadelphia 1959] 86–7Google Scholar), or Gordian I who became prof. Afric. in his 79th year; but the probability must be against it (so Grosso). Grosso is also right to distance Ti. Paterculianus from the Claudius Attalus who was procos, of Crete and Cyrene (identification is accepted by Halfmann [n.9] no. 125; cf. Leunissen 298), if the tenure of that Attalus is put correctly in the 170S on a comparison with a text from the same site dated 172–5 (R. G. Goodchild and Reynolds, J. M., PSBR xxvi [1958] 32–3Google Scholar, 37); the office is not mentioned by Cassius Dio. l.c.

29 Halfmann (n.9) no. 138; Barbieri (n.17) no. 446; Leunissen (n.1 б) 146–7.

30 Philostratus VS 608–12; PIR2 F 285; Habicht (n. 10) 76–9.

31 180, proposed by Barnes (n.27) 384 is probably too late for the marriage. Hermocrates lived beyond 200: Pflaum, H.-G., Les carrières procuratoriennes équestres ii (Paris 1960) 611–12Google Scholar.

32 As Halfmann (n.9) 45 assumes.

33 PIR2 C 800; Kl. Pauly i 1210; Barbieri (n.17) no. 142; Leunissen (n.16) 169 suggests Severus or Caracalla, Halfmann (n. 18) 626 ‘wohl unter Caracalla’, but a consulship under Caracalla seems too early, if Paterculianus was born 175–80. Paterculianus' governorship of Pontus and Bithynia is also usually placed under Severus (cf. also Birley [n.28] 279; Thomasson, B. E., Laterculi praesidum i [Göteborg 1984] 251Google Scholar no. 58).

34 Barbieri (n.17) no. 309; Leunissen (n.16) 166.

35 Barbieri (n.17) nos. 231, 239, 244; Leunissen (n.16) 192.

36 Damianus' other child died adolescent: PIR2 F 253.

37 Μενυλλίου Ἀττάλου ὑπατικοῦ ἀνθυπάτου Ἀσίας (cf. Barbieri [n. 17] no. 370); Hepding, H., Ath. Mitt, xxxv (1910) 481Google Scholar compares the Γάϊος Ἰούλιος Πατέρκλος, who appear on an inscription in honour of Hadrian from Lydia, (BCH xi [1887] 480Google Scholar no. 60).

38 Groag, E., JOAI x (1907) 297–8Google Scholar ‘vermutlich war sie von Vaters Seite mit [Paterculianus] verwandt’.

39 On the Roman citizenship of the Flavii Damiani, cf. Bowie (n.7) 1670–1; on the notable connections of Damianus's spouse, Vedia Phaedrina, see Halfmann (n.9) nos. 84, 84a, 84b; Bowersock, G. W., Greek sophists in the Roman empire (Oxford 1969) 28Google Scholar. Note that the unknown honorand died young: no husband is named, and Cagnat's suggestion that her inscription dates to the first quarter of the third cent. (cf. Hepding [n.15] 364–5) is clearly correct.

40 ICR iv 416 (quoted n.14); Ath. Mitt, xxiv (1899) 184 no. 142 (quoted n.19); Ath. Mitt, xxix (1904) 176 no. 21 a hexameter fragment from an architrave in Attalus' house: ΙΚΑΝΕΟΝΕΙΔΑΘΕΜΙΣ (Ικανέτον. εἱ δ’ ἀθεμίοτως [ἀθεμίστα]).

41 On the art of the house see Dörpfeld (n.14) 184–6, Hepding (n.15) 387–91; the noticeable improvements to the house in terms of construction and decoration belong ‘vielleicht im II. nachchristlichen Jahrhundert’ (189). Hermes, Alcamenes': Ath. Mitt. xxix (1904) 179–86Google Scholar (180: inscription Hadrianic or later); Winter, F., Altertümer von Pergamon vii.1 (Berlin 1908) 48ffGoogle Scholar. no. 28; woman's head: Ath. Mitt, xxix (1904) 190–1; Winter, , Alt. v. Perg. vii.2 (1908) 237Google Scholar no. 287; and Winter vii.2 226–7 nos. 268–71 on other artefacts mentioned by Hepding.

42 For a roughly contemporary example of poems on herms to amuse friends, cf. Aelian's signed elegaic poems (Kaibel Ep.gr. 1084–5); see E. Bowie, L., ANRW ii 33.1 (1989) 244–7Google Scholar.

43 Millar, F., A study of Cassius Dio (Oxford 1963) 151Google Scholar, 214–18, Birley, A. R., The African emperor. Septimius Severus (London 1988) 108Google Scholar, 135f, 137.