The reform of the Northumbrian Church constitutes a predominant theme in much that Bede wrote in his later years. Recent analyses of his later biblical commentaries have confirmed this, although a tendency remains to treat his historiographic masterpiece, theEcclesiastical history of the English people, completed in c. 731, as only aloofly reformist in outlook. This article contests such a view through an analysis of the narrative and characters of book iv, which when scrutinised can be seen to amplify some of the key reform-oriented issues voiced in Bede's last and most openly reformist work, theLetter to Egbert.

This paper explores the possibilities of assessing the social discourse of monastic groups in early twelfth-century Flanders. Through the examination of a dispute over property given by a dying noblewoman to the priory of Hesdin, it argues that both the way in which the monks and their benefactors dealt with the politics of property transfers and the discourse of the written account of these events may be interpreted, on the one hand as deliberate attempts to force a monastic understanding of property and relations with the laity upon the rural communities around Hesdin. On the other, they may be seen as the reflection of a struggle for power and status involving members of several levels of the lay elite.

At the end of the eighth century Alcuin of York adapted an Augustinian catechetical programme for missionary use among the Avars of central Europe. This article explores how and why Alcuin went about adapting Augustine's plan, focusing on the place of his effort in the early medieval tradition. Special emphasis is placed on the idea of ‘innovative deference’ whereby Alcuin distinguished his work from that of his predecessors while consciously preserving a Christian tradition. The article also considers the importance of adaptation to the Carolingian world, including the influence of Alcuin's programme upon other Carolingian thinkers.

The article offers an analysis of the public debate on priestly marriage, conducted in the last decades of the eleventh century. This was the first debate on the subject in six hundred years, erupting in the context of the reform movement. Although the theme of priestly marriage was mentioned in the Carolingian period as well as in the tenth and first half of the eleventh century, it was the anonymous defence of clerical marriage, the Epistola de continentia clericorum, that gave rise to a wide-ranging public debate. The article examines this debate in terms of the argumentative approaches used by the participants, the aim being to emphasise an important undercurrent in the understanding of priestly marriage contrary to the official – or Gratian – view on the issue.

Since the 1980s the British scholar Francis Clark has challenged the traditional attribution of the Dialogues on the miracles of the Italian Fathers to Pope Gregory the Great (590–604). While Clark's thesis has generally been rejected by experts, it retains considerable persuasive force for those new to the field. This paper focuses on the misplaced intuitive foundation of Clark's thesis and points to the enthusiasm exhibited by Gregory the Great for the miracles of the saints in several understudied letters from his Registrum epistolarum. It particularly highlights Gregory's discussion of four miracles performed by St Andrew the Apostle at Rome in ep. 11.xxvi written to the patrician Rusticiana at Constantinople in 601. It concludes that there is no discrepancy in mentalité between Gregory as author of the Dialogues and his other recognised works.

Although scholars have come increasingly to recognise the considerable influence of early modern Catholic writers upon the historiography of the English Reformation, a crucial aspect of this influence has received scant attention: the impact of Catholic polemical writings upon perceptions of the Reformation. This article will examine a particularly striking and important example of the effects of Catholic polemic, the attacks on the calendar of martyrs included in editions of John Foxe's Acts and monuments. It will describe how these attacks merged with traditions of anti-Puritanism to create a stereotype of the Marian martyrs as being poor, from the lowest social classes, uneducated and disrespectful of authority to the point of rebellion. These attacks also laid the foundation for the myth, still prevalent today, that many of the Marian martyrs were guilty of Trinitarian or sacramentarian heresies which would have led to their condemnation as heretics even under a Protestant regime.

This article discusses the propagation of the devotion of the Seven Sorrows of the Virgin Mary in the Low Countries around 1500. The central argument is that the secular goal of the promoters of the devotion was to create a large spiritual and emotional community in support of the Burgundian-Habsburg dynasty and its ideology of peace and territorial unity. To this end a whole array of old and new media was exploited. The article analyses the dynamics of this devotional communication and gives special attention to the role of miracles, vernacular theatre and the printing press.

Medieval funerals combined the accumulation of merit for the soul of the deceased with social display. During the late medieval period funerary practice became more elaborate, formalised and expensive, a reflection of its eschatological and social importance. An extended funeral lasting several weeks, comprising a vigil, procession, liveried mourners, a hearse, heraldic elements, almsgiving and a feast, developed. Several of these elements were repeated a week, a month and a year after death. The late medieval higher clergy shared the same funeral culture as the wealthy laity but with significant differences, particularly greater liturgical sophistication and more generous charity.

This article explores the ministry of service and love of neighbour exercised by Katharina Schutz Zell, wife of the Strasbourg Reformer Matthias Zell, focusing on Schutz Zell's theological justification for her ministry and her attempts to help those around her to understand their suffering in terms of the Gospel. Following Luther, Schutz Zell saw love of neighbour as an important means of spreading the Gospel, and thus as private activity, but as public ministry. Her work exemplifies, and may have served as a model for, the role of (female) deacon as defined by the Reformed tradition.

This article explores an important but hitherto neglected factor that helps to account for the early divergence between Richard Baxter (1615–91) and John Owen (1616–83). Theological differences alone cannot account for that divergence, since in the early 1640s Baxter and Owen would have agreed on the issues that later separated them. Their starkly contrasting experiences of the First Civil War helped to set them apart. For Baxter, personally caught up in the upheaval, the war was a disaster that corrupted the Gospel. For Owen, untouched by the fighting, the war was a blessing from God that liberated the Gospel from Arminian captivity. All this helps to illuminate some of the ways in which the civil wars continued to shape religious developments and divisions long after the battles had ceased.

Despite a recent expansion of interest in the social history of death, there has been little scholarly examination of the impact of the Protestant Reformation on perceptions of and discourses about hell. Scholars who have addressed the issue tend to conclude that Protestant and Catholic hells differed little from each other in the Elizabethan and early Stuart periods. This article undertakes a comparative analysis of printed English-language sources, and finds significant disparities on questions such as the location of hell and the nature of hell-fire. It argues that such divergences were polemically driven, but none the less contributed to the so-called ‘decline of hell’.

This article examines, through the work and attitudes of its first four governors, the relations between Church and State in the last Australia colony to be established. It covers the period from the foundation of the colony in 1829 to the arrival of the first resident bishop of Perth in 1857. It challenges the prevailing historiography of a colonial administration wedded to Anglican privilege, and discusses the persistence of an erastian mind-set among the colonial governors in the 1840s despite the advent of a new paradigm of autonomous imperial engagement by the Church of England.

Richard Greenham has traditionally been depicted as a ‘comfortable’ or ‘affectionate’ divine, and in recent years it has even been suggested that he was not predestinarian in his theology at all. This article seeks to show that not only was he indeed predestinarian in his theology of salvation, but that the concept of an all-powerful, all-determining deity was central to his pastoral method. Greenham is used as an example in demonstrating that English Calvinism could be pastorally adaptive and successful, not by softening its core ideas, but by strongly emphasising man's inability to earn his own salvation and God's power over both heaven and hell.

John Wyclif (d. 1384), Thomas Netter (d. 1430) and Jean Gerson (d. 1429) had a good deal in common. They were all theologians, and thus ‘masters of the sacred page’ by trade. They all recognised the absolute authority of Scripture in matters of the Catholic faith over and against any pretensions of canon law. What separated them, therefore, was not the recognition of authority as such, but rather the correct application of that authority. Wyclif exercised his rights as a university master to dissent from ecclesiastical determinations that ran contrary to the truth as revealed in Scripture. Netter and Gerson set out to curb this sort of magisterial excess which they believed would inevitably lead to the destruction of all proper norms of authority within the Church. Rather than being a simple tale of heresy and orthodoxy, therefore, this late medieval conflict turned on the question of professional expertise, rights and responsibilities.

The Protestant divine John Dury has long been identified as holding millenarian beliefs. However a closer reading of his apocalyptic commentaries and a more clearly defined use of terms reveals that Dury's apocalyptic beliefs are more complex than previously recognised. This article offers a detailed analysis of his preface to the European millenarian tract Clavis apocalyptica to demonstrate that apocalyptic and millenarian belief in the seventeenth century is in need of a careful reassessment.

Luther's hermeneutical principles labelled ‘the theology of the cross’, developed in his ‘Heidelberg theses’ of 1518, continued to guide his formulation of biblical teaching throughout his career. In lectures on the Psalms of ascent (1532–3), under quite different circumstances, Luther claimed again that ‘Our theology is a theology of the cross’. Five elements of his Heidelberg theologia crucis guided his interpretation in these lectures. The distinction of the hidden and the revealed God, the focus on Christ's atoning sacrifice for sin, the reliance on faith in God's Word rather than human reason, God's working ‘under the appearance of opposites’ and the suffering involved in battling Satan shape his treatment of many passages in the lectures on Psalms cxx–cxxxiv.

This article examines the involvement of the prominent New Testament scholar, B. H. Streeter (1874–1937), in the Oxford Group, the movement founded by the American religious leader Frank Buchman. Streeter's mind was shaped by a liberal and modernist Anglicanism, while Buchman's ideas originated in a more Evangelical milieu; however, a common desire to do something about the international crisis of the 1930s brought them together. Streeter committed himself to Buchman's work in July 1934. In the next three years, influenced by Group teachings on the guidance of God, he concluded that his previous religious outlook had been too humanistic, and his faith became more experiential

The Wesleyan-Holiness Churches that emerged in Australia after the Second Word War encountered considerable opposition from other Evangelicals who distrusted their brand of perfectionism. The explicitly American origin of these Churches was both the cause of their exclusion and at the same time a mechanism for their survival. The emergence of the Holiness denominations in Australia is not an example of American cultural and religious imperialism. Rather it has been a creative partnership between like-minded Evangelical Christians from two modern nations sharing a general cultural and social similarity and a common set of religious convictions.

John Henry Newman made two formative trips to Rome, the first as an Anglican priest in the early spring of 1833 when he spent five weeks in the Eternal City accompanied by his friend and colleague Hurrell Froude. The second trip was made shortly after he converted to Roman Catholicism in 1846. On both these journeys, Newman visited the Roman catacombs, which were certainly part of the standard tour of the day but which had become in the nineteenth century sites that were enveloped in considerable ecclesiastical and theological polemical debate. Looking at Newman's reactions to these sites, at these two very important junctures of his life and career, gives a very provocative and enlightening glimpse into the inner workings of his mind and heart. On a different but equally interesting historical plane, such an investigative lens highlights the significant number of people who were part of Newman's life during this period and who were devotionally drawn to these primitive burial sites.