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Travail of a Broken Family: Evangelical Responses to Pentecostalism in America, 1906–1916

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  05 May 2015

Extract

Early pentecostals thought the world of themselves and they assumed that everyone else did too. Not always positively, of course, but frequently, and with secret envy. In one sense it is difficult to imagine how pentecostals could have been more wrong. Till the 1950s most Americans had never heard of them. A handful of observers within the established Churches noticed their existence, and maybe a dozen journalists and scholars took a few hours to try to figure out why a movement so manifestly backward could erupt in the sunlit progressivism of the early twentieth century. But for the American public as a whole, that was about all there was. In another sense, however, pentecostals' extravagant assessment of their own importance proved exactly right. Radical evangelicals, pentecostals' spiritual and in many cases biological parents, marshalled impressive resources to crush the menace in their midst. Abusive words flew back and forth for years, subsiding into sullen silence only in the 1930s. Things improved somewhat after World War II, but even today many on both sides of the canyon continue to eye the other with fear and suspicion.

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Articles
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Copyright © Cambridge University Press 1996

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References

1 I offer thumbnail historical definitions for pentecostalism and for radical evangelicalism a little later in this article. For secondary literature on both movements see the bibliographical appendix. For indications that tensions persist, despite ecumenical overtures of late, see Hocken, Peter, The glory and the shame: reflections on the 20th-century outpouring of the Holy Spirit, Guildford 1994 Google Scholar, ch. ii, and Grider, J. Kenneth, A Wesleyan-holiness theology, Kansas City, Mo. 1994, 416–20Google Scholar.

2 For a focused study of some of the recurring features of religious conflict in United States history see Bellah, Robert N. and Greenspahn, Frederick E. (eds), Uncivil religion: interreligious hostility in America, New York 1987 Google Scholar, especially Bellah's concluding remarks. For a related perspective see Hirschman, Albert, Exit, voice, loyalty, Cambridge, Mass. 1970 Google Scholar, which discusses the cost-benefit trade-offs, emotional and otherwise, of leaving any organised body and critiquing it from the outside versus staying in and voicing one's dissent from the inside.

3 Whether pentecostalism stemmed primarily from the Wesleyan holiness tradition or from the higher life fundamentalist tradition is hotly disputed by scholars. The evidence is too spotty and elusive to know for sure. My own reading of hundreds of letters to the editors in early pentecostal periodicals (in which converts often identified their church backgrounds) suggests that a slight majority hailed from Wesleyan holiness backgrounds. For effective statements of opposing points of view on this question see Synan, Vinson, The holiness–pentecostal movement in the United States, Grand Rapids 1971 Google Scholar, versus Waldvogel, Edith Lydia, ‘The “overcoming life”: a study in the reformed evangelical origins of pentecostalism’, unpubl. PhD diss. Harvard 1977 Google Scholar.

4 The secondary literature on the origins of pentecostalism is almost as contentious as the controversies it describes. For a perceptive overview of the debate see Joseph W. Creech, Jr, ‘The myth of Azusa Street in pentecostal historiography’, Church History, forthcoming.

5 Adherence figures for all of these traditions (that is, holiness/Wesleyan, fundamentalist/evangelical and pentecostal/charismatic) are an educated guess at best. My estimates are drawn from several sources, including The yearbook of American and Canadian churches, 1995, Nashville, Tenn. 1995 Google Scholar; Kosmin, Barry A. and Lachman, Seymour P., One nation under God: religion in contemporary American society, New York 1993, esp. pp. 1517, 197Google Scholar; Barrett, David B. (ed.), World Christian encyclopedia, New York 1982, 711, 712, 715Google Scholar; and Barrett's, statistical updates published annually in the January issue of the International Bulletin of Missionary Research, esp. xvii (01 1993), 23 Google Scholar; xviii (Jan. 1994), 24–5; xix (Jan. 1995), 25.

6 An unsigned editorial in Christian Witness and Advocate of Bible Holiness, 15 Nov. 1906, 8, is the earliest clearly antagonistic reference to the ‘Tongues Movement’ that I have unearthed. One month later the redoubtable Bresee, P. F., founder of the Church of the Nazarene in Los Angeles, similarly chose sides and came out swinging in Nazarene Messenger, 13 12 1906, 6 Google Scholar.

7 Holiness Advocate, June 1906, 4. This article was in fact a reprint from the Way of Faith, presumably by J. M. Pike, but since it appeared on the Holiness Advocate's editorial page without comment, it undoubtedly reflected Crumpler's views as well.

8 See the testimonials by Pate, J. H. and Parker, Katie in Holiness Advocate, 1 06, 1906, 3, 6Google Scholar. Additional testimonials may have been printed in other issues, but only half a dozen fascicles of this periodical seem to exist.

9 Ibid. 15 May 1907, 1. This was a reprint of Pike's editorial in the Way of Faith, 9 May 1907, noted above, but Crumpler appended a note stating that it expressed his views too.

10 Synan, Vinson, The old-time power: a history of the Pentecostal Holiness Church, Franklin Springs, Ga. 1973, 116–18Google Scholar.

11 MissMorrison, , Promise, 02 1909, 5 Google Scholar. Promise was published by the Church of God East End Mission in Toronto.

12 Christian Witness, repr. without citation in Burning Bush, 2 May 1907, 5.

13 Christian Witness and Advocate of Bible Holiness, 15 Nov. 1906, 8.

14 Free Methodist, 6 Nov. 1906, 712–13.

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17 Christian Witness and Advocate of Bible Holiness, 15 Nov. 1906, 8. See also Free Methodist, 31 July 1906, 488; 6 Nov. 1906, 712–13.

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24 C. H. Alger, ibid. 29 Jan. 1919, 5.

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26 The fracturing of the holiness sects is well described in Synan, Holiness, chs iii–iv, and in Dieter, Melvin E., ‘Wesleyan-holiness aspects of pentecostal origins’, in Synan, Vinson (ed.), Aspects of pentecostal-charismatic origins, Plainfield, NJ 1975, 75–6Google Scholar. Fissures within the Christian and Missionary Alliance, which stood somewhere between the holiness and the higher life traditions, are detailed in Anderson, Robert Mapes, Vision of the disinherited: the making of American pentecostalism, New York 1979, 143–7Google Scholar; Blumhofer, Edith L., The Assemblies of God to 1941: a chapter in the history of American pentecostalism, Springfield Mo. 1989, 183–90Google Scholar; and Nienkirchen, Charles, ‘A. B. Simpson: forerunner and critic of the pentecostal movement’, in Hartzfeld, David F. and Nienkirchen, Charles (eds), The birth of a vision, Beaverlodge, Alberta 1986, 141–8Google Scholar. Break-ups within individual missions are more difficult to track, but one gains a sense of the painfulness and frequency of the process in first-hand accounts such as Washburn, Josephine M., History and reminiscences of the Holiness Church work in southern California and Arizona, New York 1985 [1912], 376–90Google Scholar, and Bartleman, Frank (ed. Synan, Vinson), Azusa Street: the roots of modern-day Pentecost, Plainfield, NJ 1980 (1925)Google Scholar.

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28 The records overflow with hints of nasty physical altercations between pentecostals and all sorts of outsiders, occasionally including radical evangelicals. Though I shall discuss two or three of those incidents, the story of physical violence in early pentecostal culture largely falls outside the scope of this article since the theological identity of the antagonists was irrelevant. Usually such violence stemmed from pentecostals' real or perceived civil infractions, such as disturbing the peace, or from protocol infractions, such as the mixed assembling of blacks and whites. For representative accounts of physical violence see the Reverend Higgins, Walter J., Pioneering in Pentecost: my experiences of 46 years in the ministry, Bostonia, Ca. 1958, 27–8, 31, 41Google Scholar, and Tomlinson, A. J. (ed. Tomlinson, Homer A.), Diary of A. J. Tomlinson, Jamaica, NY 1955, i. 32, 35, 57, 60, 64, 113Google Scholar.

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30 Unsigned article, undoubtedly by Penn-Lewis, Jesse, in Overcomer, 11 1909, 164 Google Scholar.

31 Free Methodist, 6 Nov. 1906, 712–13.

32 George W. Shealey, New York Witness, repr. without citation in Free Methodist, 8 Oct. 1907, 649.

33 Gospel Trumpet, 26 Mar. 1908, 201.

34 Burning Bush, 2 May 1907, 5–6.

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42 White, , Story, iii. 145 Google Scholar; see also iii. 241. White's tortured personal life is carefully recounted in Susie Stanley, Cunningham, Feminist pillar of fire: the life of Alma White, Cleveland, Ohio 1993 Google Scholar.

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45 Six tracts by W. B. Godbey, New York 1985, 27–8Google Scholar. This volume contains Godbey's, Tongue movement, satanic, Zarepath, NJ 1918 Google Scholar, along with five other documents by Godbey.

46 Torrey, R. A., Is the present ‘tongues’ movement of God?, pamphlet published by BIOLA Book Room, Los Angeles, n.d. [probably 1913], 47 Google Scholar.

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51 Free Methodist, 7 May 1907, 296.

52 Burning Bush, 19 Sept. 1907, 5–7. The Parham scandal is judiciously assessed in Goff, James R. Jr, Fields white unto harvest: Charles F. Parham and the missionary origins of pentecostalism, Fayetteville, Arizona 1988, 136–42, 223–5, esp. p. 224 n. 41Google Scholar. Goff discounts the Burning Bush's account as too partisan to be trusted. I disagree. However discreditable the Burning Bush's motives, its rendering of the incident (or incidents) seems essentially accurate. See San Antonio Light, 19 July 1907, 1, and 24 July 1907, 2; Houston Chronicle, 21 July 1907, 14. See also the damning data marshalled in Parham's defence (ironically) by Campbell, J. G., The Gospel of the Kingdom, 04 1910, 2 Google Scholar, repr. in Larry Martin, In the beginning: readings on the origins of the twentieth century pentecostal revival and the birth of the Pentecostal Church of God, Duncan, Ok. 1994, 113–15. In fairness to Goff these items, which strengthen the Burning Bush's credibility, were discovered by other researchers after his book was published.

53 Tongues of Fire, Nov. 1907, 1–2.

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60 See, for example, Pietsch, , McPherson-Jeffreys, 12 Google Scholar; Goben, John D., ‘Aimee’: the gospel gold digger, New York 1932, 1214 Google Scholar.

61 For one of scores of examples see Gospel Trumpet, 26 Mar. 1908, 201.

62 Pitt, F. W., Faith healing tragedies, Edinburgh n.d. [probably 1920s], 20 Google Scholar.

63 Ebey, Charles B., Free Methodist, 7 05 1907, 296 Google Scholar; George W. Shealey, New York Witness, repr. without citation in Free Methodist, 8 Oct. 1907, 649.

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65 Free Methodist, 7 May 1907, 296.

66 Youngren, August, Free Methodist, 16 06 1908, 379 Google Scholar. See also Hills, , Tongues, 26 Google Scholar, for similar comments about the arrogance of pentecostal missionaries.

67 Ibid. 27; Neal, G. T., Gospel Trumpet, 31 01 1907, 74 Google Scholar.

68 George W. Shealey, New York Witness, repr. without citation in Free Methodist, 8 Oct. 1907, 649. The eyeglass instance comes from a pentecostal source: Edwards, Mildred, Trust, 02 1915, 13 Google Scholar.

69 Dixon, L. W., comments made in 1906, printed in Washburn, History, 390 Google ScholarPubMed. See also Herald of Holiness, 5 Apr. 1916, 4. One octogenarian told me how her mother, who switched from the holiness to the pentecostal movement about 1910, kept her locked in her bedroom for days at a stretch, dressed in white ascension robes, awaiting the Lord's return: interview with Ms Agnes Dooley, Pasadena, Ca., July 1988.

70 John L. Brasher to H. H. Glascock, 3 Sept. 1909, Brasher papers, Perkins Library, Duke University. See also Thompson, J. Grant, Gospel Trumpet, 4 06 1908, 4 Google Scholar.

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76 See, for example, ‘Sketch of the life and ministry of Mack M. Pinson’, 7, Assemblies of God Archives; Alliance [Ohio] Daily Review, 23 Dec. 1910, 5.

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79 Word and Witness, Oct. 1915, 2; Warner, Wayne E., The woman evangelist: the life and times of charismatic evangelist Maria B. Woodworth-Etter, Metuchen, NJ 1986, 234 Google Scholar. The evangelists were C. E. Foster and Maria Woodworth-Etter. Similarly, a London newspaper carried a lengthy letter from an unnamed observer of the meetings of Anglican-turned-pentecostal A. A. Boddy. After describing and debunking the ‘manifestations’ in Boddy's services, the writer warned him not to involve children: Daily Chronicle, Oct. 1907 tear sheet, Hannah Whitall Smith Collection, Asbury Theological Seminary.

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86 The quotation comes from an ad. for D. F. Brooks, The tongues: a critical discussion of the modern tongues movement. The ad. appeared in Pentecostal Advocate, 13 May 1909, 16.

87 Dixon, L. W. in Washburn, History, 390 Google Scholar.

88 John L. Brasher to H. H. Glascock, 3 Sept. 1909, Brasher papers. See also Bresee, , Nazarene Messenger, 13 12 1906, 6 Google Scholar; Rogers, Lulu B., Pentecostal Advocate, 28 03 1907, 11 Google Scholar; Martin, I. G., Pentecostal Herald, 12 12 1906, 23 Google Scholar.

89 Lang, , Gift, 46 Google Scholar.

90 MrsPenn-Lewis, , Christian, 9 01 1908, 12 Google Scholar. The item appeared under the significant heading, ‘An hour of peril’.

91 White, , Story, iii. 214 Google Scholar.

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109 Unnamed correspondent in Overcomer, Jan. 1910, 9–10.

110 Letter from Sister A. L. Malone to Josephine Washburn, 1 June 1908, repr. in Washburn, History, 419.

111 Naylor, C. W., Gospel Trumpet, 7 05 1908, 46 Google Scholar. See also Hills, , Tongues, 26 Google Scholar, and Dixon, L. W. in Washburn, History, 390 Google Scholar: Many have wept ‘their way back out of what they testify [was a] horrible darkness and wild, powerful delusion’.

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129 Free Methodist, 31 July 1906, 488.