¹ Cary, Lucius, Falkland, Viscount, quoted in Skinner, Quentin, “The Monarchical Republic Enthroned,” in The Monarchical Republic of Early Modern England: Essays in Response to Patrick Collinson, ed. McDiarmid, John F. (Basingstoke, 2007), chap. 13, at 239Google Scholar.

² On the use of visual signs in oath taking, see Vallance, Edward, Revolutionary England and the National Covenant: State Oaths, Protestantism and the Political Nation, 1553–1682 (Woodbridge, 2005)Google Scholar; on loyal healths, see McShane-Jones, Angela, “Roaring Royalists and Ranting Brewers: The Politicisation of Drink and Drunkenness in Political Broadside Ballads, 1640–1689,” in A Pleasing Sinne: Drink and Conviviality in Seventeenth-Century England, ed. Smyth, Adam (Woodbridge, 2005), chap. 5Google Scholar; on loyal and disloyal kisses, see Harvey, Karen, ed., The Kiss in History (Manchester, 2005)Google Scholar; Nyrop, Kristoffer, The Kiss and Its History, trans. William Frederick Harvey (London, 1901)Google Scholar.

³ See Douglas's, Mary important distinction between “restricted” and “elaborated” codes, in Natural Symbols: Explorations in Cosmology (London, 1970), xiii–xivGoogle Scholar.

⁴ William A. Speck, Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. “James II.”

⁵ Scott, James C., Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (London, 1990), 137, and chap. 6Google Scholar.

⁶ Pioneering works include Efron, David, Gesture, Race and Culture: A Tentative Study of Some of the Spatio-Temporal and “Linguistic” Aspects of the Gestural Behavior of Eastern Jews and Southern Italians in New York City, Living under Similar as well as Different Environmental Conditions (The Hague, 1972)Google Scholar; Goffman, Erving, Behaviour in Public Places: Notes on the Social Organisation of Gatherings (New York, 1966)Google Scholar.

⁷ Kendon, Adam, Gesture: Visible Action as Utterance (Cambridge, 2004), 15CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁸ See, e.g., Dalgarno's, GeorgeDidascalocophus; or, The Deaf and Dumb Mans Tutor (Oxford, 1680)Google Scholar; Cram, David and Maat, Jaap, introduction to George Dalgarno on Universal Language: The Art of Signs (1661), The Deaf and Dumb Man's Tutor (1680), and the Unpublished Papers (Oxford, 2001), 69Google Scholar. But see also p. 5 of The Deaf and Dumb Mans Tutor. Nonetheless, writers on etiquette urged their readers to be aware of habits and ticks that might reflect poorly upon themselves; see Roodenburg, Herman, “jThe ‘Hand of Friendship,’” in A Cultural History of Gesture: From Antiquity to the Present Day, ed. Bremmer, Jan and Roodenburg, Herman (Cambridge, 1991), 162Google Scholar.

⁹ Bulwer, John, Chirologia: Or, the Natural Language of the Hand, and Chironomia: Or, the Art of Manual Rhetoric, ed. Cleary, James W. (1644; repr., London, 1972), xiiiGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ ibid., 29

¹¹ But see also Bulwer, John, Pathomyotomia; or, a Dissection Of the significative Muscels of the Affections of the Minde (London, 1649), 19–20Google Scholar.

¹² Erasmus, De Civilitate Morum Puerilium: A Lytle book of good maners for chyldren, now lately compiled and put forth by Erasmus Roterodam in latin tongue, with interpretation of the same into the vulgare englyshe tongue, by Robert Whittinton Poet Laureat (London, 1554), [6], [7], [33].

¹³ Bryson, Anna, From Courtesy to Civility: Changing Codes of Conduct in Early Modern England (Oxford, 1998), 87–89CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁴ Erasmus, De Civilitate, 27.

¹⁵ 20. Badcock v. Comyns, July 1637–February 1639, http://arts-itsee.bham.ac.uk/AnaServer?chivalry+0+start.anv+case=20. See also Scott's comments in Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 203.

¹⁶ 70. Brooke v. Brodripp, 1638–1639, http://arts-itsee.bham.ac.uk/AnaServer?chivalry+0+start.anv+case=70.

¹⁷ 45. Billiard v. Robinson, May 1637–May 1638, http://arts-itsee.bham.ac.uk/AnaServer?chivalry+0+start.anv+case=45; 635. Turney v. Woodden, http://arts-itsee.bham.ac.uk/AnaServer?chivalry+0+start.anv+case=635.

¹⁸ Important studies include Bryson, Courtesy to Civility, and “The Rhetoric of Status: Gesture, Demeanour and the Image of a Gentleman in Sixteenth and Seventeenth-Century England,” in Renaissance Bodies: The Human Figure in English Culture c. 1540–1660, ed. Lucy Gent and Nigel Llewellyn (London, 1990), chap. 6; Bremmer and Roodenburg, A Cultural History of Gesture; Roodenburg, , The Eloquence of the Body: Perspectives on Gesture in the Dutch Republic (Waanders, 2004)Google Scholar.

¹⁹ Roodenburg, “The ‘Hand of Friendship,’” 169.

²⁰ [de Courtin, Antoine], The Rules of Civility; or, Certain Ways of Deportment observed in France, amongst all Persons of Quality, upon several Occasions, 2nd ed. (London, 1673), 19–20Google Scholar.

²¹ ibid., 19.

²² Bryson, Courtesy to Civility, 89.

²³ Key works include Wood, Andy, “‘Poore Men Woll Speke One Daye’: Plebian Languages of Deference and Defiance in England, c. 1520–1640,” in The Politics of the Excluded, c. 1550–1850, ed. Tim Harris (Basingstoke, 2000), chap. 3Google Scholar; Monod, Paul K., Jacobitism and the English People, 1688–1788 (Cambridge, 1989), chap. 8Google Scholar; Sharp, Buchanan, “Popular Political Opinion in England, 1660–1685,” History of European Ideas 10, no. 1 (1989): 13–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

²⁴ The 1650 Blasphemy Act proscribed blasphemous acts as well as opinions: Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum, 1649–1660, ed. SirFirth, Charles Harding and SirRait, Robert Sangster, 3 vols. (London, 1911), 2:409–12Google Scholar. However, although James Nayler was accused in 1656 of assuming “the gesture, words, name and attributes of our Saviour Christ” (Diary of Thomas Burton, 4 vols. [London, 1828], 2:20), the trial predominantly focused on whether Nayler thought he was Christ.

²⁵ SirElyot, Thomas, The Book Named the Governor, ed. Lehmberg, Stanford E. (1531; repr., London, 1962), 100Google Scholar.

²⁶ Quoted in Wood, Andy, “Kett's Rebellion,” in Medieval Norwich, ed. Rawcliffe, Carole and Wilson, Richard (London, 2004), 282–84Google Scholar.

²⁷ I owe this point to Anne McLaren.

²⁸ Keay, Anna, The Magnificent Monarch: Charles II and the Ceremonies of Power (London, 2008), 118Google Scholar; see 112–19 for a full discussion of the mechanics of the ceremony.

²⁹ See Universal Intelligencer, no. 3 (15–18 December 1688); English Currant, no. 2 (12–15 December 1688); London Mercury or Moderate Intelligencer, no. 2 (15–18 December 1688); Folger Shakespeare Library, Newdigate Newsletters, L. c. 1948, 15 December 1688.

³⁰ Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, written by himself in two volumes, 2 vols. (London, 1890), 1:201–10.

³¹ Knatchbull's, account is reproduced in Notes and Queries, ser. 3, vol. 6 (London, 1864), 1–3, 21–23, 41–43, 81–82, 121–22Google Scholar; Southouse's account can be found in British Library (BL) Add. MS 32095, fols. 308–11; Marsh's account is reproduced in Jacob, Edward, The History of the Town and Port of Faversham in the County of Kent (London, 1774), appendix p. xGoogle Scholar.

³² “An account of what happen’d to King James [II] upon his being taken at Feversham [Co. Kent],” 11–15 December 1688, BL Add. MS 32095, fols. 303–7.

³³ George Hilton Jones, “The Irish Fright of 1688: Real Violence and Imagined Massacre,” Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, no. 132 (1982): 148–53; William L. Sachse, “The Mob and the Revolution of 1688,” Journal of British Studies 4, no. 1 (November 1964): 23–41.

³⁴ “Arguments arising out of the `abdication' of James II, King of England,” c. 1691, Folger Shakespeare Library, MSS X. D. 433, fol. 8.

³⁵ “An account of what happen’d to King James [II],” BL Add. MS 32095, fol. 303.

³⁶ ibid., fol. 303v.

³⁷ ibid., fol. 306.

³⁸ ibid., fol. 304.

³⁹ “[Account of James II's captivity] written by Capt. Southouse, at that time Mayor of the Town [of Faversham],” n.d., BL Add. MS 32095, fol. 309.

⁴⁰ Jacob, History of the Town and Port of Faversham, 208.

⁴¹ [Knatchbull], Notes and Queries, 23.

⁴² Jacob, History of the Town and Port of Faversham, 208; “[Account] written by Capt. Southouse,” BL Add. MSS 32095, fol. 310.

⁴³ Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, 1:210.

⁴⁴ “An account of what happen’d to King James [II],” BL Add. MS 32095, fol. 304.

⁴⁵ ibid., fol. 304v.

⁴⁶ ibid., fol. 305.

⁴⁷ Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, 1:209.

⁴⁸ [Knatchbull], Notes and Queries, 42, 81.

⁴⁹ For the declaration, see His Majesties most Gracious Declaration to all his Loving Subjects, commanding their assistance against the Prince of Orange (n.p., 1692).

⁵⁰ Royal Tracts in Two Parts: The I containing Select Speeches, Declarations Messages, Letters etc.; The II containing Imago Regis, Or, The True Pourtraicture of His Sacred Majesty, in his Solitudes and Sufferings (Paris, 1692).

⁵¹ ibid., 82–83.

⁵² Memoirs of Thomas, Earl of Ailesbury, 1:209.

⁵³ ibid.

⁵⁴ Beddard, Robert, A Kingdom without a King: The Journal of the Provisional Government in 1688 (Oxford, 1688), 99Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ See Starkey, David, “Representation through Intimacy: A Study in the Symbolism of Monarchy and Court Office in Early Modern England,” in Symbols and Sentiments: Cross Cultural Studies in Symbolism, ed. Ioan Lewis (London, 1977), 187–224Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Goffman's classic study of public behavior was in part based on research conducted in a New York mental hospital.

⁵⁷ [Knatchbull], Notes and Queries, 42.

⁵⁸ Bloch, Marc, The Royal Touch: Sacred Monarchy and Scrofula in England and France, trans. John Edward Anderson (London, 1973)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Charlton, William, “Maundy Thursday Observances and the Royal Maundy Money,” reprint from Transactions of the Lancashire and Cheshire Antiquarian Society (Manchester, 1917), 34Google Scholar. See also Hutton, R., The Stations of the Sun: A History of the Ritual Year in Britain (Oxford, 2001), 186–87Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 206.

⁶⁰ “An account of what happen’d to King James [II],” BL Add. MSS 32095, fol. 306, reports that Moon and the other sailors prostrated themselves before the king before he returned to London, asking for his forgiveness.

⁶¹ Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 219.

⁶² See Defoe, Daniel, A Tour through the Whole Island of Great Britain, ed. Pat Rogers (Harmondsworth, 1971), 128–29Google Scholar.

⁶³ “Here is a health to King James, had you not better fight for a prince that would pay you well than a prince that does not pay you” (“Case of speaking seditious words to soldiers in favour of James II 1695,” Centre for Kentish Studies, Q/S/B/24/62).

⁶⁴ Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 96–103.

⁶⁵ Walter, John, “Public Transcripts, Popular Agency and the Politics of Subsistence in Early Modern England,” in his Crowds and Popular Politics in Early Modern England (Manchester, 2006), chap. 7, 208–9Google Scholar; Wood, Andy, The 1549 Rebellions and the Making of Early Modern England (Cambridge, 2007), 157–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁶ McShane, Angela, “‘England's Darling’ or ‘Senseless Loon’: Hero and Villain, the Ballading Battle for the Image of Monmouth,” in Heroes and Villains: The Creation and Propagation of an Image, ed. George, C. H. L. and Sutherland, Julie (Durham, 2004), 139–57Google Scholar. See also Schmidgen, Wolfram, “The Last Royal Bastard and the Multitude,” Journal of British Studies 47, no. 1 (January 2008): 53–76CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁷ Wood, 1549 Rebellions, 159–62.

⁶⁸ Quoted in Walter, Crowds and Popular Politics, 193.