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¹⁴ It is known that Finnerty's father was a tradesman in Loughrea during the 1790s, but no baptismal record has yet been located and it does not follow that Finnerty was born there. Morning Chronicle, 15 May 1822; Ryan, David, “Dissafection and Rebellious Conspiracy in the Loughrea Area, 1791–1803,” in The District of Loughrea, vol. I, History, 1791–1918, ed. Forde, Joseph, Cassidy, Christina, Manzor, Paul, and Ryan, David (Loughrea, 2003), 20Google Scholar; Dictionary of Irish Biography: From the Earliest Times to the Year 2002, ed. McGuire, James and Quinn, James, 9 vols. (Cambridge, 2009), 3:793Google Scholar.

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¹⁹ Finnerty's employer, William Corbett, was one such informer. Thomas Bartlett, introduction to Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 18; Inglis, Freedom of the Press, 62–64.

²⁰ Fraser's Magazine 65 (1862): 171; Inglis, Freedom of the Press, 100. O'Connor awaits an authoritative biographical treatment, but see MacDermot, Frank, “Arthur O'Connor,” Irish Historical Studies 15, no. 57 (March 1966): 48–69CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hames, Jane Hayter, Arthur O'Connor, United Irishman (Cork, 2001)Google Scholar; Conner, Clifford D., Arthur O'Connor: The Most Important Irish Revolutionary You May Never Have Heard Of (Bloomington, 2009)Google Scholar.

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²⁴ Signed “Marcus,” the letter has been attributed to Deane Swift, son of the Dublin barrister Theophilus Swift. MacNeven, Thomas, The Lives and Trials of Archibald Hamilton Rowan, the Rev. William Jackson, the Defenders, William Orr, Peter Finnerty, and Other Eminent Irishmen (Dublin, 1846), 494Google Scholar.

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²⁷ Higgins to Cooke, 21 September 1797, in Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 184.

²⁸ Anthologized and reprinted numerous times during the course of the nineteenth century, Curran's address on this occasion was arguably the most significant of the high-flown orations on which his subsequent reputation as a champion of Irish liberty was based. Lecky judged it to be “the best statement of the case for Orr,” while Curran's biographer, Charles Phillips, asserted that it contained passages “unsurpassed in our language.” [Anon.], Trial of Mr Peter Finerty, 34–55; Knox, Vicesimus, ed., Elegant Extracts: Or Useful and Entertaining Passages in Prose (London, 1824), 433–34Google Scholar; [A member of the Bar], Irish Eloquence: The Speeches of the Celebrated Irish Orators Philips, Curran and Grattan to which is Added the Powerful Appeal of Robert Emmet, at the Close of His Trial for High Treason (Boston, 1857), 332–61Google Scholar; Barber, Jonathan, The Elocutionist, Consisting of Declamations and Readings, in Prose and Poetry; For the Use of College and Schools, 2nd ed. (New Haven, CT, 1836), 51–53Google Scholar; MacNeven, The Lives and Trials of . . . Eminent Irishmen, 481–545; Phillips, Charles, Curran and His Contemporaries, 5th ed. (London, 1857), 174Google Scholar; Lecky, Ireland, 4:115; Bigger, William Orr, 76.

²⁹ Higgins to Cooke, 22 December 1797, in Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 206.

³⁰ [Anon.], Trial of Mr Peter Finerty, 62.

³¹ Higgins to Cooke, 3 January 1798, in Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 210; Phillips, Curran and His Contemporaries, 172.

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³⁸ Another account, published in the Examiner in 1811, claimed that Finnerty had been “confined in a gaol-room sixteen feet by nine with fourteen other persons, some . . . convicted of capital offences.” Most likely influenced by Finnerty's own claims, this account does not tally with the irate missive, penned on 3 January 1798, in which the informer Francis Higgins complained that Sherriff Archer “sent to know if Finnerty was made easy and comfortable or had he any cause of complaint.” Examiner, 24 February 1811; Higgins to Cooke, 3 January 1798, in Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 210.

³⁹ For McCalman, “Castlereagh's supposed encouragement of brutal reprisals against the rebels of '98 . . . became Finnerty's idée fixe.” McCalman, “Erin go Bragh,” 178.

⁴⁰ [Anon.], Case of Peter Finnerty, Including a Full Report of All the Proceedings which Took Place in the Court of King's Bench upon the Subject . . . to which is Annexed, an Abstract of the Case of Colonel Draper, upon which Precedent Mr Finnerty Professed to Act (London, 1811)Google Scholar, xxvii.

⁴¹ Inglis, Freedom of the Press, 104; Ryan, “Dissafection and Rebellious Conspiracy in the Loughrea Area,” 20–21.

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⁵⁸ McCalman, “Erin go Bragh,” 174; Elliott, Partners in Revolution, 288.

⁵⁹ Hone, Cause of Truth, 125.

⁶⁰ Bartlett, Revolutionary Dublin, 184n93; Elliott, Partners in Revolution, 296.

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⁸⁰ McCalman, “Erin go Bragh,” 175.

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⁸⁸ McCalman, Radical Underworld, 3.

⁸⁹ Ibid.

⁹⁰ My analysis here is informed by McCalman, “Erin go Bragh,” 175.

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⁹⁴ Ibid., 13 September 1809.

⁹⁵ Ibid., 23 January 1810; Bew, Castlereagh, 247–56.

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¹⁰⁰ Ibid., 61.

¹⁰¹ Gilmartin, Print Politics, 124.

¹⁰² “Mr Brougham's Motion on the State of the Nation, 11 July 1817,” Parliamentary Debates, Commons, 1st ser., vol. 36 (1817), cols. 1416, 1417, 1420, 1444.

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¹²³ Cobbett's Weekly Political Register, 3 April 1819. I am grateful to Carl Griffin for sharing this reference.

¹²⁴ Hunt, Frederick Knight, The Fourth Estate: Contributions Towards a History of Newspapers, and of the Liberty of the Press, 2 vols. (London, 1850), 2:279Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ Gordon, Personal Memoirs, 1:298–300.

¹²⁶ Morning Chronicle, 15 May 1822.

¹²⁷ Aspinall, A., Douglas, David Charles, and Smith, Ernest Anthony, eds., English Historical Documents, 1783–1832 (London, 1996), 382Google Scholar.

¹²⁸ Epstein and Karr, “Playing at Revolution,” 496.

¹²⁹ Thompson, “Ireland and the Irish in English Radicalism,” 132–33.