¹ This study terms a political group as ‘Islamist’ when it explicitly declares its goal to establish a state based on the Islamic law, sharia.

² The term ‘peace’ simply denotes the lack of systematic and large-scale pervasive organized violence in a country.

³ ‘Violence’ here involves conflicts between state and Islamist groups. Those that have sectarian, inter-religious or international dimensions, along with isolated events, such as mob attacks without explicit ties to the Islamist organizations are therefore excluded.

⁴ ‘Repression’ here addresses diverse forms of discriminatory state actions against Islamist movements that may include, together or separately, the closure of organization headquarters, the official ban of the group, the incarceration and/or exile of the movement's leaders and/or ban from politics for a certain period of time or for life, the severe prevention of speech and/or other forms of expression, and the request for compromises that equal annulling their existing identity or ideology.

⁵ Those countries where Muslims constitute 55% or more of the population.

⁶ Entelis, John P. , ‘The Democratic Imperative vs. the Authoritarian Impulse: The Maghreb State between Transition and Terrorism’, Strategic Insights, 4 (6), June 2005Google Scholar; Albrecht, Holger and Wegner, Eva, ‘Autocrats and Islamists: Contenders and containment in Egypt and Morocco’, Journal of North African Studies, 11 (2), June 2006, pp.123–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷ Alexander, Christopher , ‘Opportunities, Organizations, and Ideas: Islamists and Workers in Tunisia and Algeria’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 32 (4), November 2000, pp. 468–9Google Scholar; Hafez, Mohammed M. and Wiktorowicz, Quintan, ‘Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement’, in Wiktorowicz, Quintan (ed.), Islamic Activism: A Social Movement Theory Approach (Bloomington, IN: Indiana University Press, 2004), p. 71Google Scholar; Posusney, Marsha Pripstein , ‘Multiparty Elections in the Arab World’, in Posusney, Marsha Pripstein and Angrist, Michele Penner (eds), Authoritarianism in the Middle East: Regimes and Resistance (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2005), p. 109Google Scholar.

⁸ Political fronts do not always produce violent behavior or are undemocratic by nature. See Olson, David M. , ‘Party Formation and Party System Consolidation in the New Democracies of Central Europe’, in Hofferbert, Richard (ed.), Parties and Democracy: Party Structure and Party Performance in Old and New Democracies (Oxford: Blackwell, 1998), p. 11Google Scholar; Cotta, Maurizio , ‘Structuring the New Party Systems after the Dictatorship: Coalitions, Alliances, Fusions and Splits during the Transition and Post-Transition Stages’, in Pridham, Geoffrey and Lewis, Paul G. (eds), Stabilizing Fragile Democracies: Comparing New Party Systems in Southern and Eastern Europe (London: Routledge, 1996), pp. 76–80Google Scholar.

⁹ Wiktorowicz, Quintan , ‘Conceptualizing Islamic Activism’, ISIM Newsletter, 14, June 2004, p. 1Google Scholar. On organizational factors affecting state actions toward Islamist movements (e.g. accommodation vs. full recognition) see Albrecht, Holger and Wegner, Eva, ‘Autocrats and Islamists: Contenders and containment in Egypt and Morocco’, Journal of North African Studies, 11 (2), 2006, pp. 123–41CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Introduction: Islamic Activism and Social Movement Theory’, in Islamic Activism, p. 15.

¹¹ They are Albania, Algeria,* Azerbaijan, Bangladesh,* Brunei, Comoros, Egypt,* Indonesia,* Iran, Jordan, Kuwait, Mauritania, Morocco,* Pakistan,* Saudi Arabia,* Senegal, Sudan, Tajikistan,* Tunisia,* Turkey,* Uzbekistan,* and Yemen.* Countries with an asterisk are known to have radical Islamist groups as well (Gül M. Kurtoğlu, ‘Toleration of the Intolerants?: Accommodation of Political Islam in the Muslim World’, unpublished dissertation, 2 vols., University of Chicago, Chicago, 2003, pp. 289–91.

¹² Despite the outbreak of violence in Tajikistan, it is not chosen as a case study here as it became independent in 1991.

¹³ Stone, Martin , The Agony of Algeria (New York: Columbia University Press, 1997), p. 72Google Scholar. Nevertheless, the turnout for the elections was 65%, which is rather low. For slightly different figures, see Ciment, James , Algeria: The Fundamentalist Challenge (New York: Facts On File Inc., 1997), p. 55Google Scholar.

¹⁴ Guazzone, Laura (ed.), The Islamist Dilemma: The Political Role of Islamist Movements in the Contemporary Arab World (Reading: Ithaca Press, 1995), p. 31Google Scholar.

¹⁵ ‘Egyptian IG Leader on Political Activity’, interview, Al-Sharq al-Awsat (London), 10 August 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0810); ‘Interview with Egyptian Islamic Leader’, Al-Sharq al-Awsat, (London), 27 June 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0715); Michael Ross, ‘“Rich Scared, Poor Don't Understand”: Egypt Facing Challenge of Fundamentalist Appeal’, Los Angeles Times, 15 July 1985.

¹⁶ Baaklini, Abdo, Denoeux, Guilain, and Springborg, Robert, Legislative Politics in the Arab World: The Resurgence of Democratic Institutions (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), p. 232Google Scholar.

¹⁷ Abdo, Geneieve , No God but God (New York: Oxford University Press, 2000)Google Scholar; Vickie Langohr, ‘Too Much Civil Society, Too Little Politics? Egypt and Other Liberalizing Arab Regimes’, Authoritarianism in the Middle East, p. 199.

¹⁸ Marsha Pripstein Posusney, ‘Multiparty Elections in the Arab World: Election Rules and Opposition Responses’, Authoritarianism in the Middle East, p. 117.

¹⁹ ‘Anxieties on the Nile’, Financial Times Survey, 22 April 1993.

²⁰ Mohammed M. Hafez and Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Violence as Contention in the Egyptian Islamic Movement’, in Islamic Activism, pp. 71–2.

²¹ Vickie Langohr, ‘Too Much Civil Society’, p. 200.

²² al Din Shahin, Emad , ‘Egypt's Moment of Reform’, in Emerson, Michael (ed.), Democratisation in the European Neighbourhood (Brussels: Centre for European Policy Studies, 2005), pp. 123–4Google Scholar; ‘Fighting for Turf’, Al-Ahram Weekly (Cairo, Internet Version-WWW), in English, 12 May 2005 (GMP20050524362002). See also ‘Is the Fire Going Out?’, Al-Ahram Weekly (Cairo, Internet Version-WWW), in English, 8 June 2006 (GMP20060615362003); ‘A New Dynamic’, Al-Ahram Weekly (Cairo, Internet Version-WWW), in English, 26 May 2005 (GMP20050530362001).

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²⁴ Greg Barton, Abdurrahman Wahid, pp. 55, 76; Tapol, , Indonesia: Muslims on Trial (Guilford: Biddles, 1987)Google Scholar; Wertheim, W.F. , ‘Indonesian Muslims Under Sukarno and Suharto: Majority with Minority Mentality’, in Hering, B. B. (ed.), Studies on Indonesian Islam, Occasional paper no.19, Centre for Southeast Asian Studies (Townsville: James Cook University of North Queensland, 1986), p. 21Google Scholar; Crouch, Harold , The Politics of Islam in Southeast Asia, Flinders Asian studies lecture, 18 (Adelaide: Flinders University Press, 1986), p. 19Google Scholar.

²⁵ W.F. Wertheim, ‘Indonesian Muslims’, pp. 21–2. The involvement of some Masyumi leaders in an Islamist rebellion later led to its closure by Sukarno in 1959, and the party was never able to regain its former status (Noer, Deliar , ‘Contemporary Political Dimensions of Islam’, in Hooker, M.B. (ed.), Islam in South-East Asia (Leiden: E.J.Brill, 1983), p. 190Google Scholar; W.F.Wertheim, ‘Indonesian Muslims’, p. 22; Tapol, ‘Muslims on Trial’, pp. 6–8.

²⁶ Deliar Noer, ‘Contemporary Political Dimensions of Islam’; Zifirdaus, Adnan , ‘Islamic Religion: Yes, Islamic (Political) Ideology: No! Islam and the State in Indonesia’, in Budiman, Arief (ed.), State and Civil Society in Indonesia, Monash Papers on Southeast Asia, no. 22, (Glen Waverley: Aristoc Press Pty, 1990), p. 446Google Scholar.

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²⁸ In the case of Indonesia, this date is 1998, when the country's political system underwent a radical shift, and, later, a plethora of new Islamist parties and political Islamist groups came in.

²⁹ Marsha Pripstein Posusney, ‘Multiparty Elections in the Arab World’, p. 91; Albrecht, Holger and Schlumberger, Oliver, ‘“Waiting for Godot”: Regime Change Without Democratization in the Middle East’, International Political Science Review, 25 (4), 2006, pp. 371–92CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³¹ Michael R. Vatikiotis, Indonesian Politics under Suharto, p. 127.

³² Jung, Dietrich and Piccoli, Wolfgango, Turkey at the Crossroads (London: Zed Books, 2001), p. 121Google Scholar; Mehmet Hakan Yavuz, ‘Islamic Political Identity in Turkey: Movements, Agents and Processes’, Ph.D. diss. University of Wisconsin-Madison, 1998, pp. 255–6; Lapidot, Anat , ‘Islamic Activism in Turkey since the 1980 Military Takeover’, in Maddy-Weitzman, Bruce and Inbar, Efraim (eds), Religious Radicalism in the Greater Middle East (London: Frank Cass and Co., 1997)Google Scholar; Çakır, Ruşen , Ne Şeriat, ne demokrasi: Refah Partisini anlamak (Istanbul: Metis Yayınları, 1994), pp. 73–4Google Scholar.

³³ Martinez, Luis , ‘Why the Violence in Algeria?’, Journal of North African Studies, 9 (2) (Summer 2004), p. 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar. The Algerian state elites could refuse the FIS request, since the 1989 constitution prohibits the establishment of religious parties (Roberts, Hugh , ‘From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition: The Expansion and Manipulation of Algerian Islamism, 1979–1992’, in Marty, Martin E. and Appleby, R. Scott (eds), Accounting for Fundamentalisms, Vol. 4: The Fundamentalism Project, 5 vols. [Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994], p. 431Google Scholar).

³⁴ Arun Kapil, ‘Democratization and the Question of Democracy in Algeria, 1979–1992’, diss. Thesis, University of Chicago, 1999, pp. 455–56; Quandt, William , ‘Algeria's Transition to What?’, Journal of North African Studies, 9 (2) (Summer 2004), pp. 86–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also ‘Bouteflika on National Reconciliation’, interview, Al-Sharq Al-Awsat (London), 8 August 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0809); Heristchi, Claire , ‘The Islamist Discourse of the FIS and the Democratic Experiment in Algeria’, Democratization, 11 (4), August 2004, pp. 111–32CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

³⁵ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Introduction’, p. 13.

³⁶ Greg Barton, Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 151.

³⁷ Michael R.J. Vatikiotis, Indonesian politics under Suharto, p. 122.

³⁸ Eva Bellin, ‘Coercive Institutions and Coercive Leaders’, in Authoritarianism in the Middle East, p. 30.

³⁹ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Conceptualizing Islamic Activism’, p. 1.

⁴⁰ Inaction, which is yet another possible strategy, is left out here.

⁴¹ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Introduction’, p. 14.

⁴² Eva Bellin, ‘Coercive Institutions and Coercive Leaders’, p. 31.

⁴³ Thomas, Clive S. (ed.), ‘Studying the Political Party-Interest Group Relationship’, Political Parties and Interest Groups (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001), p. 9Google Scholar.

⁴⁴ To keep the argument simple, the terms ‘political party’ and ‘political front’ reflect ideal types here and obviously overlook the different party taxonomies developed in the literature (e.g. Blondel, Jean , ‘The Role of Parties and Party Systems in the Democratization Process’, in Marsh, Ian et al. . (eds), Democracy, Governance, and Economic Performance: East and Southeast Asia [Tokyo, Japan: United Nations University, 1999]Google Scholar; Gunther, Richard and Diamond, Larry (eds), ‘Types and Functions of Parties’, in Political Parties and Democracy [Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001]Google Scholar. For political Islamist movements a further caveat applies: since many countries officially prohibit the establishment of parties on religious grounds, the absence of the label ‘party’ or ‘political’ in the title of an organization should not be automatically taken to drop it as a ‘lay’ organization. As the FIS in Algeria indicates, the presence of the term ‘party’ in the title of an Islamist movement does not guarantee that it will act in a centrally organized fashion routinely attributed to the ordinary party framework.

⁴⁵ There are many works on the pivotal role of political parties in established democracies. See Van Biezen, Ingrid , ‘On the Theory and Practice of Party Formation and Adaptation in New Democracies’, European Journal of Political Research, 44, 2005, pp. 147–74CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Pridham, Geoffrey and Lewis, Paul G. (eds), ‘Introduction: Stabilising Fragile Democracies and Party System Development’, in Stabilising fragile Democrasies: Comparing New Party Systems in Southern and Eastern Europe (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 8CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁴⁶ For a list of classic functions of political parties, see Dalton, Russell J. and Wattenberg, Martin P. (eds), ‘Unthinkable Democracy: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies’, Parties without Partisans: Political Change in Advanced Industrial Democracies (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1996), p. 5Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ Friedrich, Carl J. , Constitutional Government and Democracy (Boston: Ginn & Co., 1946), p. 299Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Blondel, Jean , Political Parties: A Genuine Case for Discontent? (London: Wildwood House, 1978), p. 12Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Key, V. O. Jr. , Politics, Parties, and Pressure Groups, fourth edition (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1961), p. 356Google Scholar.

⁵⁰ Jean Blondel, ‘The role of parties and party systems’, p. 16.

⁵¹ Hopkin, Jonathan , Party Formation and Democratic Transition in Spain (London: Macmillan, 1999), p. 19CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵² V.O. Key Jr., Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups, p. 347.

⁵³ Ibid.

⁵⁴ V.O. Key Jr., Politics, Parties and Pressure Groups, p. 372.

⁵⁵ Ibid., p. 371.

⁵⁶ Ahmad, Feroz , ‘Politics and Islam in Modern Turkey’, Middle Eastern Studies, 27 (1), January 1991, p. 17CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁷ Shankland, David , Islam and Society in Turkey (Hemingford Grey: Eothen Press, 1999), p. 106Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ See ‘Abdullah Gül'un Adaylığını Açıkladığı Basın Toplantısı’, press conference dated 8 March 2000, located http://www.belgenet.com/parti/ag080300.html.

⁵⁹ Van Bruinessen, Martin , ‘Indonesia's Ulama and Politics: Caught Between Legitimizing the Status Quo and Searching for Alternatives’, Prisma, 49 (1990), p. 55Google Scholar. See also Greg Barton, Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 152.

⁶⁰ Greg Barton, Abdurrahman Wahid, p. 133.

⁶¹ Holger Albrecht and Oliver Schlumberger, ‘Waiting for Godot’, p. 383.

⁶² Russell J. Dalton and Martin P. Wattenberg, ‘Unthinkable Democracy’, p. 8.

⁶³ Kalyvas, Stathis N. , ‘Commitment Problem in Emerging Democracies: The Case of Religious Parties’, Comparative Politics, 32 (4), July 2000, p. 379CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁴ Russell J. Dalton, ‘The Decline of Party Identifications’, Parties without Partisans, p. 20.

⁶⁵ Ibid., p. 21.

⁶⁶ The tendency of political movements to fragmentation following the achievement of their initial goal is hardly confined to Islamists. For a study on Eastern Europe, see Maurizio Cotta, ‘Structuring the New Party Systems after the Dictatorship: Coalitions, Alliances, Fusions and Splits during the Transition and Post-Transition Stages’, in Stabilising Fragile Democracies, pp. 76–80.

⁶⁷ Clive S. Thomas, ‘Studying the Political Party–Interest Group Relationship’, p. 9.

⁶⁸ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Introduction’, p. 16.

⁶⁹ Tarrow, Sidney , Democracy and Disorder: Protest and Politics in Italy, 1965–1975 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989), p. 17Google Scholar. Other, narrower definitions for political front also exist (e.g., Richards, Anthony , ‘Terrorist Groups and Political Fronts: The IRA, Sinn Fein, the Peace Process and Democracy’, Terrorism and Political Violence, 13 (4), Winter 2001, p. 73CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁰ Cook, Steven A. , Ruling But Not Governing: The Military and Political Development in Egypt, Algeria, and Turkey (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins Press, 2007), p. 89Google ScholarPubMed; Emad al Din Shahin, ‘Egypt's Moment of Reform’, p. 123; Holger Albrecht and Eva Wegner, ‘Autocrats and Islamists’.

⁷¹ Geoffrey Pridham and Paul Lewis, ‘Introduction’, p. 6.

⁷² In Egypt, ‘[t]heir activities’ – meaning the terrorist groups – as a high-ranking MB member once indignantly remarked, ‘take place underground whereas we [MB] act[s] in broad daylight’. On methodological differences, the Brother further argued: ‘[w]e have no connection with these groups because they have their own methods and beliefs and we have ours . . . It is difficult to have common threads with these groups or to adjust to them’ (‘Muslim Brotherhood Official Discusses Arrests’, Al-Safir [Beirut], 30 March 1995 [FBIS-NES-95–065]).

⁷³ The motto of the GIA (Groupement Islamique Armé or Armed Islamic Group – the most powerful radical Islamist movement in Algeria, ‘[n]o dialogue, no reconciliation, no truce’, included the FIS as much as the existing political regime.

⁷⁴ Nicole, and Pope, Hugh, Turkey Unveiled: Atatürk and After (London: John Murray, 1997), pp. 335–6Google Scholar).

⁷⁵ Note that organizational differences among moderate political Islamist groups need not reflect a variation of commitment toward reaching their ultimate objectives.

⁷⁶ Sullivan, Denis J. and Abed-Kotob, Sana, Islam in Contemporary Egypt: Civil Society vs. the State (Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner, 1999), p. 45Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Rouadjia, Ahmed , ‘Discourse and Strategy of the Algerian Islamist Movement (1986–1992)’, in Guazzone, Laura (ed.), The Islamist Dilemma, pp. 74–5Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ Ciment, James , Algeria: The Fundamentalist Challenge (New York: Facts On File Inc., 1997), p. 93Google Scholar.

⁷⁹ Ibid., p. 161.

⁸⁰ Martinez, Luis , The Algerian Civil War, 1990–1998, trans. Derrick, Jonathan (New York: Columbia University Press, 2000), pp. 198–9Google Scholar.

⁸¹ Waterbury, John , ‘Democracy Without Democrats?: The Potential for Political Liberalization in the Middle East’, in Salamé, Ghassan (ed.), Democracy Without Democrats?: The Renewal of Politics in the Muslim World (London: I.B. Tauris, 1994)Google Scholar.

⁸² Religious seminaries (İmam Hatip Liseleri) in Turkey were originally founded as vocational institutions to train religious personnel.

⁸³ Mehmet Hakan Yavuz, Islamic Political Identity in Turkey, p. 254.

⁸⁴ Feroz Ahmad, ‘Politics and Islam in Modern Turkey’, p. 13.

⁸⁵ ‘Egyptian MB's Al-Hudaybi, Al-Iryan, Al-Banna Asserts that MB Principles Unchanging’, Al-Majallah (London), 07 January 2001 (FBIS-NES-2001–0109).

⁸⁶ Russell J. Dalton and Martin P. Wattenberg, ‘Unthinkable Democracy’, p. 8.

⁸⁷ Jean Blondel, Political Parties: A Genuine Case for Discontent?, p. 20. See also Carl J. Friedrich, Constitutional Government and Democracy, p. 301.

⁸⁸ ‘Egyptian MB's Al-Hudaybi, Al-Iryan, Al-Banna Asserts that MB Principles Unchanging’, ‘Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood Leader Interviewed: Denies Splits, Government Deal’ (London), Al-Sharq al-Awsat, in Arabic, 30 June 2005, GMP20050630702001; Joseph Mayton, ‘Exclusive Interview: Deputy Head of Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt Mohamed Habib’, 6 June 2007, www.ikhwanweb.info.

⁸⁹ Abed-Kotob, Sana , ‘The Accommodationists Speak: Goals and Strategies of the Muslim Brotherhood of Egypt’, International Journal of Middle East Studies, 27 (3), August 1995, p. 325Google Scholar; Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt, p. 31.

⁹⁰ Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt, p. 27.

⁹¹ John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, Islam and Democracy, p. 176. See also Qasim, Tal'at Fu'ad , ‘What Does the Gama'a Islamiyya Want?’, in Beinin, Joel and Stork, Joe (eds), Political Islam: Essays from Middle East Report (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1997), p. 317Google Scholar.

⁹² Sana Abed-Kotob, ‘The Accommodationists Speak’, pp. 327, 333; Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Abed-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt, p. 57.

⁹³ Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt, p. 104.

⁹⁴ See ‘Worried About the Future, Mr.Akef's Interview With Al-Ahram Weekly’, 25 September 2006, accessed at http://www.ikhwanweb.info.

⁹⁵ ‘Egypt: Muslim Brotherhood Leader Al-Aryan Explains Position on Various Issues’, London, Al-Sharq al-Awsat (Internet Version-WWW) in Arabic, 09 May, 2005, GMP20050509702004.

⁹⁶ See Hugh Roberts, ‘From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition’, p. 447.

⁹⁷ Willis, Michael , The Islamist Challenge in Algeria: A Political History (New York: New York University Press, 1997), p. 118Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Ahmed Rouadjia, ‘Discourse and Strategy of the Algerian Islamist Movement’, pp. 78, 101 (fn.11); Roberts, Hugh , ‘From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition’; Ciment, James , Algeria: The Fundamentalist Challenge (New York: Facts On File Inc, 1997), p. 57Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ David M. Olson, ‘Party Formation and Party System Consolidation in the New Democracies of Central Europe’, p. 12.

¹⁰⁰ Quintan Wiktorowicz, ‘Introduction’, p. 12.

¹⁰¹ Ibid., p. 13.

¹⁰² Ahmed Rouadjia, ‘Discourse and Strategy of the Algerian Islamist Movement’, p. 85. See also James Ciment, Algeria, p. 93.

¹⁰³ James Ciment, Algeria, p. 94.

¹⁰⁴ Hugh Roberts, ‘From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition’; Michael Willis, The Islamist Challenge in Algeria, p. 194; Luis Martinez, The Algerian Civil War, pp. 20–3; Ahmed Rouadjia, ‘Discourse and Strategy of the Algerian Islamist Movement’, p. 74.

¹⁰⁵ James Ciment, Algeria, p. 158.

¹⁰⁶ Ahmed Rouadjia, ‘Discourse and Strategy of the Algerian Islamist Movement’, p. 84; Michael Willis, The Islamist Challenge in Algeria, pp. 192–3.

¹⁰⁷ Hugh Roberts, ‘From Radical Mission to Equivocal Ambition’, p. 459.

¹⁰⁸ Ibid., p. 450.

¹⁰⁹ Michael Willis, The Islamist Challenge in Algeria, pp. 199–200.

¹¹⁰ Luis Martinez, The Algerian Civil War, p. 205.

¹¹¹ James Ciment, Algeria, p. 56.

¹¹² Stathis N. Kalyvas, ‘Commitment Problem in Emerging Democracies’, p. 385.

¹¹³ Martin Stone, The Agony of Algeria, p. 178.

¹¹⁴ James Ciment, Algeria, p. 96; Michael Willis, The Islamist Challenge in Algeria, p. 286.

¹¹⁵ Luis Martinez, The Algerian Civil War, pp. 21–2. The FIS never represented the whole Islamist spectrum in Algeria, including the moderates. Therefore, losing its leading position following its ban brought increased competition from other moderate Islamist parties, such as Hamas (ibid., pp. 224–5).

¹¹⁶ ‘Algeria: Ben Bella “Optimistic” on Solution to Crisis’, interview, Al-Majallah [London], 13–19 April, 1997 (FBIS-NES-97–074); ‘Former FIS Figure on Algerian Situation’, interview, Al-Sharq al-Awsat [London], 5 October 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–1005).

¹¹⁷ Baaklini et al., Legislative Politics in the Arab World, p. 246.

¹¹⁸ Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Abed-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt, p. 22.

¹¹⁹ Cassandra [pseudonym], ‘The Impending Crisis in Egypt’, The Middle East Journal, 49(l), Winter 1995, p. 15.

¹²⁰ Anderson, Lisa , ‘Prospects for Liberalism in North Africa: Identities and Interests in Preindustrial Welfare States’, in Entelis, John P. (ed.), Islam, Democracy, and the State in North Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1997), p. 134Google Scholar.

¹²¹ Ibid., p. 135.

¹²² John L. Esposito and John O. Voll, Islam and Democracy, p. 178; Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Abed-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt, pp. 22–33; Sami Zubaida, ‘Religion, the State, and Democracy: Contrasting Conceptions of Society in Egypt’, in Political Islam: Essays from Middle East Report, p. 58.

¹²³ Denis J. Sullivan and Sana Abed-Kotob, Islam in Contemporary Egypt, p. 61.

¹²⁴ Gilles Kepel, Muslim Extremism in Egypt, p. 200.

¹²⁵ Tal'at Fu'ad Qasim, ‘What Does the Gama'a Islamiyya Want?’, p. 298.

¹²⁶ Geneieve Abdo, No God but God, p. 126.

¹²⁷ Tal'at Fu'ad Qasim, ‘What Does the Gama'a Islamiyya Want?’, p. 316.

¹²⁸ Geneieve Abdo, No God but God, p. 128.

¹²⁹ Ibid.

¹³⁰ Similar to the MB, these new parties seek to establish an Islamic state. ‘Interview with Egyptian Islamic Leader’, Al-Sharq al-Awsat [London], 27 June 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0715).

¹³¹ ‘Islamists Set To Establish Shari'ah Party in Egypt’, Al-Sharq al-Awsat (London), 16 August 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0817).

¹³² ‘Interview with Egyptian Islamic Leader’, Al-Sharq al-Awsat (London), 27 June 1999 (FBIS-NES-1999–0715).

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