^{page 182 note 1} In room ZT₄. For earlier parts see Iraq XVII, Pt. 1, pp. 21–50Google Scholar; Pt. 2, pp. 126–154; XVIII, Pt. 1, 40–56.

^{page 202 note 1} For the reservations with which this discussion is offered see Iraq XVII, Pt. I, p. 44Google Scholar.

^{page 202 note 2} Mita is the Assyrian form of Midas, the name of the kings of Phrygia. The land Mušku is mentioned in the Old Testament as , A.V. Meshech, (Gen. x 2; 1 Chron, i 5, 17; Ps. cxx 5; Ezek. xxvii 13, xxxii 26, xxxviii 2, 3, xxxix 1).

^{page 202 note 3} The name of Que has long been recognized as occurring in 1 Kgs. × 28 and 2 Chron, i 16, though its presence is obscured by the massoretic vocalisation and the name is not represented in the A.V.; see B.D.B, (1st edn.) 875.

^{page 202 note 4} Extradition clauses are found elsewhere in ancient treaties; see Weidner, E. F., Politische Dokumente aus Kleinasien, Die Staatsverträge in akkadischer Sprache aus dem Archiv von Boghazköi, (Bo. St., 9 Heft), pp. 120, 122, lines 21–31Google Scholar, for such a clause in the treaty between Ḫattušil III and Ramses II.

^{page 203 note 1} The land Tabal occurs in the Old Testament, chiefly in association with Musku (Meshech), as , A.V. Tubal; (references as for Meshech with 1 Chron. i 17 omitted and Isa. lxvi 19 added).

^{page 203 note 2} For a brief, but good, account of the rise of Urartu see Follet, R., “Deuxième Bureau” et information diplomatique dans l'Assyrie des Sargonides (Rivista degli studi orientali, xxxii, 61–81), 62–63Google Scholar.

^{page 203 note 3} L.A.R. I, §§221, 276, 318, 389(?), 413, 442Google Scholar.

^{page 204 note 1} L.A.R. I, 772Google Scholar.

^{page 204 note 2} Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, 70–71.

^{page 204 note 3} See Iraq XVII, Pt. 2, p. 147Google Scholar.

^{page 204 note 4} L.A.R. II, §8Google Scholar.

^{page 204 note 5} L.A.R. II, §18Google Scholar.

^{page 204 note 6} Akkadian ul-tu ume(meš) ru-qu-ú-ti; see Lie, , The Inscriptions of Sargon II King of Assyria, p. 22, line 126Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 1} L.A.R. II, §§25, 55Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 2} L.A.R. II, §§26, 27Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 3} The defeat of Urarṭu in 714 B.C. may also have contributed to Mušku's change of policy.

^{page 205 note 4} See Lie, , The Inscriptions of Sargon II King of Assyria, p. 66, line 445Google Scholar, LÚ.GAR.KUR. The title may be read either (amel)šá-kìn or (amel)šakin mati.

^{page 205 note 5} L.A.R. II, §43Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 6} L.A.R. I, §§769, 772, 801Google Scholar.

^{page 205 note 7} Die Provinzeinteilung des assyrischen Reiches, 70–71.

^{page 205 note 8} Forrer's assertion is not indisputable: see L.A.R. II, §118Google Scholar = Winckler, , Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, II, 43Google Scholar.

^{page 206 note 1} Line 48.

^{page 206 note 2} L.A.R. I, §579Google Scholar.

^{page 206 note 3} L.A.R. II, §25Google Scholar.

^{page 206 note 4} L.A.R. II, §§25, 55Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 1} L.A.R. II, §§781, 848, 911Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 2} L.A.R. II, §§516, 531Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 3} According to the Hittite sources a certain Araras had some kind of supremacy over Mušku down to 730 B.C. or perhaps a little later: see Barnett, R. D., in A.S. III, 91Google Scholar. This provides an upper limit for the date at which Mita could have been engaging in negotiations with Assyria.

^{page 207 note 4} L.A.R. II, §43Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 5} Isa. xxxix 1, 2 Kgs. xx 12. It is interesting to note that the Old Testament references describe Merodach-baladan as “the son of Baladan,” and that the latter name represents Apla-iddin, the form which occurs in the letter. It is possible that the Old Testament writers and the royal author of letter XXXIX were aware of some other Babylonian politician of whom there is no record in the Assyrian royal annals.

^{page 207 note 6} For an example see Nicolo, M. San, Beiträge zu einer Prosopographie neubabylonischer Beamten der Zivil- und Tempelverwaltung, 27, n. 57Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 7} L.A.R. I, 794Google Scholar.

^{page 207 note 8} L.A.R. II, §38Google Scholar.

^{page 208 note 1} On these officials see Iraq XVII, Pt. 2, p. 135Google Scholar.

^{page 208 note 2} The name also occurs as Urzuḫina and Aḫizuḫina.

^{page 208 note 3} R.L.A. II, 431Google Scholar, Eponymenkanon C^b I, 43.

^{page 208 note 4} A different person held the province by 710 B.C. See R.L.A. II, 455Google Scholar, Šamaš-bêla-uṣur 2).

^{page 208 note 5} L.A.R. II, §145Google Scholar.

^{page 209 note 1} Weidner, E. in Friedrich, J., Meyer, G. R., Ungnad, A., Weidner, E., Die Inschriften vom Tell Halaf. Keilschrifttexte und aramäische Urkunden aus einer assyrischen Provinzhaupstadt, 15Google Scholar.

^{page 209 note 2} Speiser, E. A., Annual of the American Schools of Oriental Research, VIII, 17, following OlmsteadGoogle Scholar.

^{page 209 note 3} Driver, G. R., Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. (Abridged and revised edition, 1957), 57Google Scholar.

^{page 209 note 4} E. A. Speiser, op. cit., p. 25 and map following p. 41.

^{page 209 note 5} Speiser's argument (op. cit., pp. 16–17) tnat at the time of Aššur-naṣir-pal the main Assyrian road to Zamua went through the pass of Bazian is convincing, but the fact that the latter could be closed with a wall was a very good reason for the Assyrians to make an alternative track into Zamua, and the term ḫarran šarri of letter XLI, 19 suggests that the route so described was not an ancient road, but one deliberately established by the king. Speiser, arguing against the use of a track through Basirra, gives the opinion (op. cit., p. 16) that the terrain there would be very difficult for chariots. Speiser's estimate of the difficulty of the Basirra Pass is not shared by the mounted Kurdish police responsible for patrolling it.

^{page 209 note 6} See Iraq XVII, Pt. 1, p. 46, n. 3Google Scholar.

^{page 209 note 7} The present writer can, however, adduce no evidence that these were the boundaries actually employed.

^{page 209 note 8} This would be suitable for the position of ארזחן, which is named as a provisioning post between לער (Laḫiru) and ארבל (Arbilu) in G. R. Driver, Aramaic Documents of the Fifth Century B.C. letter VI, line 1.

^{page 209 note 9} H.A.B.L. 424, which mentions an (amel)sukallu in connection with the Urarṭian frontier in the district of the town Ḫarda, is too uncertain of interpretation to be of much assistance in this connection. For brief discussions of the letter see Klauber, E., Assyrisches Beamtentum, 57Google Scholar and Follet, R., Rivista degli studi orientali, XXXII, 72Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 1} L.A.R. II, §11Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 2} L.A.R. II, §147Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 3} L.A.R. II, §23Google Scholar. The expedition is also mentioned in the Eponym Canon, see R.L.A. II, 433Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 4} See Lie, A. G., The Inscriptions of Sargon II King of Assyria, p. 29, n. 18Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 5} L.A.R. II, §24Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 6} A. G. Lie, op. cit., p. 30, lines 183–4, lìb-bi (m)da-al-ta-a ú-ṭib-ma ú-taq-qi-na da-li-iḫ-tu [mat]-su.

^{page 210 note 7} L.A.R. II, §58Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 8} L.A.R. II, §§47. 65Google Scholar.

^{page 210 note 9} This last detail, and the fact that elsewhere (e.g. Winckler, H., Die Keilschrifttexte Sargons, Bd. I, p. 98, line 18Google Scholar) Ellipi is said to adjoin Elam, shows that Ellipi lay fairly far to the south. Since Dalta of Ellipi paid tribute during Sargon's eighth campaign, this suggests that, contrary to the conclusion of Thureau-Dangin in this connection (Une relation de la huitième campagne de Sargon, p. iii), Sargon did, after arrival in the Sulaimania area, make a detour to the south.

^{page 210 note 10} It could be argued that the reference to Medes in line A 5′, together with the absence from the annals of any reference to Assyrian action against Ellipi in 716 B.C., makes a date of 713 B.C., when Sargon undertook military action in Ellipi, Karalla and the land of the Medes, more probable for the letter. A strong argument against assuming the later date is the probability that the Assyrian action then was in response to Dalta's own call for aid against revolt by his own subjects.

^{page 211 note 1} See above, p. 194.

^{page 211 note 2} L.A.R. I, §§785, 813Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 3} L.A.R. II, §155Google Scholar.

^{page 211 note 4} P. 199.

^{page 212 note 1} Although it is probable that Etini was originally the name of a certain mountain area, the name may have been transferred to the dwellers of the area and retained by them even after migration.

^{page 212 note 2} L.A.R. I, §454Google Scholar.

^{page 212 note 3} A land of Etiu, which occurs with case-ending as Etiuni and once as Etini, is found in the Ḫaldian records (König, F. W., Handbuch der chaldischen Inschriften, Bd. II, 182Google Scholar), but even if this name could be formally identified with Etini of the Assyrian records, the land to which it applied would still be in a region much further north than one would expect to come into consideration in connection with Assyrian frontier policy.

^{page 212 note 4} Alternatively the explanation could be that Urarṭian territory at this time extended further south in this region than has hitherto been supposed; and it could be argued that the mention of the river Zab (in a broken context) in line 25, if taken as referring to the upper reaches of the Little Zab north of Sardasht, supports such a conclusion.