^{page 115 note 2} See also contour map in Iraq, XII, Pt. 2, 1950, Pl. xxvi opposite p. 157Google Scholar, and preliminary account of excavations in the same area in Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, 1953, p. 29Google Scholar.

^{page 115 note 3} Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, opposite p. 67Google Scholar.

^{page 116 note 1} Note that the true front of the Ziggurrat terrace is the wall face on the north side of the corridor and north of the area marked 8 in the plan shown in Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, Pl. XIV. When this area was first excavated by us in 1952 it was thought that the battered wall front on the north side of Z.T. 11, 12, 13 represented the edge of the terrace, cf. Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, p. 34Google Scholar, but subsequently in 1953 we discovered the corridor which in fact separates the terrace from the main range of Z.T.

^{page 117 note 1} Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, Pl. XII Illustrates the Plan without the addition of Z.T. It is possible that the smaller chambers J, K, M were used for the performance of religious offices.

^{page 117 note 2} Thus the statement in Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, p. 30Google Scholar where a “broad thoroughfare” in K5 is mentioned must not be taken to mean that there was a street in antiquity.

^{page 117 note 3} None the less it was still possible to trace across the ravine the remains of the great mud-brick platform built by Aššur-naṣir-pal as a substructure for the N.W. Palace and Z.T.

^{page 117 note 4} Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, p. 32Google Scholar.

^{page 117 note 5} Loc. cit. p. 75.

^{page 118 note 1} See Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, pp. 33–38Google Scholar, and Pl. IV, no. 1, for a brief statement about the collection of documents in Z.T.4. Also Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 123Google Scholar for a description by C. J. Gadd of the Marduk-apla-iddinna II cylinder found in the same room, and subsequent article in this number of the journal for the Sargon prisms. A brief catalogue by D. J. Wiseman on additional documents found in 1953 appeared in Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 146 f., ND. 3469–3477, 3480Google Scholar. It is hoped that Mr. H. W. F. Saggs will publish the bulk of the letters in subsequent numbers of this Journal.

^{page 119 note 1} B.M. 118800, Gadd, C. J., The Stones of Assyria, Pl. 6, and p. 128Google Scholar.

^{page 123 note 1} See also discussion of the archive found in TW. 53, room 19, on page 131 f. below. As both Z.T. and TW. 53 must have been burnt at one and the same time, the objects in daily use such as the pottery must be similarly dated in both places. 630 B.C. is the earliest and 612 B.C. the latest possible date for these collections. Some of the more valuable objects were no doubt some years older.

^{page 123 note 2} Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, p. 37 fGoogle Scholar.

^{page 126 note 1} This arrangement is closely comparable with a room which has been described as a ‘wine cellar’ at Khorsabad, in Residence K. See O.I.P., XL, Pl. 35, and text p. 69 and Fig. 10Google Scholar; Pl. 71 gives the plan and position of the room. Loud's description is as follows: ‘ranged along its sides are eight storage jars (Pl. 35C) embedded to about half their depth in bases of mud-brick (Pl. 35F). They are of different shapes and variously decorated.’ This magazine must have been used for the storage of oil, like the one at Nimrud.

^{page 126 note 2} The assumption is that this group ND. 3481–7 and 3489 is of the same period as ND. 3488.

^{page 127 note 1} Iraq XV, Pt. 2, p. 148Google Scholar. Limmu Mutakkil-Aššur.

^{page 127 note 2} In Room HH of the N.W. Palace a fragment of a large clay jar, ND. 485, was found inscribed with its capacity, which appeared to be about 99 litres or about 21¾ gallons, Iraq, XIII, Pt. 2, p. 115Google Scholar, that is 1 homer, 2 sûtu, 5 sila, and this was probably the approximate capacity of the jars in Z.T. 30. Another set of jars in the guard room EB of the N.W. Palace were larger, inscribed 2 homers, but they probably contained grain, cf. Iraq, XIV, Pt. 1, p. 10Google Scholar.

^{page 127 note 3} Further details in Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 148Google Scholar.

^{page 127 note 4} Iraq, XIII, Pt. 2, p. 118, ND. 805Google Scholar.

^{page 127 note 5} Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, p. 105Google Scholar.

^{page 129 note 1} Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1.

^{page 129 note 2} Iraq, XII, Pt. 2, p. 158Google Scholar.

^{page 131 note 1} Bache, C., The Museum Journal, The University Museum, U. of Pa, Vol. XXIV, No. 1, 1935, pp. 33Google Scholaret seq. These houses were presumably of the ninth century B.C., cf. the business documents from level I published by Finkelstein, in J.C.S., VIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 131 note 2} Assuming that there was never more than one limmu per annum, but see p. 134.

^{page 132 note 1} For this limmu see Bezold, C., Catalogue of the Cuneiform Tablets in the Kouyunjik Collection, p. 327, K. 1662Google Scholar. The name occurs on a terracotta cylinder of Sin-šar-iškun, described in Smith, George, Assyrian Discoveries, 382Google Scholar. As the text appears to record the restoration of the famous temple of Nabu at Nineveh, one might suggest that the King would have undertaken this work early in his reign. Allowing time for its completion I would therefore propose 627 B.C. or thereabouts as the date for this eponym.

^{page 132 note 2} Found in the top rubbish of ZT. 17 as noted by MissParker, in Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, p. 33Google Scholar, whereas the majority of the remainder were found at floor level. It is however by no means improbable that ND. 2076 belongs to the rest of the collection, but its disturbed position does not allow us to affirm this with certainty: ND. 2080, probably post canonical, was found next to it in the sub-surface soil. Other tablets found in the same room were ND. 2081–2085, 2323–2343, these at pavement level, about 2 metres below the wall tops.

^{page 132 note 3} C.A.H., Vol. III, chapter V, contains a general account of the fall of Assyria, based on information available up to the year 1925.

^{page 133 note 1} See the inscription quoted by Smith, Sidney in C.A.H., Vol. III, Chap, v, p. 127Google Scholar.

^{page 133 note 2} J.N.E.S., loc. cit., p. 41.

^{page 134 note 1} Incidentally, the Shaikh, like Shalmaneser III has a winter residence at Calah and a summer house at Balawat. Evidence of longevity in ancient communities has recently been discussed by Professor A. H. M. Jones in a lecture entitled “The Economic Structure of Athens in the Fifth and Fourth Century B.C.” read to the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies. In this connection it is interesting to note that tablets from Nippur record transactions of a father and son over a total period of 86 years, that is 43 years apiece, during the period 702–617 B.C. I owe this reference to the kindness of A. L. Oppenheim who will be mentioning these documents in a forthcoming article in Iraq.

^{page 134 note 2} We may reckon that there are 40 post-canonical limmu names if we combine Weidner's names in A.F.O. XIII with those given in R.L.A., 441–457. To these we may add seven names found on the tablets from Z.T. and TW. 53 at Nimrud but not occurring in the post-canonical R.L.A. list as supplemented by Weidner. Add one name, Habani, recently noted or a Sultan Tepe tablet No. 78 by Gurney, O. R. in Anatolian Studies, Vol. II, p. 25Google Scholar. No doubt the total figure of 48 at which I have arrived is not strictly accurate, as there is uncertainty about one or two of the names which may possibly in a few cases be identical and consequently have the effect of diminishing this total; but I have little doubt that there are other limmu names unknown to me, and that the total is in excess of 36, which is the number of years from 647 to 612 B.C. inclusive. The possibility might also be entertained that extra names are to be accounted for as “substitute” limmu, but that seems to me to be a less likely solution. We have at Nimrud on tablet ND. 3483 the mention of a limmu Nabū-naṣir, otherwise unknown, but he is recorded in direct connection with a substitute king, see below, and we have no reason to believe that he was post-canonical. This document was found in ZT. 30, not in the main archive, which was confined to ZT. 13–17. I am much indebted to Mr. Peter Hulin for drawing up a list of post-canonical limmu based on Johns, Ungnad and Weidner.

^{page 135 note 1} See Gadd, C. J., The Fall of Nineveh, for the sequence of events from 615 B.C. onwardsGoogle Scholar.

^{page 135 note 2} A possible sequence of five post-canonical limmu has been noted by Gurney, O. R. on a document from Sultan Tepe, cf. Anatolian Studies, Vol. III, p. 24Google Scholar. It seems to me probable that the five therein named, Musalim-Aššur, Aššur-Gimil-Tirra, Ubaba-eriba, Sin-šar-uṣur, Bêl-lûdâri, may come fairly soon after 648 B.C. All these names occur at Calah, the third as Zababa-eriba in connection with a wealthy merchant called Izbu who was operating in 658 and 656 B.C. If the five at Sultan Tepe are in direct sequence, I would suggest 645–641 B.C. as the earliest possible date, since we know the limmu for 646 B.C. The Nimrud tablets also may on further examination yield hints about the post-canonical succession. For example D. J. Wiseman has noted that the limmu Aššur-šar-uṣur of Marqasi must be earlier than Bêl-lûdâri, cf. Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 140Google Scholar, comment on ND. 3421, 3420. Furthermore a limmu named Nabu-šar-uṣur on ND. 2091 may be earlier than Salmu-šar-iqbi on ND. 2095, which is perhaps a continuation of the same law-suit, and the two are probably not far separated in time. For the possibility that Dadi-i was limmu in 627 B.C., see p. 132, footnote 1 above. See also A.F.O. XVI, Pt. 2, p. 305Google Scholar for two other limmu: Bel-aha-ušur and Sailu also thought to have been in office during the reign of Sin-šar-iskun.

^{page 141 note 1} See the subsequent article by Lines, Joan, “Late Assyrian Pottery from Nimrud” and illustrations, page 164 ffGoogle Scholar.

^{page 152 note 1} This and other seals from Nimrud discovered during our five campaigns will be discussed and illustrated by Miss Barbara Parker in a subsequent number of Iraq.

^{page 152 note 2} SirWoolley, Leonard, Carchemish, III, Plate B. 40Google Scholar.

^{page 155 note 1} Translated by Wiseman, D. J. in Iraq, XV, Pt. 2, p. 149Google Scholar.

^{page 155 note 2} For example, in the passage 39, period 1 pavement, cf. Iraq, XVI, Pt. 1, p. 78Google Scholar.

^{page 157 note 1} See also photograph of this object in I.L.N., August 15, 1953, Fig. 1. Worn by the king and his squire, cf. Gadd, C. J., The Stones of Assyria, Plate 3 opposite p. 12Google Scholar; also by the vizier on a relief on the north façade of the Palace, N.W., cf. Iraq, XV, Pt. 1, Pl. IIIGoogle Scholar.

^{page 157 note 2} I.L.N., August 15, 1953, Fig. 4 illustrates a reconstituted panel.

^{page 158 note 1} Compare the bathroom discovered in the Governor's Palace of Adad-nirari III, Iraq, XII, Pt. 2, Pl. XXXI.

^{page 158 note 2} The murals were copied by Lady Lane and it is hoped later on to reproduce them in colour, in a subsequent issue of this Journal, but owing to the high cost of the process, publication must unfortunately be postponed until the preliminary account of the dig has been published.

^{page 159 note 1} The word for a tub, nemsîtu, occurs in the Nuzu texts of the fifteenth century B.C., usually as a mixing vat for beer, but also ša ramâki—for washing, cf. Starr, R. F. S., Nuzi 1, Appendix D by E. R. Lacheman, p. 538Google Scholar. It is legitimate to wonder if nemsîtu is not etymologically related to Homeric Greek, possibly Asianic ἀσάμινθος a word used to signify a wash-tub both in the Iliad and in the Odyssey. Large copper receptacles with curved ends in shape and dimensions similar to modern baths have been found both at Sinjerli and at Ur, the former perhaps of the eighth and the latter of the seventh century B.C.; but the examples from Ur were used as coffins, for they contained skeletons and votive offerings within them. It is curious that recently a centre panel on the Ur coffins was found to have been decorated with ibex (?) in a style which is reminiscent of the Nimrud mural. A similar motif occurs on a metal panel from Ziwiye, cf. Godard, A., Le Trésor at Ziwiye, p. 17, Fig. 9Google Scholar. For the copper bath see Andrae, W., Die Kleinfunde von Sendschirli, Vol. V, 1943, Taf 57 and text p. 118Google Scholar, where it is said to have been found in a bathroom L. 6 Taf. L. of Ausgrabungen, Vol. IV. I would suggest that if this specimen is still in a condition to be cleaned it may be worth an examination to see if ibex or the like is engraved on the vertical band which reinforces the sides. For the copper bath-shaped coffin from Ur, one of a pair, see the photograph by Woolley, C. L. in Antiquaries Journal, 10 1926, Vol. VI, no. 4, Pl. LGoogle Scholar.

^{page 159 note 2} The most ancient and best preserved example of a bathroom is the ‘Great Bath’ discovered at Mohenjo Daro, for the most recent account of which, with its subsidiary chambers, see SirWheeler, Mortimer, The Indus Civilization, 29 fGoogle Scholar. We must presume that these Indian baths were filled by hand, but the Mohenjo Daro tank was sunken: the Assyrian bathrooms are invariably at the same level as the rest of the Palace.

^{page 159 note 3} It is also probable that the peoples of Mesopotamia would have shunned the bath with standing water, for fear of pollution; the Asiatic practice of pouring water over the body, the simplest form of shower bath, is obviously a more sanitary arrangement. See also Iraq, XII, Pt. 2, p. 166Google Scholar.