His Royal Highness Prince El Hassan bin Talal served as the closest political adviser, confidant and deputy of his brother King Hussein of Jordan until King Hussein's death in 1999. He has founded, and is actively involved in, a number of Jordanian and international institutes, organizations and committees. He is president of the Arab Thought Forum, a former president of the Club of Rome, chairman of the Independent Bureau for Humanitarian Issues and a member of the expert group, appointed by the Secretary-General of the United Nations, to implement the Declaration and Programme of Action of the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia and Related Intolerance that was made in Durban, South Africa, in 2001. A graduate of Oxford University, he holds numerous honorary doctorates in law, letters, theology, and oriental and African studies, and has received many awards, including the Abu Bakr Al-Siddique Medal of the Organization of Arab Red Crescent and Red Cross Societies. His most recently published books are To Be a Muslim (2003), Continuity, Innovation and Change: Selected Essays (2001) and In Memory of Faisal I: The Iraqi Question (2003, in Arabic).

A Shiite resurgence in Iraq has generated a region-wide Sunni backlash, raising fears of an emerging sectarian rift that is colouring and aggravating local conflicts. After discussing the schism's origins, manifestations and implications, the author concludes that the primary battle in the region is not between Sunnis and Shiites but between the United States and Iran. A US–Iranian rapprochement would do much to reduce sectarian tensions, while the most effective long-term response to sectarianism itself will likely come from systemic restraints that exist in the form of countervailing loyalties that prevent any single allegiance, such as religious adherence, from becoming paramount.

The article discusses the “ethnic paradigm” that currently prevails in analyses of Iraqi history and politics. While acknowledging the strong forces associated with ethnic and sectarian loyalties in the country, the article points to three important indicators of the surviving Iraqi nationalist sentiment that cut across these ethno-sectarian categories. It highlights the misfit between Western approaches to Iraqi politics and indigenous Iraqi political thinking on ethnicity and sectarianism, and pays special attention to the implications for the debates about federalism and the partitioning – “soft” or “hard” – of Iraq.

After decades of fighting and suffering, the Kurds in Iraq have achieved far-reaching self-rule. Looking at the history of conflicts and alliances between the Kurds and their counterparts inside Iraq and beyond its borders, the authors find that the region faces an uncertain future because major issues like the future status of Kirkuk remain unsolved. A federal and democratic Iraq offers a rare opportunity for a peaceful settlement of the Kurdish question in Iraq – and for national reconciliation. While certain groups and currents in Iraq and the wider Arab world have to overcome the notion that federalism equals partition, the Kurds can only dispel fears about their drive for independence if they fully reintegrate into Iraq and show greater commitment to democratic reforms in the Kurdistan Region.

Iraq occupies a special position in the general context of re-Islamization of Arab societies because of the US occupation and the absence of a viable state. The attempt to rebuild communities under the aegis of the United States led to a widespread withdrawal back into communities in which Islam plays a vital role. Sectarian identities were intensified, particularly because they built on layers largely secularized by years of a form of political life that had been partly dominated by secular or secularist parties (Communist Party, Baath party). It looks as if a secularized form of Islam, whose vocation is primarily to confer an identity and which has become impervious to any religious code, is likely to fuel the fighting, which is all the more inexpiable because each person believes that he is fighting for survival as a member of his community.

In modern times the Internet has become the only tool which can be used to spread information instantaneously and free of charge to anyone in the world who has an Internet connection. The ability to spread information is vital for any party engaged in an armed conflict. This article will show that groups engaged in a jihad have made the Internet their main outlet to the world. It will further examine the content of Islamic and jihadi websites, their main objectives and the communication strategies used. However, and with a particular focus on Iraq, the author will argue that the Internet does not serve as a platform of recruitment for jihad but is rather the most effective way for armed insurgent groups to win the “hearts and minds” of Muslims worldwide.

The war in Iraq has been accompanied by the highest ever number of casualties among members of the Iraqi and foreign press. While the end of the Saddam Hussein regime has reopened the way for vibrant media activity, the absence of security for members of the media has had a high human cost. The US-led war on Iraq, which was aimed at liberating its people from authoritarian rule, has not seen any serious attempt by the Western or even Arab media to focus on the human side of Iraq. Iraqi civilian death tolls are treated as nothing more than statistics.

This article proposes that the current journalistic challenges in Iraq necessitate, inter alia, a commitment by journalists to their professional responsibility, since this will guarantee the avoidance of the danger of sliding into the implications that usually result from armed sectarian conflicts. This responsibility should be exercised to assist the victims and promote a spirit of tolerance and reconciliation through the principles of professional ethics based on balance, equity, accuracy and objectivity. It might not be possible to achieve this without a code, agreed upon by all, which persons working in the journalistic profession would apply in a manner consistent with the fundamental principles of professional journalism, which require emotional detachment when formulating the content of news reports. The author proposes a preliminary theory or vision that could be modified or discussed in order to achieve this purpose in a country that is suffering, and will continue to suffer, from merciless bloodshed.

Before a framework can be set for efforts centred on human security to combat chaos, instability and insecurity in conflict areas, the human tragedy in those areas must be understood and discussed. This article analyses the human tragedy in Iraq and shows that it extends beyond our current perception of the situation. The war has led to the loss of lives and social capital, and has destroyed the Iraqi infrastructure. This substantially lowers the quality of life, leads to the inability to provide essential services and renders state-building activities even more difficult. In line with the policy of the Organisation of the Islamic Conference, the article also emphasizes the need for reconciliation between the various groups in Iraq, an end to sectarian tensions and the preservation of the country's territorial unity as the ultimate resolution of the Iraqi question.

The current situation in Iraq could be described as a “war on civilians”, for it mainly affects the livelihood and well-being of the civilian population, while serious security problems prevent the Iraqi people from leading a normal life. Going beyond the direct victims of the conflict, this article deals with the daily problems faced by Iraqi society, namely the lack of security in terms of housing, education and health care, as well as protection for the more vulnerable such as women and children. The forcible eviction of many Iraqis is, however, the main problem threatening the basic cohesion of Iraqi society.

Challenges exist when making reliable and valid estimates of civilian mortality due to war. This article first discusses a framework used to examine war's impact on civilians and then considers challenges common to each statistical approach taken to estimate civilian casualties. It examines the different approaches that have been used to estimate civilian casualties associated with the recent fighting in Iraq to date and compares the results of different approaches. The author concludes by proposing that after fighting has ceased, other approaches to estimating Iraqi civilian mortality, such as post-war retrospective surveys and demographic analysis, should be employed.