^{page 18 note 1} In the writing of this article I wish to acknowledge my gratitude to the Social Science Institute, Washington University for a summer grant and to the University of Pittsburgh for an Andrew Mellon Postdoctoral Fellowship in history.

^{page 18 note 2} Humphrey, House, All in Due Time (London, 1955), p. 78.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 1} Dickens, Charles, Hard Times (Boston, 1895), pp. 152, 580.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 2} Harrison, Frederic, Our Venetian Constitution, in: Fortnightly Review, 03 1867, pp. 267–68.Google Scholar

^{page 19 note 3} Hansard, CC, 4 April, 1870, p. 1200.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 1} Culture, and Anarchy, (1st. ed. 1869, London, 1949), pp. 44–45Google Scholar; Mixed Essays (1st ed., 1879, London, 1903), p. vi, 94–95Google Scholar; Essays in Criticism, first series (1st ed. 1865, London, 1875), pp. 46–7Google Scholar; and Discourses on America (London, 1885), p. 121.Google Scholar For the generation between 1860 and 1890 Arnold's essays are beyond a shadow of a doubt indispensable.

^{page 21 note 1} Allen, Grant, Natural Inequality, in: Carpenter, Edward (ed.), Forecasts of the Coming Century (London and Manchester, 1897).Google Scholar

^{page 21 note 2} Frederic Harrison, probably the leading exponent of mid-and late-Victorian Positivism affirmed to his son that sexual love was only right in marriage. His son responded, “Positivism, then, takes a theological view about morality?” “Of curse… Even more so…A man who gives way to the flesh is a wrongdoer… Morality cannot be twisted about to suit people's tastes.” Harrison, Austin, Harrison, Frederic, Thoughts and Memoirs (London, 1926), pp. 127–129.Google Scholar For Lecky, W. E. H. see History of European Morals from Augusta to Charlesmagne (London, 1869), II, pp. 371–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 21 note 3} Acton, William, The Functions and Disorders of the Reproductive Organs in Youth, in Adult Age, and in Advance Life Considered in Their Physiological, Social, and Psychological Relations (London, 1857), p. 23.Google Scholar “It must, however, be remembered that I am speaking, not of exceptionally strong constitutions, but rather of those that require caution in their management.” “Still, as a general rule, the act is and ought to be repeated but rarely.” Acton, op. cit. (Philadelphia, 1867), pp. 131, 125. There are six editions of Acton's book. A second London edition was issued in 1858, a third in 1862, afourth in 1865, a fifth in 1871, an a sixth in 1875. In as much as Acton made revisions and answered his critics I have drawn on variouseditions and have indicated the edition used each time the work is cited. For the fourth English edition I have had to make useof the Philadelphia edition of 1867.

^{page 22 note 1} Nichols, T. L., Esoteric Anthropology–The Mysteries of Man, (Malvern, 1875), pp. 114, 118.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 2} Ibid., pp. 114–15. Nichols, T. L., Human Physiology, The Basis of Society and Social Science (London, 1872), pp. 310–11.Google Scholar Nichols condoned contraception only for the sake of the wife's health (Esoteric Anthropology, pp. 113–114) Dr. George R. Drysdale contended that the principal opposition to the mere discussion of the question of contraception was founded upon the fear that discussion in itself would result in “an immense amount of unmarried love.” (“A Graduate of Medicine” [Drysdale, G. R.], The Elements of Social Science [4th ed., London, 1861], p. 348.Google Scholar) Between the first edition of 1854 and 1904 thirty-five English editions of the Elements appeared. The 1887 or 26th edition was an issue of 65,000. (Himes, Norman E., Medical History of Contraception [Baltimore, 1936], p. 233.Google Scholar) At the time of the Bradlaugh-Besant trial in 1877, it was widely believed that contraceptive methods would undermine public morality. “It was generally agreed that the ‘consequences’ of sexual intercourse were the main if not the sole barrier to immoral living on the part of a certain section of the population, and it was feared that the removal of this barrier by the practice of birth control would have a damaging effect.” (J. A. and Banks, Olive, The Bradlaugh-Besant Trial and the English Newspapers, in: Population Studies, VIII, no. 1 [07 1954], pp. 27–28.Google Scholar) On the other hand the Bradlaugh-Besant trial marked a turning point in the history of English contraception. Thereafter works containing instruction on contraceptions were far more broadly disseminated and the birth rate declined sharply during the next half century (N. Himes, op. cit., p. 243). Moreover, the upper middle class established a pattern of family limitation – a pattern as Mr. Banks has shown closely associated with the goal of maintaining their standard of living by late marriage and “prudential restraint”. “Continence… is, however, the only natural, and ordinarily, the only justifiable mode of preventing pregnancy.” (Nichols, T. L., Human Physiology, p. 310.Google Scholar) The date of change is not exactly clear, but it seems likely that upper middle-class “prudential restraint” was increasingly superseded by contraception during the last thirty years of the nineteenth century. (Banks, J. A., Prosperity and Parenthood [London, 1954], pp. 37, 142, 159.Google Scholar)

^{page 22 note 3} Gissing, George, The Unclassed (London, 1884), I, p. 90.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 4} “… ordinary sex-love is only an abuse when it goes beyond what efficient racial continuance requires.” O'Brien, M. D., Socialism and Infamy. The Homogenic or Comrade Love Exposed, An Open Letter in Plain Words for a Socialist Prophet, To Edward Carpenter, M.A. (3rd. ed., Dronfield, 1909), p. 13.Google Scholar

^{page 22 note 5} T. L. Nichols, Human Physiology, p. 273. “I believe that, as in body and mind, so also in the passions, the sins of the father are frequentiy visited on the heads of the child.” Acton, op. cit. (1862 ed.), p. 6.

^{page 23 note 1} See Section III (in the next issue of this journal).

^{page 23 note 2} Lecky, op. cit., II, p. 298. “… in the present state of society all tends to prove it is restraint, not excitement, which we seem to require.” The excitement referred to was induced by the prepuce which, according to Acton, aggravated “an instinct rather than supplied a want.” Acton, op. cit. (1862 ed.), p. 24.

^{page 23 note 3} O'Brien, M. D., The Natural Right to Freedom (London, 1893), p. 220.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 4} O'Brien, M. D., Socialism and Infamy, p. 16.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 5} Ireland, Archbishop, Social Purity, in: Humanitarian, 1894, p. 269.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 6} The exceptions were noted late-Victorian rebels such as Havelock Ellis, Grant Allen, Edward Carpenter, and John Addington Symonds.

^{page 23 note 7} Inglis, Ken, English Nonconformity and Social Reform, 1880–1900, in: Past and Present, 04 1958, p. 83.Google Scholar

^{page 23 note 8} “… the sensual side of our being is the lower side, and some degree of shame may be attached to it.” Lecky, op. cit., II, p. 294. “… we have an innate, intuitive, instinctive perception that there is something degrading in the sensual part of our nature…” Ibid. pp. 107–08.

^{page 23 note 9} Sundry Members, Clerical, Medical, and Lay of the International Association for the Total Suppression of Vivisection, “The Woman” and the Age: A Letter Addressed to the Right Honourable Gladstone, W. E., M.P. (London, 1881).Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 1} Professor Barker, James, A Secret Book for Men Containing Personal and Confidential Light, Instruction, Information, Counsel and Advice for the Physical, Mental, Moral, and Spiritual Want of Boys, Youths, and Men; being an Expose of the Vice of Boyhood, the Blight of Youth, the Curse of Men, the Wreck of Manhood, and the Bane of Posterity (Brighton, 1891), p. 26.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 2} O'Brien, M. D., The Natural Right to Freedom, pp. 260–61, 257).Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 3} O'Brien, M. D., Socialism and Infamy, p. 25.Google Scholar

^{page 24 note 4} “An Equal Standard of Morality.” Humanitarian, , Nov. 1894, p. 354.Google Scholar

^{page 25 note 1} Functions (1867 ed.), pp. 45, 131, 75, 77 Acton's italics.

^{page 25 note 2} Houghton, Walter E., The Victorian Frame of Mind, 1830–1870 (New Haven and London, 1957), pp. 391, 375–76.Google Scholar

^{page 25 note 3} “The Degradation of Women,” Humanitarian, , Oct. 1896, p. 256.Google Scholar

^{page 25 note 4} In words, Gradgrind's, “I have systematically devoted myself (as you know) to the education of the reason of my family. The reason is (as you know) the only faculty to which education should be addressed.”Google ScholarDickens, C., Hard Times, pp. 23–4.Google Scholar “You have been so well trained… You are not impulsive, you are not romantic, you are accustomed to view everything from the strong dispassionate ground of reason and calculation.” Ibid., p. 127.

^{page 26 note 1} Borchard, Ruth, Mill, John Stuart, The Man (London, 1957), pp. 33–5.Google Scholar Mill's own theory of education was an attempt to rectify the deficiency of the one he had received. “The education of the feelings, and the cultivation of the beautiful,” Mill wrote, was “needful to the completeness of the human being.” (Mill, J. S., Inaugural Address (London, 1867), p. 86.Google Scholar) In their attitudes towards reason and emotion there is a striking resemblance between Freud as a late-Victorian and Mill. Like Mill, Freud too exalted reason in opposition to the emotions. “He made love an object of science, but in his life it remaineddry and sterile. His scientific-intellectual interests were strongerthan his eros; they smothered it, and at the same time became a substitute for his experience of love.” To Freud, “the aim of life for a civilized person was to suppress his emotional and sexual impulses, and at the expense of this suppression, to lead a civilized life. It is the uncivilized mob which is not capable of such sacrifice. The intellectual elite are those who in contrast to the mob were capable of not satisfying their impulses, and thus sublimating them for higher purposes. Civilization as a whole is the result of such nonsatisfaction of instinctual impulses.” (Eric Fromm, Sigmund Freud's Mission. Cf. below, p. 35, fn. 2. An Analysis of his Personality and Influence (New York, 1959), pp. 28, 33–4). For the same opposition between reason and feeling in Darwin, see the brilliant essay by Fleming, Donald, “Charles Darwin, The Anaesthetic Man,” Victorian Studies, IV (03 1961).Google Scholar

^{page 26 note 2} Fitch, Sir Joshua, Thomas and Matthew Arnold and their Influence on English Education (New York, 1899), PP. 88–9.Google Scholar

^{page 26 note 3} Carpenter, Edward, Love's Coming of Age (London and Manchester, 1903), pp. 29–30.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 1} Ibid., p. 32.

^{page 27 note 2} “… we must translate the other phenomena of human and social history into terms of functional and structural analysis. It is high time that everything which the classical economists have done for economic behaviour should also be done for social behaviour.” Karl Mannheim, Man and Society in an Age of Reconstruction, trans, by Shils, Edward (New York, 1940), p. 26.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 3} On the methodology of classical political economy, see Mill, J. S., “On the Definition of Political Economy; and on the Method of Investigation”. This essay was drafted during the years of Ricardian triumphant between 1829 and 1833.Google Scholar (See Ashley, W. J., The Present Position of Political Economy (London, 1907), p. 5).Google ScholarMill's, essay was first published in the London and Westminister Review, Oct. 1836.Google Scholar It wa Keynes', The Scope and Method of Political Economy (London and New York, 1891)Google Scholar superseded Cairnes' exposition.

^{page 28 note 1} Fawcett, Henry, The Economic Position of the British Labourer (Cambridge and London, 1865), pp. 43–45.Google ScholarThe Saturday Review referred to the existence “in the minds of the comfortable classes of a standard of comfort which discourages early marriages.” 1860, p. 107.Google Scholar

^{page 28 note 2} Cunningham, William, “The Comtist Criticism of Economic Science,” Report of the British Association, 1889, p. 466.Google Scholar For a really brilliant essay charging the classical economists with oversimplifying the desire for wealth and with neglecting its changing meaning over time and in different civilizations, see Leslie, T. E. Cliffe, “On the Philosophical Method of Political Economy,” Hermathena, Vol. II (1876), pp. 265–97Google Scholar, and n's “The Love of Money,” Exchange, Nov. 1862.Google ScholarLeslie's, essays were reprinted in his Essays in Political and Moral Philosophy (Dublin, 1879).Google Scholar “The desire of wealth is a general name for a great variety of wants, desires, and sentiments, widely differing in their economic character and effect, undergoing fundamental changes in some respects, while preserving an historical continuity in others … So all the needs, appetites, passions, tastes, aims and ideas which the various things comprehended in the word wealth satisfy, are lumped together in political economy as a principle of human nature which is the source of industry and the moving principle of the economic world.” Hermathena, , pp. 269–70.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 1} Marshall, Alfred, The Economics of Industry, p. vi.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 2} Marshall, Alfred, Principles of Political Economy, p. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 3} Cunningham, William, “A Plea for Pure Theory,” Economic Review, II (Jan. 1892), p. 40.Google Scholar

^{page 29 note 4} Henry Fawcett, op. cit. p. 44.

^{page 29 note 5} Mill, J. S., The Subjection of Women (London, 1869), p. 169.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 30 note 1} Dendy, H., “The Industrial Residuum,” Aspects of the Social Problem, ed. Bosanquet, Bernard (London and New York, 1895), p. 83.Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 1} Acton, op. cit. (1867 ed.), pp. 55–61, 271. In her campaign against the Contagious Diseases Acts which were a legalization of the double standard of morality, Josephine Butler found the Church of England for the most part hostile or indifferent. In 1871 a gathering of clergymen howled down Cannon Butler for attempting to read a paper on the double standard. Quakers and Nonconformist ministers sided with Mrs. Butler and denounced the Government. (See Turner, E. M., Butler, Josephine: An Appreciation (London, 1927) pp. 11–2Google Scholar). While the “classes” were hostile to Mrs. Butler's campaign, the North country working classes were sympathetic. (See Crawford, Virginia N., Butler, Josephine, Croydon, , 1928, pp. 3–5Google Scholar, and Butler, Josephine E., Social Purity, London, 1879, p. 22).Google Scholar

^{page 31 note 2} Gladstone, Philip Magnus, A Biography (London, 1954), p. 107.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 1} SirPaget, James, Clinical Lectures and Essays (2nd. ed., London, 1879), p. 292.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 2} Nichols, T. L., Anthropology, pp. 295–98.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 3} “A Graduate”, A Lecture to Young Men on the Preservation of Health and Personal Purity of Life (5th ed., London, 1889), pp. 13–16.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 4} SirPaget, James, Essays, pp. 292–93.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 5} “A Graduate”, (7th ed., 1892).Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 6} Nichols, T. L., Anthropology, p. 296.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 7} Nichols, T. L., Psychology, pp. 304–05.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 8} Functions (1867 ed.), p. 195.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 1} Ibid., p. 201.

^{page 33 note 2} Acton, W., Prostitution, Considered in its Moral, Social, and Sanitary Aspects, in London, and other Large Cities and Garrison Towns, with Proposals for the Control and Prevention of its Attendant Evils (2nd ed., London, 1870), p. 47.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 3} Our New Masters (London, 1873), PP. 49–51.Google Scholar

^{page 33 note 4} In Darkest England and the Way Out (New York and London, 1890), pp. 65, 193.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 1} “ ‘Nature! Don't talk of so vile a thing as nature,’ said my mother. “It's following nature that leads men to perdition, and she looked at me as she spoke.” Aiken, B. (ed.), Waiting for the Verdict, an Autobiography (London, 1863), p. 64.Google Scholar In the novel the mother is a conscientious and strict Calvinist. Ibid., pp. 18, 26–28, 37, 61.

^{page 34 note 2} When England was seething in Revolt (see Section VI below), sexual reticence was forcefully challenged, its best single expression, among many, being the work of Havelock Ellis commenced in the eighties. The challenge extended to the novel hitherto shrouded behind a number of protective barriers which compelled novelists to be reticent.When, however, in the mid nineties a new school of fiction dared to be sensuous, to be forthright about the sexual side of life, it was violently attacked as repulsive and neurotic. “Its morbid spirit of analysis”, its characters “being so dreadfully introspective”, “their maddening faculty of dissecting and probing their “primary impulses”especially the sexual ones,” their explorations into the innermost recesses of they human heart, provoked the wrath of many Respectable-minded critics (Stutfield, Hugh E. M., “Tommyrotics”, Blackwood's Magazine, 06 1895, p. 490).Google Scholar The new fiction, they said, smacked of “sexual sensualism.” (Noble, J. A., “The Fiction of Sexuality,” Contemporary Review, 04 1895, p. 490).Google Scholar The new novels were stigmatized “the sex maniacal novels” (“The Philistine”, The New Fiction and other Papers (London, 1895), p. 85).Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 1} Sir James Paget, op. cit., p. 292.

^{page 35 note 2} “The essence of all this training of the will, however, lies in beginning early.” Acton, op. cit. (1862 ed.), pp. 42–45; (1857 ed.), p. 6. “A man can only achieve strength of purpose by the action of his own freewill… he can shun sensualism, and be continent”. (Smiles, Samuel, Character (Chicago, New York, and San Francisco, 1889), p. 214).Google Scholar In contrast to the Respectable assumption that a strongly developed will could achieve the conquestof passion by reason, Freud opened up new vistas. Freud, too, wantedmankind to achieve “the conquest of passion by reason.” “Up to Freudthe attempt had been made to dominate man's irrational effects by reason, without knowing them, or rather without knowing their deeper sources. Freud, believing that he had discovered the scources in the libidinous strivings and their complicated mechanisms of repression, sublimation, symptom formation, etc., had to believe that now, for the first time, the age-old dream of man' self-control and rationality could be realized”. (Eric Fromm, op. cit., pp. 95–4). “The making conscious of repressed sexual desires in analysis makes it possible, on the contrary, to obtain a mastery over them which the previous repression had been unable to achieve”. Sigmund Freud, General Introduction to Psychoanalysis, chapter 27.

^{page 35 note 3} Acton, op. cit. (1867 ed.), p. 60. The character of Gladstone is an excellent exemplification of an iron-will. See P. Magnus, op. cit., pp. 38, 104–5, 382.

^{page 35 note 4} Tuke, Hack, Prichard and Symonds in Especial Relation to Mental Science with Chapters on Moral Science (London, 1891), p. 49.Google Scholar Although opposed to the belief, Dr. Tuke made the statement in his exposition of “moral insanity”, a conception introduced by Dr.Prichard in 1835. Derangement of the “moral faculty”, according to Prichard, constituted moral insanity. Both Prichard and Dr. Symonds were sympathetic to the hitherto unacknowledged “morally insane” who suffered “marked obliquities which are so easily confounded with bad passions willfully indulged and evil habits pursued.” (Ibid., p. 50). ”… it must be remembered that a theory of insanity apart from mental delusions was at that time [1835] novel, almost revolutionary.” (Ibid., p. 51). The “echoes” of the controversy provoked by the theory had not died away at the time of Tuke's writing in 1891.

^{page 36 note 1} “In this particular field the evil of ignorance is magnified by our efforts to suppress that which never can be suppressed, though in the effort of suppression it may become perverted.” Ellis, Havelock, Studies in the Psychology of Sex (Philadelphia, 1925) I, 1897 Preface, p. iii.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 2} Functions (1857 ed.), p. 8.Google Scholar “The vital force must act in some direction; and if we would not have it expended on dementiveness and amativeness, we must direct it to other and nobler uses.” Nichols, T. L., Esoteric Anthropology, p. 120.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 1} Functions, (1862 ed.), pp. 50, 51.Google Scholar “Physiologists say, on a priori ground, that if you spend nervous force in one direction, you will not have as much to spend in another…; An incessant action of the brain often seems to diminish the multiplying power… But the doctrine of abstract physiology must be applied with caution…” Bagehot, Walter, Economic Studies, ed. Hutton, R. H. (London, 1905), pp. 118–119.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 2} Functions (1867 ed.), pp. 64, 55–69.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 3} Culture and Anarchy, p. 116.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 1} “The New Hedonism,” Fortnightly Review, N.S., LV (1894), p. 390.Google Scholar Both Arnold and Allen located the stronghold of the Respectable norm in the lower middle class. It is a commonplace assertion. “If English morality could be judged by the standard of morals which exists amongst the lower section of the middle class, the small shopkeeper and other employers on the same level, there would be no reason not to congratulate ourselves most heartily upon it. Between the lowest class and the professional class there is a happy interspace of virtue.” White, H. Anstruther, “Moral and Merrie England,” Fortnightly Review, 1885, pp. 775–6.Google Scholar See also Traili, H. D., “The Abdication of Mrs. Grundy,” National Review, 1891, pp. 12–16.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 2} Functions, (1857 ed.), p. 18.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 3} Functions, (1862 ed.), p. 53.Google Scholar

^{page 38 note 4} Ibid., pp. 53–4.

^{page 38 note 5} Acton supported the extension of the Contagious Diseases Act. See his The Contagious Diseases Act, Shall the Contagious Diseases Act be Applied to the Civil Population? (London, 1870).Google Scholar See also his Prostitution.

^{page 38 note 6} Functions, (1857 ed.), p. 81.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 1} Functions, (1862 ed.), pp. 27–8.Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 2} Ibid.

^{page 39 note 3} Ibid., pp. 20–1.

^{page 39 note 4} Ibid., p. 45.

^{page 39 note 5} Ibid., pp. 40–9.

^{page 39 note 6} See, e.g., Parkin, George R., Thring, Edward, Headmaster of Uppingham School, Life, Diary and Letters (London and New York, 1900)Google Scholar, and Lester, L. V., A Memoir of Hugo Daniel Harper (London, N. Y., and Bombay, 1896).Google Scholar

^{page 39 note 7} Functions, (1862 ed.), pp. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 1} Functions, (1867 ed.), pp. 35–6, 40.Google Scholar

^{page 40 note 2} Rev. Mitchinson, John, The Christian Gentleman's Training (Oxford and London, 1878) p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 1} “F. C”, “Education,” Literary Gazette, 13 Oct., 1860, p. 308.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 2} Report of Her Majesty's Commissioners … (1864), I. p. 44.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 3} Mack, E. C., Public Schools and British Opinion, 1780 to 1860 (London, 1938), pp. 249–50.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 4} “… we send out from our public schools year after year boys who hate knowledge and think books dreary, who are perfectly self-satisfied and entirely ignorant, and, what is worse, not ignorant in a wholesome and humble manner, but arrogantly and contemptuously ignorantnot only satisfied to be so, but thinking it ridiculous and almost unmanly that a young man should be anything else.” Benson, A. C., The Schoolmaster: A Commentary Upon the Aims and Methods of an AssistantMaster in a Public School (London, 1902).Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 5} Christopher Hollis, Eton, a History (London, 1960), p. 294.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 1} Jeyes, S. H., “Our Gentlemanly Failures.” Fortnightly Review, N.S., LXI (1897), p. 392.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 2} Ibid, p. 391.

^{page 42 note 3} “Public School Types,” London Society, XVI (1869), p. 34.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 4} “On my twelfth birthday I went up as usual to kiss my father. He said gravely, ‘Shake hands; you are growing too old for kissing.’ I felt rather ashamed of having offered what my twelfth birthday rendered unseemly, and took a step upon the path towards isolation… Henceforth I shrank from the exposure of emotion except upon paper, in letters and in studied language.” Horatio Brown, F., Symonds, John Addington. A Biography Compiled From His Papers and Correspondence (London, 1895), I, p. 64.Google Scholar “Curious, the covered underground life that some children lead I never remember, all those years at Brighton, till I was nineteen or twenty, a single person older than myself who was my confident. I do not remember a single occasion on which in any trouble or perplexity I was able to go to any one for help or consolation. My mother, firm, just, and courageous as she was, and setting her children an heroic example, belonged to the old school, which thought any manifestation of feeling unbecoming. We early learned to suppress and control emotion, and to fight our own battles alone: in some ways a good training, but liable in the long run to starve the emotional nature.” Carpenter, Edward, My Days and Dreams, Being Autobiographical Notes (London, 1916), pp. 15, 28–30, 94–98.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 5} O'Rell, Max, John Bull and his Island (London, [1883?]), pp. 31–32.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 1} Salt, H. S., Tennyson as a Thinker, a Criticism (London, 1891), pp. 40–41.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 2} Young, G. M., To-Day and Yesterday (London, 1948), p. 43.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 3} Cited in Brown, Alan Willard, The Methaphysical Society, Victorian Minds in Crisis (New York, 1947), p. 14.Google Scholar For a current interpretation of the Idylls differing from the meaning given to them by the Victorian critics cited in this essay, see Priestly, F. E. L., “Idylls of the King – A Fresh View”, ed. Killham, John, Critical Essays on the Poetry of Tennyson (London, 1960), pp. 239–55.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 4} Dyke, Henry van, The Poetry of Tennyson (10th ed., New York, 1904), p. 198.Google Scholar

^{page 43 note 5} The reference is to the change in the Arthur legend from Mallory's use of the incest-motif to Tennyson's use of the adultery-motif.

^{page 44 note 1} H. S. Salt, op. cit. pp. 37–38.

^{page 44 note 2} Banks, J. A., Prosperity and Parenthood, p. 48.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 3} DrBlackwell, Elizabeth, Counsel to Parents on the Moral Education of their Children in Relation to Sex (London, 1879), PP. 62–3.Google Scholar See also Logan, William, The Great Social Evil. Its Cause, Extent, Results, and Remedies (London, 1871), p. 228.Google Scholar “The upholders of the law [the Contagious Diseases Acts] were obliged openly to declare as their belief, and as the basis of this legislation, the doctrine of the necessity of pice for men, and of the impossibility of self-restraint; and then was called forth the public denial of that doctrine.” J. E. Butler, op. cit., pp. 30–1.

^{page 44 note 4} Newman, F. W., “Remedies for the Great Social Evil,” Miscellanies (London, 1889), III, pp. 274–5.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 5} “Many of your patients will ask about sexual intercourse, and some will expect you to prescribe fornication.” Paget, R., Clinical Lectures, p. 293.Google Scholar

^{page 44 note 6} Acton (1857 ed.), p. 19Google Scholar and (1862 ed.) pp. 29–30.

^{page 44 note 7} Newman, F. W., “on State Provision for Vice,” Miscellanies, III, p. 244Google Scholar; W. Logan, op. cit., pp. 229–30.

^{page 44 note 8} The Elements of Social Science, See p. 22, n. 2.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 1} Nichols, T. L., Physiology, pp. 301Google Scholar, 64,300.

^{page 45 note 2} Elements, p. 352.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 3} T. L. Nichols, op. cit., pp. 300–1. Acton, too, attacked an “unidentified writer of no mean standing or ability” whom Acton quoted as follows: “The ignorance of the necessity of sexual intercourse to the health and virtue of both men and women, is the most fundamental error in medical and moral philosophy.” “It may be mentioned as curious, that a young man entering on puberty is to indulge the exercise of all his organs, all his feelings, except that of the most violent – namely, love.” The unidentified writer who was in fact Drysdale advocated a social sanction for “unmarried intimacy”, “precaution being taken to prevent the famales having children.” Acton, op. cit. (1862 ed.), pp. 29–30.

^{page 45 note 4} E. Blackwell, op. cit., pp. 74, 75, 81, 95, 103. “With early marriages what a sweeping away will there be of immorality, often justified now by an appeal to natural laws, on the one side, and of grievous disturbance of the nervous system, due to injured vitality, on the other.” The latter assertion, the writer said, was borne out by “pathological study”. MrsCrackenthorpe, B. A., “The Revolt of the Daughters,” Nineteenth Century, 03, 1894, p. 428.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 5} “A Graduate”, op. cit. pp. 11–12.

^{page 45 note 6} Nichols, T. L., Physiology, pp. 300Google Scholar, 372, and Anthropology, p. 114.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 7} SirPaget, James, Lectures, pp. 293–4.Google Scholar

^{page 45 note 8} Nichols, T. L., Anthropology, p. 117.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 1} Ibid., pp. 98–99.

^{page 46 note 2} Newman, F. W., Miscellanies, III, pp. 279, 280, 273.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 3} Pearl, Cyril, The Girl with the Swansdown Seat (London, 1955), ch. v.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 1} Notes for Speakers on the Work and Principles of Josephine Butler (Westminster, 1928), p. 12.Google Scholar

^{page 47 note 2} Ibid., p. 5. See also J. E. Butler, op. cit., v. Crawford, op. cit., and J. Butler, The Education and Employment of Women (London, 1868).

^{page 47 note 3} “Anti-Respectability,” Magazine, Cornhill, VIII (1863), p. 289.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 1} “Continence even to the point of asceticism, has become as universally recognized an obligation of human life as the restraint of other appetites once freely and almost without reproach indulged in even by persons of position and refinement.” H. D. Traill, op. cit., pp. 11, 15–16.

^{page 48 note 2} There had “arisen two quite diverse movements; the one to restrain the sexual freedom of men; the other – of course, less outspoken and manifest, but very active in many quarters – to give greater sexual freedom to women.” Pearson, Karl, “Woman and Labour,” Fortnightly Review, 1 05, 1895, p. 568.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 3} Ancrum, Beswicke, “The Sexual Problem,” National Review, 1891, pp. 12–13.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 4} H. D. Traill, op. cit., pp. 12–13.

^{page 48 note 5} “Public Life and Private Morals,” Fortnightly Review IXL (1891), p. 217.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 6} Review of Reviews, August 1892, pp. 127–141, 130.Google Scholar

^{page 48 note 7} H. D. Traill, op. cit. p. 13.