^{page 93 note 1} Guthrie, W. K. C., The Greeks and their Gods, 1950, p. 166Google Scholar for Euripides; Bolkestein, H., Economisch Leven in Griekenlands Bloeitijd, 1923Google Scholar, (Engl. translation: Economic Life in Greece's Golden Age, 1958), passim, for the underestimation of the economic factors.

^{page 93 note 2} Further data in Deubner, L., Attische Feste, 1932, p. 135.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 1} Brea in Thrace in the year 449/8, I.G., I², 45 (= Tod, M.N., Greek Historical Inscriptions, I ², 1946, No. 44Google Scholar; for the date see Woodhead, A. G., The site of Brea: Thuc. 1, 61, 4, Class. Quart, N.S., II 1952, p. 57–62)Google Scholar. For the same custom on Delos, see Nilsson, M. P., Griechische Feste, 1906, p. 281.Google Scholar

^{page 94 note 2} For the following, see Goodenough, E. R., Jewish Symbols in the Greco-Roman Period, vol. VI (Fish, Bread and Wine), New York 1956, p. 122Google Scholar; for the phallos see p. 18 et seq.

^{page 95 note 1} The above was submitted to my colleague J. H. van den Berg, who, as a psychiatrist, in no way rejected this reversibility (food and drink are the symbols of the phallos, but the phallos is also the symbol of food and drink). He kindly drew my attention to a statement of his teacher Professor H. C.Rümke, who went even further than I believed to be possible in my suggestion. Rümke accepts the symbolism inherent in the phallos itself, but he is sceptical about symbols that are supposed to indicate the phallos. “It is, therefore, certainly not correct to say of certain symbols that they symbolize the phallos. The phallos itself is more likely to appear as a symbol.” (See Rümke, , Studies en Voordrachten, 1943, p. 217Google Scholar et seq., and van den, J. H. Berg in: Persoon en Wereld, Bijdragen tot de phaeno-menologische psychologie, 1953, p. 220Google Scholar). An historian does well to take no part in these controversies. In any case, it is curious to observe that in view of Rümke's words my suggestion as to the significance of the frequently reproduced phallos is more acceptable to him than the symbolism of food and drink accepted by many of his colleagues.

^{page 95 note 2} Fragm. 15 (Diels).

^{page 95 note 3} Dodds', E. R. edition of the Bacchae, 1944, p. x.Google Scholar

^{page 95 note 4} In principle, I agree with Kamerbeek, J. C., Euripides en het probleem der Bacchen in: Antieke Tragedie, 1946, p. 96Google Scholar et seq., and with Chapouthier, F., Euripide et l'accueil du divin, in: La notion du divin, 1954, p. 205Google Scholar et seq.

^{page 96 note 1} Mens en Maatschappij, 7, 1931, p. 386.

^{page 97 note 1} Zimmern, A. E., Solon and Croesus, 1928, p. 106Google Scholar. These words were already quoted by Westermann, W. L. in Harv. Stud, in Class. Philol., Suppl. I, 1940, p. 452Google Scholar, and by Pritchett, W. K. in Hesperia, XXV, 1956, p. 276.Google Scholar

^{page 97 note 2} Symptomatic of this is G. E. M. de Ste Croix's criticism (in Class. Rev., N.S., VII, 1957, pp. 54–59) of Westermann's, W. L. The Slave Systems of Greek and Roman Antiquity, Memoirs of the American Philosophical Society, vol. 40, 1955.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 1} See, inter alia, Willetts, R. F., Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete, 1955, in particular pp. 52 et seq.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 2} From the already considerable literature on the subject I only mention Palmer, L. R., Achaeans and Indo-Europeans, Oxford, 1955Google Scholar; Ventris, M. and Chadwick, J., Documents in Mycenaean Greek, Cambridge, 1956, pp. 232–274Google Scholar (and the review of this work by Palmer, , Gnomon 29, 1957, p. 570Google Scholar); the searching analysis of Bennett, E. L., The Land holders of Pylos, AJA, 60, 1956, pp. 103–133Google Scholar; Brown, W. E., Land Tenure in Mycenaean Pylos, Historia, V, 1956, pp. 385–400Google Scholar; M. I. Finley, Homer and Mycenae: Property and Tenure, ibid., VI, 1957, pp. 133–159; Will, E., Aux origines du régime foncier grec, REA, 59, 1957. pp. 1–50.Google Scholar

^{page 98 note 3} Class. Philol., XLV, 1950, p. 44.

^{page 99 note 1} Hemelrijk, J., Penia en Ploutos, Diss. Utrecht, 1925Google Scholar; van Manen, J. J., Penia en Ploutos in de periode na Alexander, Diss. Utrecht 1931Google Scholar. The data contained in both these works and in numerous other Utrecht theses – as well as the results of his own researches – were used by H. Bolkestein in his book Wohltätigkeit und Armenpflege im vorchristlichen Altertum, 1939.

^{page 100 note 1} Aristotle Pol. 1273 b; for the 4th century, see Sundwall, J., Epigraphische Beiträge, Klio Beiheft IV, 1906, par. 2, 5 and 8.Google Scholar

^{page 100 note 2} Dern. XIX, 239; Compare Jones, A. H. M., The Athenian Democracy and its critics, in: Cambr. Hist. Rev., XI, 1953, pp. 1–26Google Scholar (now republished in Athenian Democracy, Oxford 1957, p. 41 ff.).

^{page 100 note 3} Sundwall, op. cit., par. 8, pp. 59–84.

^{page 100 note 4} Jones, A. H. M., The economic basis of the Athenian Democracy, Past and Present, I, 1952, pp. 13–31Google Scholar (republished in Athenian Democracy, p. 3ff., 168ff).

^{page 100 note 5} Gomme, A. W., The Population of Athens in the 5th and 4th centuries B.C., 1933, p. 26Google Scholar, gives reliable numbers. For 480 he counts 140.000 citizens, for fifty years later 172.000.

^{page 101 note 1} Ed. Meyer, , Geschichte des Altertums, III, p. 573.Google Scholar

^{page 101 note 2} Aristotle, Ath. Pol., 7,4.

^{page 101 note 3} Survey of views in Busolt-Swoboda, Griechische Staatskunde, II, 1926, p. 899, note. 2 4 Plut. Arist. 22 cannot be properly cited here. According to this passage, a decision is supposed to have been taken by the people immediately after Plataea (479), by which the selection for official posts was opened to all Athenians of whatever class. But we know that it was only in 458/7 that the archonship became open to the zeugitai (Arist. Ath. Pol. 26). Moreover, selection is not an accurate term; the ballot also existed. Ps.-Xen., Ath. Pol. seems to confirm the fact that the tbetes, were not excluded from official posts. I agree, however, with A. W. Gomme when he states that this enemy of democracy exaggerates deliberately (Harv. Stud, in Class. Philol., Suppl. I 1940, p. 211 et seq.). As far as its historical value is concerned, the “Old Oligarch's” political pamphlet has been viewed in totally different lights. Small wonder that he is highly esteemed in totalitarian-minded circles. But also scholars of untarnished reputation praise “den erstaunlichen Scharfblick und die unheim-liche Objektivität, mit denen er die athenische Demokratie und ihr Funktionieren seziert” (Nilsson, M.P., Die hellenistische Schule, 1955, p. 5Google Scholar). Personally, I entirely support the opinion of Gomme: “not a writer to be relied upon in general or in detail” (Commentary on Thucydides, I, 1945, p. 241Google Scholar). Closer research reveals that no value can be ascribed, either, to Isocr. XX, 20, Lys. XXIV, 13 and Ps.-Dem. LIX, 72, passages which are sometimes quoted in order to deny the existence of the barrier for the tbetes. Loenen, op. cit., pp. 181–182, gives a brief and accurate survey of the whole problem.

^{page 102 note 1} See Thuc. II, 13, 8 and the Commentary II, 1956, ad loc. (Gomme); further Philochorus fr. 119 and the comment by Jaco, by in FGrHist, IIIb, Suppl. I, p. 464Google Scholar, with the review by Gomme in Class. Rev., 1956, p. 25.

^{page 102 note 2} See Nilsson, , Griechische Feste, 1906, p. 106Google Scholar et seq.; Deubner, , Attische Feste, p. 179Google Scholar et seq.

^{page 103 note 1} Such invectives are thus used by Eupolis Fr. 117 (K).

^{page 103 note 2} I Cor. 4, 13. Compare the comments of H. Lietzmann in the Handbuch zum N.T., ad loc.; and Stählin in Theol. Wörterb. zum N.T., s.v. peripsèma (vol. VI, 2, 1955, pp. 89–91).

^{page 103 note 3} That return was impossible is proved by [Lys.] 6, 53.

^{page 103 note 4} Passages in Murray, Gilbert, The Rise of the Greek Epic², 1911, p. 327.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 5} This explanation in Ehrenberg, V., The People of Aristophanes², 1951, p. 161.Google Scholar

^{page 103 note 6} Lycurg, . Leoc. 84–87Google Scholar (Codrus); Judges 11, 34–40 (Jephtha's daughter).

^{page 104 note 1} Op. cit., p. 326, 329.

^{page 104 note 2} Gebhard in Pauly-Wissowa under Pharmakoi (2. Reihe, V, Kol. 1291) rightly against Murray. See also Nilsson, , GGR, I², 1955, p. 107.Google Scholar

^{page 104 note 3} This is rightly indicated both by Deubner, op. cit., p. 185, and by Nilsson, loc. cit.

^{page 104 note 4} Hdt. V, 70 et seq. and Thuc. I, 126 are the main sources; see Jacoby, F., Atthis, 1949, in particular p. 186Google Scholar et seq. for the traditions among the Atthidographers.

^{page 104 note 5} In 420; see Thuc. V, 44–46.

^{page 104 note 6} Thuc. II, 8, 2; 17,2; 54; V, 26; VI, 70, 1; VII, 50, 4:79, 3.

^{page 105 note 1} Finley, J. H., Thucydides, 1942, p. 310.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 2} Thuc. Ill, 58; V, 104–105; VII, 77, 3–4.

^{page 105 note 3} Plut. Dern. 20.

^{page 105 note 4} Compare Nilsson's, M. P. summing-up, for the 5th and 4th centuries, in Cults, Myths, Oracles, and Politics in Ancient Greece, 1951, p. 133 et seq.Google Scholar

^{page 105 note 5} Erga 225 et seq.

^{page 105 note 6} Line 235. These and other literary texts, though unfortunately not the inscriptions, have been treated by Mile Marie, Delcourt, Sté;rilit´s mystérieuses et naissances maléfiques dans l'antiquité classique, Bibl. de la faculté de Philos, et Lettres de l'Université de Liège, fasc. LXXXIII, 1938.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 1} Mazon, E.g., and also Gow ad Theocr. XVII, 43, et seq., where he quotes Hes. (Theocritus ed. with translation and commenatry II², 1951, p. 334).Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 2} c. Ctes. III.

^{page 106 note 3} Prakken, D. W., Note on the Apocryphical Oath of the Athenians at Plataea, AJP, LXI, 1940, pp. 62–65.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 4} Études épigraphiques, 1938, pp. 307–308.Google Scholar

^{page 106 note 5} Plut. Lye. XVI. Compare Roussel, P. in REA, 45, 1943, pp. 5–17.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 1} 160C–171a.

^{page 107 note 2} Gomme, , Population etc., p. 82.Google Scholar

^{page 107 note 3} Tim. 19a; Resp. 460c.

^{page 107 note 4} Aristotle, Pol. 1335b.

^{page 108 note 1} Specially Bolkestein, H. in Class. Philol., XVII, 1922, p. 222–239CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Cameron, A. in Cl. Rev., XLVI, 1932, pp. 105–114.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

^{page 108 note 2} 121.

^{page 108 note 3} Fr. 283 (R).

^{page 108 note 4} 824.

^{page 108 note 5} Ael., VH II, 17.

^{page 108 note 6} Proclus in Poet. min. gr. II, 305.

^{page 110 note 1} See Dodds himself – anticipating his critics – in the Preface of the book metioned.

^{page 110 note 2} I wish to thank Mr. A. G. Woodhead (Cambridge) for reading and criticising an earlier draft of this paper, and for his corrections of the typescript.