Published online by Cambridge University Press: 22 May 2009
Multilateralism, international governance of the “many,” was defined by the United States after 1945 in terms of certain principles, particularly opposition to bilateral and discriminatory arrangements that were believed to enhance the leverage of the powerful over the weak and to increase international conflict. Postwar multilateralism also expressed an impulse to universality (John Ruggie's “generalized organizing principles”) that implied relatively low barriers to participation in these arrangements. A ticket of admission was always required, whether acceding to the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) or joining the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank. Nevertheless, the price of that ticket was not set so high that less powerful or less wealthy states could not hope to participate.
1. This aspect of multilateralism is described by Richard Gardner in Sterling-Dollar Diplomacy (New York: Columbia University Press, 1980), pp. 42–47 and 56–62Google Scholar.
2. See John Gerard Ruggie, “Multilateralism: The Anatomy of an Institution,” in this issue of IO.
3. See, for example, Steve Weber, “Shaping the Postwar Balance of Power: Multilateralism in NATO,” in this issue of IO.
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5. Ibid., p. 48.
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58. On other groups, see ibid., p. 591; and Hamilton and Whalley, “Coalitions in the Uruguay Round,” pp. 32–36.
59. In “Middle Power Leadership and Coalition Building,” Higgott and Fenton argue that the Cairns Group has played such a role. In “The Prenegotiation Phase of the Uruguay Round,” however, Winham argues that the great powers have continued to be predominant in the bargaining.
60. Hamilton and Whalley, “Coalitions in the Uruguay Round.”
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77. Sebenius, , Negotiating the Law of the Sea, p. 209Google Scholar.
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