1. See, for example, Marwick, Arthur, War and Social Change in the Twentieth Century: A Comparative Study of Britain, France, Germany, Russia and the United States (London, 1974)Google Scholar; Polenberg, Richard, War and Society: America, 1941–1945 (Philadelphia, 1972)Google Scholar; Milward, Alan S., War, Economy and Society, 1939–1945 (Berkeley, 1979)Google Scholar; and Stein, Arthur A., The Nation at War (Baltimore, 1980).Google Scholar

2. See, for example, Milward, War, Economy and Society. The author admits in his preface (xii) that the Soviet Union gets less than its fair share of the book, and comments with some asperity on the Soviet scholarship; “There are now, it seems, 15,000 Russian volumes on the Second World War; never were so many questions left unasked and unanswered by so many.”

3. This specialness is underlined by the use of the solemnly resonant term “Great Patriotic War” (Velikaia Otechestvennaia Voina). It is only in the last few years that some Soviet historians have begun to adopt Western usage and write of “the Second World War” (vtoraia mirovaia voina).

4. Two recent exceptions are Harrison, Mark, Soviet Planning in Peace and War, 1938–1945 (Cambridge, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Linz, Susan J., ed., The Impact of World War II on the Soviet Union (Totowa, N.J., 1985)Google Scholar, which includes contributions on the economy and society by Susan J. Linz, Wassily Leontieff, Holland Hunter, Alec Nove, Sheila Fitzpatrick, Barbara A. Anderson and Brian D. Silver, and James R. Millar.

5. E.g., Erickson, John, The Road to Stalingrad: Stalin's War with Germany 1 (London, 1975)Google Scholar, and Erickson, , The Road to Berlin: Continuing the History of Stalin's War with Germany (Boulder, Col., 1983).Google Scholar

6. The most notable of these are Werth, Alexander, Russia at War, 1941–1945 (New York, 1964)Google Scholar, and Salisbury, Harrison, The 900 Days: The Siege of Leningrad (New York, 1969).Google Scholar

7. In this essay, “mobilization” does not refer to the social science concept of a “mobilization regime” (as used, for example, in Remington, Thomas F., Building Socialism in Bolshevik Russia: Ideology and Industrial Organization, 1917–1921 [Pittsburgh, 1984], 11–22, 180–83).Google Scholar My usage follows the Webster's dictionary definition in which to mobilize is defined as “to put in a state of readiness for active military service,” “to organize for use in time of national emergency,” “to marshal for use or action.”

8. Stalin, speech to industrial managers, 4 February 1931. Stalin, I.V., Sochineniia 13 (Moscow, 1951), 38–39.Google Scholar

9. See Remington, Building Socialism, 14–17.

10. See Fitzpatrick, Sheila, “The Foreign Threat During the First Five-Year Plan,” Soviet Union/Union soviétique 5 (1978): 26–35.Google Scholar

11. On mobilization of the “25,000–ers” for collectivization, see Viola, Lynne, The Best Sons of the Fatherland: Workers in the Vanguard of Soviet Collectivization (New York, 1987)Google Scholar; on mobilization of Communists and workers for higher technical education during the First Five-Year Plan, see Fitzpatrick, Sheila, Education and Social Mobility in the Soviet Union, 1921–1934 (Cambridge, 1979)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, chap. 9. These mobilizations were not compulsory drafts, although party discipline required that Communists accept particular assignments. With regard to other designated groups, such as industrial workers and Komsomols, high-pressure campaigns were mounted to obtain the requisite number of volunteers.

12. This behavior is often associated by scholars with the move towards totalitarian rule. That model has its uses, but it seems to me lacking in explanatory power, unless we accept (as few Soviet scholars now do) that the Soviet state's totalitarian tendencies were a natural outgrowth of its Marxist-Leninist ideology.

13. See Filtzer, Donald, Soviet Workers and Stalinist Industrialization: The Formation of Modern Soviet Production Relations, 1928–1941 (Armonk, N.Y., 1986), 99–100.Google Scholar

14. This is discussed in detail in Sheila Fitzpatrick, “The Great Departure: Rural-Urban Migration in the Soviet Union, 1929–1933” (Paper presented at the National Seminar on Social History of Twentieth-Century Russia, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor, April 1988).

15. Some of these measures have analogues in Nazi Germany: see Schoenbaum, David, Hitler's Social Revolution: Class and Status in Nazi Germany, 1933–1939 (New York, 1968).Google Scholar The comparison of Hitler's Germany and Stalin's Russia has gone out of fashion in recent years, in connection with the decline of scholarly interest in the totalitarian model. It may be time for scholars to take a fresh look at it.

16. This is the underlying theme in many Sovietological studies of the 1950s, including Schwarz, Solomon M., Labor in the Soviet Union (New York, 1951).Google Scholar

17. Izmeneniia sotsial'noi struktury sovetskogo obshchestva 1921–seredina 1930–kh godov (Moscow, 1979), 192.Google Scholar

18. Kuritsyn, V.M., “Prava i svobody grazhdan v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny,” Sovetskoe gosudarstvo i pravo (05 1987):127.Google Scholar

19. Schwartz, Harry, Russia's Soviet Economy (2d ed., Englewood Cliffs, N.J., 1958), 525Google Scholar; Filtzer, Soviet Workers, 232–53.

20. See Kotliar, E.S., Gosudarstvennye trudovye rezervy SSSR v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny (Moscow, 1975), 14, 17.Google Scholar

21. Poliakov, L.E., Tsena voiny. Demograficheskii aspekt (Moscow, 1985), 33Google Scholar; Sovetskie vooruzhennye sily, 374; Istoriia SSSR (April 1985): 66.

22. Higher figures (17 and 25 million) from Poliakov, Tsena voiny, 38. The figure of 10 million for the second half of 1941 comes from Kosygin and is cited in Volodarskii, L.M., “Sovetskii tyl v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny,” Voprosy istorii (07 1985):17.Google Scholar Civilian evacuation took place not only from the extensive territory that was to come under German occupation but also from the capital cities, Moscow and Leningrad, when they seemed likely to fall to the Germans in 1941.

23. Munchaev, Sh. M., “Evakuatsiia naseleniia v gody velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny,” Istoriia SSSR (03 1973): 140.Google Scholar

24. Arutiunian, Iu. V., Sovetskoe krest' ianstvo v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny (Moscow, 1963), 318.Google Scholar

25. Ibid.

26. Levskii, A. A., “Vosstanovlenie dereven' Belorussii v poslevoennyi period,” Voprosy istorii (04 1975): 50.Google Scholar

27. Telpukhovskii, V.B., “Obespechenie promyshlennosti rabochimi kadrama v pervyi period Velikoi Otechestvennoi Voiny,” Voprosy istorii (11 1958): 26.Google Scholar

28. Sonin, M.Ia., Vosproizvodstvo rabochei sily v SSSR i balans truda (Moscow, 1959), 175Google Scholar; Telpukhovskii, “Obespechenie,” 36.

29. Voznesenskii, Izbrannye, 549.

30. Krasnov, A.V., ed., Bor'ba partii i rabochego klassa za vosstanovlenie i razvitie narodnogo khoziaistva SSSR (1943–1950 gg.) (Moscow, 1978), 118.Google Scholar

31. Kotliar, , Gosudarstvennye, 199.Google Scholar

32. Volodarskii, “Sovetskii tyl,” 27.

33. Seniavskii, S.L. and Telpukhovskii, V.B., Rabochii klass SSSR (1938–1965 gg.) (Moscow, 1971), 149–50.Google Scholar

34. Voznesenskii, N.A.Izbrannye proizvedeniia (Moscow, 1979), 550.Google Scholar

35. Seniavskii, and Telpukhovskii, , Rabochii klass, 344.Google Scholar

36. Poletaev, V. E., Rabochie Moskvy v zavershchaiuishchem etape stroitel'stva sotsializma 1945–1958 gg. (Moscow, 1967), 78.Google Scholar

37. Telpukhovskii, “Obespechenie,” 31; Volodarskii, “Sovetskii tyl,” 26.

38. Almost a million persons from Soviet-occupied Poland alone were arrested and sent to labor camps or deported for resettlement (like the Russian kulaks a decade earlier) in regions such as the Urals, Siberia, and the Volga in 1940–41: see Swianiewicz, S., Forced Labour and Economic Development: An Enquiry into the Experience of Soviet Industrialization (London, 1965), 41–42.Google Scholar

39. It is not known exactly how many POWs were in Soviet hands. Wartime communiques claimed that 3.7 million German military prisoners had been taken. Swianiewicz, Forced Labour, 42.

40. On the population transfers and resettlement policies of 1939–40, see Sheila Fitzpatrick, “Postwar Soviet Society: The ‘Return to Normalcy,’ 1945–53,” in Linz, ed., Impact, 132–34.

41. See Nekrich, Aleksandr M., The Punished Peoples (New York, 1978), 115Google Scholar, and Conquest, Robert, The Nation Killers: The Soviet Deportation of Nationalities (New York, 1970), 64–65.Google Scholar

42. Schwartz, Russia's Soviet Economy, 528.

43. Kuritsyn, “Prava i svobody grazhdan,” 128–29.

44. Ibid., 130.

45. rationing, On, see Liubimov, A.B., Torgovlia i snabzhenie v gody velikoi otechestvennoi voiny (Moscow, 1968).Google Scholar

46. Volodarskii, “Sovetskii tyl,” 17.

47. Dokuchaev, G.A., Rabochii klass Sibiri i Dal 'nego Vostoka v gody Velikoi Otechestvennoi voiny (Moscow, 1973), 315.Google Scholar

48. Dokuchaev, G. A., Rabochii klass Sibiri i Dal 'nego Vostoka v poslevoennye gody (1946–1950) (Novosibirsk, 1972), 135–36.Google Scholar

49. Istoriia Velikoi Otechestvennoi Voiny 6:30.Google Scholar The basis of calculation of this figure is not described, but Poliakov's discussion (Tsena voiny, 40) implies that it includes military and civilian personnel unaccounted for as well as known fatalities. That suggests that the 20 million includes the half million or more former Soviet citizens who became refugees and displaced persons at the end of the war.

50. Urlanis, B.Ts., Istoriia odnogo pokoleniia (Moscow, 1968), 206.Google Scholar

51. Donchenko, V.N., “Demobilizatsiia Sovetskoi Armii i reshenie problemy kadrov v pervye poslevoennye gody,” Istoriia SSSR (03 1970): 98.Google Scholar

52. Pirogov, Peter, Why I Escaped (New York, 1950), 233.Google Scholar

53. Verbitskaia, O. M., “Izmeneniia chislennosti i sostava kolkhoznogo krest'ianstva RSFSR v pervye poslevoenny gody (1946–1950),” Istoriia SSSR (05 1980): 125.Google Scholar

54. Arutiunian, Sovetskoe krest'ianstvo, 318. These figures are for the territory of the USSR within the frontiers of 1939.

55. Verbitskaia, “Izmeneniia,” 126. On the postwar kolkhoz and out-migration, see Fitzpatrick, “Postwar Soviet Society,” 144–50.

56. Arutiunian, Sovetskoe krest'ianstvo, 318.

57. The adolescent cohort in industry, construction, and transport dropped from 10.5 percent of the work force in 1945 to 4.9 percent in mid 1948—but in the more normal situation of 1958, it was only 2 percent. Khlusov, M.I., Razvitie sovetskoi industrii 1946–1958 (Moscow, 1977), 147–48.Google Scholar

58. Ibid., 149.

59. Schwartz, Russia's Soviet Economy, 527.

60. Belov, Fedor, The History of a Soviet Collective Farm (New York, 1955), 55–56, 104, 108.Google Scholar This comment is based on postwar observation, not on the wartime situation.

61. Kotliar, Gosudarstvennye, 236.

62. Khlusov, Razvitie, 95.

63. Data from Seniavskii and Telpukhovskii, Rabochii klass, 149.

64. Fakiolas, R., “Problems of Labour Mobility in the USSR,” Soviet Studies 24 (07 1962): 17.Google Scholar

65. Khavin, A.F., “Novyi moguchii pod'em tiazheloi promyshlennosti SSSR v 1946–1950 gg.,” Istoriia SSSR (01 1963): 27–28.Google Scholar

66. Dokuchaev, Rabochii klass (1972), 66.

67. Over 5 million civilians and former POWs were repatriated to the Soviet Union from Europe by Soviet and Allied forces at the end of the war. They arrived home to find themselves suspect as a group of collaboration and betrayal of their country, and a substantial proportion ended up in GULAG. Estimates of the numbers of military and civilian repatriates sent to GULAG vary from half a million (Werth, Alexander, Russia: The Post-War Years [New York, 1971], 28)Google Scholar to 2.5 million (Swianiewicz, Forced Labour, 44). The higher estimate may include the half million repatriates reported by a Soviet historian to have been working as labor conscripts in industry in areas liberated from German occupation at the end of 1945: Prikhodko, Iu. A., “Etapy vosstanovleniia promyshlennosti v raionakh SSSR, osvobozhdennykh ot nemetsko-fashistskoi okkupatsii,” Voprosy istorii (05 1969): 29.Google Scholar

68. Gvozdev, B. I., “Chislennost' rabochego klassa SSSR v pervye poslevoennye gody (1945–1948 gg.),” Istoriia SSSR (04 1971): 114–16.Google Scholar

69. Dokuchaev, , Rabochii klass (1972), 66.Google Scholar In Dokuchaev's table, the category of “others” appears to cover convicts, probably including POWs from the Axis powers remaining in Soviet hands.

70. Calculated from Gvozdev, “Chislennost',” 114–20. The category of “others” for which Gvozdev gives figures in his Table 1 is further broken down in Table 5 into “junior service personnel and guards” and “not allocated by category.” From his text, which is phrased in Aesopian language, it is evident that the author knows (or believes) that the “not allocated” category in the statistics he has found in Soviet industrial archives means conscript labor (and does not include convicts or Army personnel seconded to temporary work in industry).

71. Gvozdev, “Chislennost',” 119.

72. See Dokuchaev, , Rabochii klass (1972), 66Google Scholar; Sonin, Vosproizvodstvo, 175–86.

73. See his speech of 9 February 1946, in Stalin, I.V., Sochineniia 3 (13), ed. McNeal, Robert H. (Stanford, 1967), 10–17.Google Scholar

74. A Soviet announcement that this practice was to be discontinued was reported in The New York Times, 3 September 1988, 1 and 4.