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39. AFL, Proceedings, 1911, 183.Google Scholar Similar tensions between social-justice and social-control thrusts of Progressivism are discussed in Boyer, , Urban Masses, 175–87.Google Scholar

40. Social Service Committee, “Minutes,” 6 12 1911Google Scholar, in National Council of Churches, Records, Presbyterian Historical Society, Philadelphia. The Men and Religion Forward Movement's impact on labor is discussed in Lefever, Harry G., “The Involvement of the Men and Religion Forward Movement in the Cause of Labor Justice, Atlanta, Georgia, 1912–1916,” Labor History 14 (1973): 521–35CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Elizabeth, and Fones-Wolf, Kenneth, “Trade-Union Evangelism: Religion and the AFL in the Labor Forward Movement, 1912–1916,” in Working-Class America, ed. Frisch, Michael and Walkowitz, Daniel (Urbana, 1983), 155–57.Google Scholar

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59. A fuller overview would speak much more to religion among women, blacks, and southerners and, perhaps less, to the labor institutions of the working class.

60. If one were to divide cities along the lines of figure 2–6 of David Ward's Cities and Immigrants (77), one would have a fairly close approximation of successful and unsuccessful Labor Forward campaigns.

61. Hobsbawm, Eric, Workers: Worlds of Labor (New York, 1984), 33, 48.Google Scholar

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63. Phelan, , “William Green,” 143–44.Google Scholar The inadequacies of liberalism, with its emphasis on public and private spheres, to address the potential for domination in a “private” economy is argued forcefully in Bowles, Samuel and Gintis, Herbert, Democracy and Capitalism (New York, 1986), 14–18.Google Scholar