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Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
1 Gombrich, E. H., Ideals and idols, essays on values in history and in art (London, 1979), p. 25.Google Scholar
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3 Patrick, Scott, ‘English studies and the cultural construction of nationality: the Newbolt report examined’, Culture and education in Victorian England, Bucknell Review, edited by Patrick, Scott and Pauline, Fletcher, London, Associated University Presses, 1990, pp. 224–30Google Scholar. The Newbolt report received considerable attention during the 1980s. See, for example, Chris, Baldick, The social mission of English criticism, 1848–1932 (Oxford, 1983)Google Scholar, and Terry, Eagleton, Literary theory: an introduction (Oxford, 1983).Google Scholar
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10 There is a dissident thesis about liberalism given by John Robertson which takes Adam Smith's Wealth of nations, stripped of any accompanying legal or moral philosophy, as the canonical text for Victorian liberalism. This thesis is that Smith's government had a primary task to protect itself against the anti-social order of the capitalist order. ‘The legacy of Adam Smith: government and economic development in the Wealth of nations’, in Victorian liberalism, nineteenth-century political thought and practice, ed. Richard, Bellamy (London, 1990), pp. 21–2 and 35.Google Scholar
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14 As John, Robertson (in Victorian liberalism (ed. Bellamy, R.), pp. 18–20)Google Scholar had argued that Duncan Forbes, Donald Winch and Knud Haakonssen have over-emphasized the importance of natural jurisprudence for Smith. Whether or not this is judicious, Robertson is in a strong position when he adds that Victorian readers of The wealth of nations were ignorant of its philosophical context.
18 Marc, Demarest, ‘Arnold and Taylor: The codification and appropriation of culture’, in Culture and education in Victorian England (eds. Scott, and Fletcher, ), p. 31Google Scholar. In hammering home his charge that Arnold's culture was a transcendent one, Demarest rouses historical echoes of Matthew Arnold's earlier critics who accused him of transcendalism. (See Super's, R. H. notes to Culture and anarchy, p. 363.)Google Scholar
20 A detailed analysis of Arnold's rhetorical techniques can be found in Chris, Baldick'sThe social mission of English criticism, 1848–1932 (Oxford, 1983), pp. 18–42.Google Scholar
21 This point was suggested by George, Levine's ‘Scientific discourse as an alternative to faith’, Victorian faith in crisis, pp. 240–1.Google Scholar
22 Mill, John Stuart, ‘Civilization’, Essays on politics and society, collected works of John Stuart Mill, XVIII (Toronto, 1977), 119.Google Scholar
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29 Michael, Timko, ‘Thomas Carlyle and Victorian culture’, in Culture and education in Victorian England (eds. Scott, and Fletcher, ), p. 23.Google Scholar
31 Richard, Bellamy, ‘T. H. Green and the morality of Victorian liberalism’, Victorian liberalism, p. 132.Google Scholar
33 To say ‘she or he’ is to raise the issue that in the Victorian period, ‘she’ was an individual for writers such as J. S. Mill, but not for others such as Carlyle.
34 Stefan, Collini, Public moralists, political thought and intellectual life in Britain, 1850–1930 (Oxford, 1991), pp. 56–8.Google Scholar
38 Ibid. p. 63. See Michael, Freeden's ‘Political concepts and ideological morphology’, Journal of Political Philosophy, II.2 (1994), 140–64Google Scholar. Freeden attempts to reconcile the disparate descriptive and normative studies by historians and political philosophers. He also has a forthcoming book on ideology.
39 Collini is suspicious of the motives of some modern literary critics who dwell at length upon the literature they profess to despise. Public moralists, p. 372.
40 Collini's, analysis (Public moralists, pp. 35–49)Google Scholar of the salary levels of leading Victorian minds is, as he himself remarks, only suggestive. He does not analyse the income of writers and academics who were not members of elite institutions such as the Athenaeum. This means that while the figures are interesting they cannot be correlated with productivity, political opinions, or even greed. For example, the well-known grasping pluralism of H. S. Maine, who died leaving £46,000, is not compared to other heads of Oxbridge colleges nor to others who pushed themselves forward for lucrative positions such as a seat on the India Council.
41 Matthew, Arnold, ‘The function of criticism’, Lectures and essays in criticism, ed. Super, R. H. (Ann Arbor, 1962), p. 271.Google Scholar
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49 Collini's own Arnold is complex. He hints that he is unenthusiastic and not one of Arnold's ‘most devoted champions’, but slyly ends his conclusion on the Arnoldian legacy with a fragment of poetry suggesting that ‘[His] battle is ours too’ [Stefan, Collini, Matthew Arnold, a critical portrait (Oxford, 1994), p. 119].Google Scholar
54 Turner, , Contesting cultural authority, pp. 175–8, 201, 262–83Google Scholar. George Levine offers a critical perspective on Turner's views (‘Scientific discourse as an alternative to faith’, Victorian faith in crisis, p. 237).Google Scholar
56 Collini is extremely conscious about the problems of the historiography of Mill, especially when it comes to the efforts of conventional historians of political thought (ibid. p. 329).
57 Mill, John Stuart, Essays on quality, law and education, collected works of John Stuart Mill, XXI (1984).Google Scholar
60 Christopher, Harvie, The lights of liberalism: university liberals and the challenge of democracy, 1860–86 (1976).Google Scholar
62 However, Nicholson does offer convincing reasons for sharing Collini's concern that modern scholars have often overlooked the political dimensions of Victorian morality.
63 Christopher, Harvie, ‘Gladstonianism, the provinces, and popular political culture’, Victorian liberalism, p. 156.Google Scholar
65 One of the few weaknesses in Nicholson's work is his attempt to re-start the nineteenth-century debate on whether the British Idealists were Hegelian. To suggest that, despite their own disclaimers, they were Hegelian does not produce helpful discussion. Bradley, in particular, is obscured by this claim. The chief reason for rescuing Bradley from this presumed association with Hegel is that the latter despised the vulgar for thinking abstractly, while the former built his moral philosophy upon what the vulgar thought.
69 Bosanquet was accused by contemporaries such as L. T. Hobhouse of recommending despotism. However, Nicholson clears him of this charge and attempts to reinstate him in his rightful place as a liberal whose theoretical politics rested upon an individual who was integrated into his culture. This claim has to be taken with some care, because, while it is true that his idealist theory could lend itself to a liberal notion of self-development, in some of the public debates of the late nineteenth century Bosanquet seemed to be allied with views on character and morals which were then made common among contemporary conservatives than liberals.
75 Mill's greatest influence on Hayek was in his refusal to construct a philosophical system. Like Mill, Hayek felt relaxed with the fact that inconsistencies might exist between philosophical discourses on different subjects. In the area of politics, Hayek was more critical of Mill. In his 1973 article on liberalism he berated the later Mill for turning away from the path of English liberalism.
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