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Ethnicity and Empire in Russia's borderland history
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 11 February 2009
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References
1 The memoirs of Count Witte, translated and edited by Sidney, Harcave (New York, 1990), p. 373.Google Scholar
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6 Forsyth also shows how the nauseating myth of Yermak – as independent spirit and even ‘liberator’ – was constructed in order to justify Russian conquest.
7 Catherine II outlined a scheme to give her ‘Siberian kingdom’ dominion status and its own currency, but she abandoned the idea in 1781. See Forsyth, , History, p. 199.Google Scholar
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10 On the ‘ national movement’ during 1905–6 see Ascher, A., The revolution of 1905: Russia in disarray (Stanford, 1988)Google Scholar. The quotation appears in Forsyth, , History, p. 187.Google Scholar
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12 In a parallel contribution, Abdurahman Avtorkhanov speaks of the ‘state of Imam Shamil’, but this term is not used elsewhere in the collection.
13 See also Ivan, L. Rudnytsky, ed., Rethinking Ukrainian history, (Edmonton, Alberta, 1981)Google Scholar; idem, Essays in modern Ukrainian history (Edmonton, 1987).
14 The native population of Siberia quadrupled between 1700 and 1900, when it reached 800,000.
15 On the other hand, as Avtorkhanov notes, Russia respected the religious revival of Islam; Dagestan became renowned for the quality of Quranic schooling.
16 Kommercheskaia Rossiia, 30 Mar. 1905, cited in Robert, Weinberg, The revolution of 7905 in Odessa: blood on the steps (Bloomington, 1993), p. 3Google Scholar. Contemporaries noted similarities between Odessa and California. A modern analogy would be with Hong Kong.
17 Fortunately, there are two acute recent analyses, by Weinberg (see note 16) and Charters, Wynn, Workers, strikes and pogroms: The Donbass-Dnepr bend in late Imperial Russia, 1870–1905 (Princeton, 1992)Google Scholar. The mobilization of Russian workers, disillusioned with the lack of economic improvement during 1905, but bewildered by the pace of political upheaval, is crucial to an understanding of the revolution in Odessa.
18 There are also valuable contributions on Kievan Rus. Peter Golden argues that economic development between the tenth and mid-thirteenth centuries was conditioned more by intra-Rus conflicts than by the predatory characteristics of nomads, such as the Pechenegs and Polovtsians. Thomas Noonan emphasizes the dynamism rather than the decline of Kievan economy during the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries. Carol Stevens finds little evidence of widespread trade in grain between Muscovy and Ukraine during the later seventeenth century.
19 See also Spechler, M., ‘The economic advantages of being peripheral: subordinate nations in multinational empires’, Eastern European Politics and Societies, III (1989), 448–64.CrossRefGoogle Scholar
20 Some producers were able to convert grain into alcohol which could be transported more conveniently.
21 Krawchenko, B., Social change and national consciousness in twentieth-century Ukraine (London, 1985)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, ch. 1. Many of these arguments can be traced back to the work of Volobuiev during the 1920s, mentioned in Liber, , Soviet nationality policy, pp. 128–9.Google Scholar
22 Spechler, , ‘Economic advantages’, p. 459Google Scholar. Parallel arguments were advanced at the turn of the century by Siberian separatists, who maintained that the government deliberately kept cheap Siberian grain out of European Russia. They overlooked the fact that this policy encouraged Siberian peasants to diversify into dairy farming.
23 Patricia, Herlihy, in Odessa, pp. 207–27Google Scholar, denies that the imperial government bore responsibility for the failure of Ukraine to respond more energetically to the challenge of cheaper American wheat in European markets, ascribing this instead to poor quality control, inadequate marketing procedures and inefficient transport facilities. Ralph Clem points out that the population of nineteenth-century Ukraine increased rapidly not just because of in-migration, but also because of low mortality, the result of a more stable supply of food.
24 Cited in Kristof, , ‘Russian image’, p. 368.Google Scholar
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30 In 1927, the government of the Ukrainian SSR controlled an estimated 80 per cent of republican industry, but by 1932 this had fallen to 38 per cent (Liber, , Soviet nationality policy, p. 171)Google Scholar. On the famine of 1932–3, see James Mace's chapter in Soviet nationality policies.
31 Kostiuk, H., Stalinist rule in the Ukraine: a study of the decade of mass terror, 1929–1939 (London, 1960)Google Scholar traces the process by which Stalin brought the Ukrainian CP under central control by appointing Postyshev as plenipotentiary, clamping down on western Ukraine and purging centres of Ukrainian culture, against the background of economic crisis and starvation, the emergence of Nazi Germany and a perceived threat from émigré nationalists and national communists (Borotbists). Postyshev himself eventually fell victim to a campaign accusing him of excessive sympathy for Ukrainian history and culture.
32 The term was coined by Suny, , in Looking toward Ararat, p. ixGoogle Scholar. In 1957 the Chechen–Ingush ASSR was re-established, but relations with Russia remained painful. Stories of wartime collaboration between Nazis and Chechens fed ancient enmities. However, some historians began to regard Shamil in a more positive light, reviving the views of M. N. Pokrovsky.
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