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Victor and Invictus*

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  23 August 2011

Stefan Weinstock
Stefan Weinstock
Affiliation:
Exeter College, Oxford, England
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Extract

When I set out to survey the history of these epithets I did not expect to find anything of particular interest. But soon the following points which required an explanation emerged.

Type
Research Article
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 50 , Issue 3 , July 1957 , pp. 211 - 247
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1957

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References

1 Nock, HSCP 41, 1930, 2, 1; Hyperid. or. 1, col. 32, 5; Cass. Dio 43, 45, 2.

2 Plut. Alex. 14, 7; on the different versions of this story see Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 338 ff. (with bibliography).

3 Strab. 16, 1, 4, p. 737; 15. 1, 29, p. 699; O. Stein, RE 17, 244; J. Sturm, RE 17, 283; cf. the Mons Victorialis of the Magi, Zoroastr. fr. S 12, Bidez-Cumont, Les Mages hellénisés 2, 119.

4 Aelian. var. hist. 2, 19, etc.; Nock, JHS 48, 1928, 21 f.; Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 370; for the view that Alexander did not take the initiative see Balsdon, Historia 1, 1950, 383 ff.

5 The evidence rests on the coinage: cf. Head, HN 837; 840 ff., and for a full discussion Tarn, The Greeks in Bactria and India 76 f.; 132; 229; 314.

6 The cult of Dionysus in Egypt and the title of a Neos Dionysos adopted by the dynasty of the Ptolemies, however, equally represented the claim to the succession of Alexander.

7 App. Syr. 57, 293 γενομένῳ δὲ αύτῷ τὰ ἐς πολέμους ἐπιτυχεστάτῳ Νικάτωρ έπώνυμον γίγνετεαι. Euseb. Chron. Armen. p. 117 K. (Porphyr., FGrHist. 260 F 32 Jacoby); Amm. Marc. 14, 8, 5; 23, 6, 3; Iustin. 17, 2, 2.

8 Iustin. 39, 2, 5 f.; Amm. Marc. 22, 13, 1; Babelon, Rois de Syrie, p. xxx; L. Lacroix, BCH 73, 1949, 163 f.

9 App. Syr. 63, 336.

10 Or. gr. 245, 10; cf. Stähelin, RE 2A, 1233 for the view that he received the epithet after his death; contra, Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 269; Bikerman, Institutions des Séleucides 242 ff.

11 P. Dura 23 … ἐπὶ ἰερέων … βασιλέως δὲ Σελεύκου Νικάτορος …: cf. Rostovtzeff, JHS 55, 1935, 56; id., Mélanges Dussaud 1, 284 ff.; Bikerman 244.

12 Wilcken, RE 1, 2451; Head, HN 838; Bikerman 242; cf. Lucian. Zeux. 11; App. Syr. 65, 343.

13 Cf. Stähelin, RE 2A, 1237; W. Otto, Abh. Münch. 34, 1, 1928, 71.

14 For the evidence see the works of Head, Babelon, and Bikerman. There is no evidence from the other kingdoms, except perhaps from Pergamum where Attalus I seems to have been called ὁ Γαλατονίκης, Suid. s.v. Νίκανδρος; A. Reinach, REG 26, 395.

15 Cf. e.g. W. Baege, De Macedonum sacris 77 ff.; 184 ff.

16 Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 45 ff.; 358.

17 Tyrt. 8 (11), 1 D.; Tarn 2, 343.

18 See the survey in Wissowa, Religion 594 f. and the discussion in W. Hoffmann, Rom u. die griech. Welt im 4. Jhdt., 1934, 84 ff.; 93.

19 Other early evidence concerns the grove and altar of Victoria on the Palatine ascribed by Dion. Hal. 1, 32, 5 to Euander: it was probably the place where the temple was built, and if so, this was also its real date. — Dion. Hal. 1, 15 further mentions the cult of a ‘Nike’ at the lacus Cutiliae near Reate: Preller, Ausgew. Aufsätze 264 identified this ‘Nike’ with the Sabine Vacuna who was explained by Varro as Victoria; the cult may be early but it is not necessarily identical with that of Victoria. — A ‘Victoria’ from the pediment of the temple of Iuno at Falerii, fourth century B.C., now in the Villa Giulia (Helbig-Amelung 2, 346; A. Andrén, Architectural Terracottas from Etrusco-Italic Temples 1940, 152) may be just one instance for the widespread Etruscan version of the Greek custom of decorating the pediment of their temples with statues of Nike. — For Capua there is the evidence of Cicero div. 1, 98 if it is to be connected with the early coinage, Head, HN 33 ff. — The first epigraphic evidence for Victoria comes from Praenestine mirrors and cistae, CIL 1, 550; 557; 563 f.; 568; 2498, and then from the territory of the Marsi, CIL 1, 387; 388 (Dessau 3814).

20 Cass. Dio 8, frg. 36 (1, p. 105 Boiss.) = Zonar. 8, 1, 2. Pais, Ricerche sulla storia di Roma 4, 190 f. and Münzer, RE 14, 1538 would change Manius into Marcius.

21 Livy 10, 33, 9; Münzer, RE 22, 935.

22 Livy 9, 44, 16 eo anno Sora, Arpinum, Cesennia recepta ab Samnitibus; Herculis magnum simulacrum in Capitolio positum dedicatumque: here I would change magnum into Magni, cf. the aedes Herculis Magni Custodis in drco Flaminio since 218 B.C. which was restored by Sulla, Ovid. fast. 6, 212; Wissowa, Religion 276.

23 Livy 10, 29, 14; for further details see Platner-Ashby s.v. The same Fabius Maximus reorganized as censor in 304 the transvectio equitum (Liv. 9, 46, 15; Val. Max. 2, 2, 9; Vir. ill. 32, 3), an annual festival in honor of the Dioscuri on 15 July in commemoration of the victory at the Lake Regillus.

24 Livy 10, 23, 11 eodem anno Cn. et Q. Ogulnii aediles curules … Iovemque in culmine cum quadrigis … posuerunt; Münzer, RE 17, 2065; Milne, JRS 28, 72; 36, 98; Mattingly, JRS 35, 73 f.; Grueber, Coins of the Roman Republic 2, 132 ff.; Sydenham, The Coinage of the Roman Republic 5 f.

25 Livy 10, 47, 3 eodem anno coronati primum ob res bello bene gestas ludos Romanos spectarunt palmaque turn primum translato e Graecia more victoribus data.

26 Grueber 2, 126 f.; Sydenham 2 f.; Milne I.e.; Mattingly 69; Wolters, Festschr. f. H. Wölfflin 17; W. Giesecke, Italia Numismatica 187 and Antikes Geldwesen 139.

27 Mars Victor: The festival of 1 March (Lyd. mens. 3, 22; 4, 42; Calend. Philocal.; CCAG 9, 1, 131), belonged, as the Feriale Duranum proved (R. O. Fink, Yale Class. St. 7, 82), to Mars Victor, who is also mentioned in the AFA 124. —Mars Invictus: Fast. Venus. 14 May; Wissowa, Religion 146; Dess. 8935.

28 Wissowa 555.

29 Val. Max. 1, 8, 6 … supplicatio Marti est habita et a laureatis militibus magna cum animorum laetitia oblati auxilii testimonium ei est redditum; Wissowa, Religion 147, 3.

30 Mars, Bellona, and Victoria mentioned together: Plaut. Amph. 42 f.; Varr. Ant. rer. div. 14, frg. 90 Ag.; without Bellona e.g. in the cult of the Arvals, Henzen, AFA 86; 125; on inscriptions: Dess. 2555; 3159; 4576; etc.

31 Livy 10, 19, 17; 21 who calls her on this occasion victrix.

32 Macrob. Sat. 3, 12, 6 et sane ita Menippea Varronis adfirmat, quae inscribitur Ἄλλος οûτος Ὴρακλῆς (frg. 20 B.), in qua, cum de Invicto Hercule loqueretur, eundem esse ac Martem probavit; Serv. Aen. 8, 275; cf. Schilling, Rev. phil. 68, 1942, 31 ff.

33 Macrob. Sat. 3, 6,11 ff.; Serv. Dan. Aen. 8, 285.

34 A. Reinach, Neapolis 1, 1913, 19 ff.; Wuilleumier, Tarente 117.

35 I do not hesitate to use these verses although it is not certain that they are by Ennius or that they correctly render the epigram of Pyrrhus because the verdict about the ‘Pyrrhic victory’ was established early, cf. Fest. 197 M. (214 L.) ‘Osculana pugna’; A. Otto, Sprichwörter der Römer 260. The ambiguous oracle of Delphi (Enn. A. 179 V. Aiio te Aeacida Romanos vincere posse) followed later as probably did the elaboration of Ap. Claudius Caecus’ famous speech against Pyrrhus in the senate in 280 B.C., Or. Rom. frg. 4–11 Malcovati.

36 Soph. Philoct. 134; Eur. Ion 454 ff.; 1529; etc.; for a full discussion see Bulk, Myth. Lex. 3, 305 ff.; Sikes, CR 1895, 280 ff.; Bernert, RE 17, 285 ff.; L. W. Daly, Studies presented to D. M. Robinson 2, 1124 ff.

37 Um sie hat mancher gebetet …, an sie hat es niemand im Ernste getan” (Wilamowitz, Glaube d. Hell. 2, 180). An examination of the list given by Bulle, Myth. Lex. 3, 311 f. confirms this verdict. Alexander's altars and sacrifices to ‘Minerva’ and ‘Victoria’ in India (Curt. 8, 2, 9; 8, 11, 41) were in fact due to Athena Nike (cf. 4, 13, 48). It is no real evidence either if Antiochus I Soter once instituted collective prayers to Apollo, Nike, Zeus, and all the other gods (Or. gr. 219, 27 f.). There were temples of Nike in Tralles, Aphrodisias, Olbia, and the island Carpathus but the evidence is not earlier than the Roman period, and this must then be their date.

38 Temple of Victoria Virgo on the Palatine, Livy 35, 9, 6; a hundred years later reference was made to the goddess on coins of the family with the legend Victrix, Mommsen, Gesch. d. röm. Münzwesens 572; Grueber 2, 303; 574.

39 Cic. fam. 6, 7, 2 (Aulus Caecina, December 46) nemo nostrum est, ut opinor, quin vota victoriae suae fecerit, nemo quin etiam cum de alia re immolaret eo quidem ipso tempore ut quam primum Caesar superaretur optaret (Nock, Gnomon 27, 1955, 564, 3); Tert. nat. 1, 12 Victorias ut numina, et quidem augustiora quanto laetiora, veneramini; Apol. 16. 7 sed et Victorias adoratis in tropaeis … On the prayers and sacrifices performed in the Curia Iulia at the altar of Victoria see below n. 162.

40 Henzen, AFA 72 f.; 124 f.

41 Cf. Livy 4, 10, 3 fatentes victos se esse et imperio parere; 42, 47, 8 eius demum animum in perpetuum vinci, cui confessio expressa sit se neque arte, neque casu, sed collatis comminus viribus, iusto ac pio bello esse superatum; 3, 28, 10; 36, 45, 6. This recognition could be made not only after but also before the decisive battle and could lead to the surrender, i.e. dare se in fidem p. R., e.g. Livy 7, 30, 20 adnuite, patres conscripti, nutum numenque vestrum invictum Campanis; cf. Polyb. 20, 9 f.; 36, 4, 2; Livy 7, 31, 4; 6, 34, 7; 37, 1; 38, 8; Dittenberger, Syll.3 618; Heinze, Vom Geist d. Romertums 41; Heuss, Die völkerrechtlichen Grundlagen d. röm. Aussenpolitik 60 ff.; Piganiol, Rev. international des droits de l'Antiquité 5, 1950, 339 ff.

42 Serv. Dan. Aen. 11, 306 Varro (where?) et ceteri invictos dicunt Troianos, quia per insidias oppressi sunt: illos enim ‘vinci’ adfirmant, qui se dedunt hostibus.

43 Lucil. 613 M. ut Romanus populus victus vi et superatus proeliis/saepe est multis, bello vero numquam, in quo sunt omnia.

44 Livy 9, 17, 3; 9, 18, 7; Polyaen. 1, 1; Anth. Pal. 9, 647; Lucan. 3, 334; Jos. bell. Iud. 2, 362; Anth. lat. 462, 5 R.; Tac. ann. 2, 25, 5; Gernentz, Laudes Romae 1918, 90; Ritterling, RE 12, 1371.

45 Verg. Georg. 4, 561 (Augustus) … victorque volentis/per populos dat iura…; Tac. Germ. 2 … ut omnes primum a victore ob metum … Germani vocarentur; Serv. Aen. 4, 618 … propter perditam linguam, habitum, nomen, quae solet victor imponere …; 1, 6 novimus quod victi victorum nomen accipiunt. potuit ergo victore Aenea perire nomen Latinum…; Sicul. Flacc. p. 102, 1 Thulin; Norden, Germ. Urgeschichte 329.

46 Livy 33, 12, 7 … Romanos praeter vetustissimum morem victis parcendi praecipuum clementiae documentum dedisse pace Hannibali et Carthaginiensibus data …; cf. Gelzer, Herm. 68, 1933, 137; 164.

47 Cf. Cic. off. 1, 35.

48 The evidence is collected by Fuchs, H., Basler Ztschr. f. Gesch. u. Altertumskde 42, 1943, 43 ff.Google Scholar; e.g. the late term, victrix dementia (Rutil. Namat. 1, 69), could have been coined earlier; see now also Wickert, RE 22, 2234 ff. (with bibliography).

49 Cic. Att. 9, 7C, 1; cf. M. Treu, Mus. Helv. 5, 1948, 204 ff.

50 Caes. b. c. 3, 83, 4; Sall. Iug. 38, 8; Treu 204 compares victoriam exercere; early expressions are victoriam parere, adipisci, consequi, referre, reportare: Treu 207, 1.

51 Livy ascribes the following words to Maharbal after Cannae: vincere scis, Hannibal, victoria uti nescis (22, 51, 4). For the wrong way see Sail. lug. 42, 4 igitur ea victoria nobilitas sua usa multos mortalis ferro aut fuga extinxit plusque in relicuom sibi timoris quam potentiae addidit; Cat. 38, 4 utrique victoriam crudeliter exercebant.

53 Plut. Caes. 48, 4 (after Pharsalus) τοῖς δἑ øίλοις είς Ῥώμην ἔγραøεν, ὅτι τῆς νίκης ἀπολαύοι τοῦτο μέγιστον καὶ ἤδιστον, τὸ σῴζειν τινὰς ἀεὶ τῶν πεπολεμηκότων πολιτῶν αύτῷ. Cic. fam. 15, 15. 2 (July 47) … eandem clementiam experta esset Africa, quam cognovit Asia, quam etiam Achaia …; App. b. c. 2, 89, 373.

53 Gagé, Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 1 ff.

54 Livy 22, 37, 5; 10 ff.; Val. Max. 4, 8 ext. 1; Bulle, Myth. Lex. 3, 314; 353; Tac. hist. 1, 86; Plut. Otho 4, 8.

55 Before Scipio, only M. Claudius Marcellus could be mentioned on account of his victory over the Insubri in 222 B.C., cf. Verg. Aen. 6, 856 … victorque viros supereminet omnis …; 859 tertiaque anna patri suspendet capta Quirino: but Vergil's testimony alone is not sufficient.

56 Cf. Costa, Religione e politica nell'Impero romano 65 f.; Sauter, , Der röm. Kaiserkult bei Martial u. Statius 1934, 155 ff.Google Scholar; Berlinger, , Beiträge zur inoffiiziellen Titulatur d. röm. Kaiser, Breslau 1935, 20 ffGoogle Scholar.

57 Enn. V. 3 V.; cf. Plaut. Mil. 57 (of a general) virtute et forma et factis invictissimum; Alexander is mentioned in Most. 775.

58 Cic. Verr. 4, 82 basis P. Scipionis restituatur, nomenque invicti imperatoris incidatur.

59 Enn. V. 1 f. V. quantam statuam faciet populus Romanus,/quantam columnam quae res tuas loquatur? Livy 38, 56, 12 castigatum enim quondam ab eo populum ait, quod eum perpetuum consulem et dictatorem vellet facere (= frg. V. 4 V.), prohibuisse statuas sibi in comitio in rostris in curia in Capitolio in cella Iovis poni.

60 Gell. 4, 18, 3; Livy 38, 51, 7; App. Syr. 40, 208. The speech is mentioned by Polyb. 23, 14 and seems thus trustworthy; the celebration of the anniversary, however, may be a later addition. Scipio visited the temples as he did on the day of his triumph, cf. Suet. Tib. 17, 2 unde populo consalutato circum templa deductus est.

61 Suet. Caes. 59 refers to vaticinationes, quibus felix et invictum in ea provincia (= Africa) fataliter Sdpionum nomen ferebatur; cf. Flor. 1, 31, 12.

62 Cf. e.g. Ed. Meyer, Kleine Schriften 2, 433 ff.; Heuss, , Antike u. Abendland 4, 1954, 80Google Scholar.

63 Cf. Derichs, W., Herakles, Vorbild des Herrschers in d. Antike, Diss. Köln 1950, 26 ffGoogle Scholar.

64 Dessau 20; A. M. Colini, Mem. Pont. Accad. 7, 1944, 41.

65 For the evidence see Wissowa, Religion 274; Bayet, Les origines de l'Hercule romain 241 ff.

66 Platner-Ashby s.v.; Lyngby, H., Beiträge zur Topographie des Forum Boarium Gebietes in Rom 1954, 24 ff.Google Scholar; 49 ff.

67 Diod. 35, frg. 38, 2 Dd. καί συνέβαινε κατὰ τὸ πλεῖστον έν μὲν ταῖς τῶν ἄλλων ὴγεμονίαις Ῥωμαίους ἡττᾶσθαι, κατὰ δὲ τὰς τοῦ Μαρίον παρουσίας ἀεὶ νικᾶν.

68 CIL I2, p. 195 XVIII 11 = Dessau 59.

69 Val. Max. 3, 6, 6 post Iugurthinum Cimbricumque et Teutonicum triumphum cantharo semper potavit, quod Liber pater Indicum ex Asia deducens triumphum hoc usus poculi genere ferebatur, ut inter ipsum haustum vini victoriae eius suas victorias conpararet; Pliny n.h. 33, 150; cf. Plaut. Pseud. 1051 ite hac, triumphe, ad cantharum recta via; on Caracalla's using Alexander's drinking vessels see Cass. Dio 77, 7, 1. Marius attempted to attend the senate in triumphal costume in 104 B.C.: Livy Per. 67; Plut. Mar. 12,7; Weynand, RE Suppl. 6, 1383; Passerini, Athen. 17, 1939, 59.

70 Val. Max. 6, 6, 14; Suet. Caes. 11; Plut. Caes. 6, 1; Veil. 2, 43, 4.

71 CIL I2, 805 [Vict]oriai/ … cius Cf./ [p]r.s.c.d.d.: the supplement Marcius was suggested by Bianchini. Another inscription was found in the same place, CIL 6, 31060 [Imp. C]aes. Divi f. [aedem Vi]ctoria[e refecit], which proves that the dedication belonged to the temple of Victoria. The statue of Victoria appears on the coins of Marcius Censorinus, Grueber 1, 305 f.; cf. Münzer, RE 14, 1550 f.

72 Obsequens 70.

73 Cf. Domaszewski, Religion d. röm. Heeres 4; 118; L'Orange, Der spätant. Bildschmuck d. Constantinbogens 55 ff.; 126 ff.; pl. 3a; 29c; 30a; id., Symb. Osl. 14, 108.

74 Plut. Sulla 6, 1; Mar. 32, 4.

75 See above n. 70.

76 Plut. Sulla 17; Aug. CD 2, 24.

77 Aug. CD 2, 24; Plut. Sulla 27, 6 ff.

78 Plut. Sulla 11, 1.

79 Plut. Sulla 19, 9; a dedication to Mars at Sicyon, Année épigr. 1939, 43.

80 App. b.c. 1, 97, 455.

81 Grueber 2, 459 ff.; Sydenham 124; Mattingly-Robinson, The Date of the Roman Denarius 34.

82 Livy 25, 12, 15; cf. Macrob. Sat. 1, 17, 25 ff.; Münzer, RE 14, 1541; Gagé, Apollon romain 280 ff. Host. frg. 4 M Invictus Apollo is worth noting as it occurs only here, and Apollo is never called Ἀνίκητος.

83 S. C. de Oropiis, Syll. 747 (Bruns 42; Riccobono 36).

84 Vell. 2, 27, 6 felicitatem diei … Sulla perpetua ludorum circensium honoravit memoria, qui sub eius nomine Sullanae Victoriae celebrantur.

85 Mommsen, Gesch. d. röm. Münzwesens 625, 464 Sex. Non(ius) pr(aetor) l(udos) V(ictoriae) p(rimus) f(ecit), i.e. in 81 B.C. (Grueber 1, 470 f.; Sydenham 146); Cic. Verr. 1, 31 with Ps.-Ascon. p. 217 St.; Fast. Maff.: lud(i) Vict(oriae), but Fast. Arv. and Sab.: ludi Victoriae Sull(ae) or Sull(anae); Latte, Myth. Lex. 6, 297.

86 Cf. JRS 45, 1955. 187 and in greater detail Balsdon, JRS 41, 1951 ff.; for a different interpretation see R. Schilling, La religion romaine de Venus 278 ff.

87 Mommsen, CIL I2, p. 322 f.; cf. Wissowa, Religion 292; id., Myth. Lex. 6, 192 ff.; Gagé, Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 6. For instance, Vahlen refers Enn. Sc. 51 volans de caelo cum corona et taeniis either to Victoria or Venus; he lets 52 is habet coronam vitulans victoria follow immediately and compares A.53 te … precor … Venus …, ut me de caelo visas. It was observed that Nike-Victoria in art is often just the winged Aphrodite, cf. Bulk, Myth. Lex. 3, 356: this may have contributed much to the identification but was certainly not the reason for it.

88 Fast. Amit. 9 Oct.; Wissowa, Religion 266, 6; Schilling 296 ff. (also for the following).

89 Tiro ap. Gell. 10, 1, 7 cum Pompeius aedem Victoriae dedicaturus foret…; cf. Fast. Allif., 12 Aug.: V.V.H.V.V. Felidta[ti in theatro Pompei], that is, Veneri Victrici Honori Virtuti (cf. Fast. Amit.), but the last V is puzzling. Mommsen 324 considers Valentia or Vesta and says: “Victoria admitti nequit, cum sit ipsa Venus Victrix.” Another difficulty is caused by a prodigy of 32 B.C., Cass. Dio 50, 8, 3 … καὶ Νίκης ἄγαλμα ὰπὸ τῆς τοῦ θεάτρου σκήνης πεσεῖν … Wissowa, Ges. Abh. 25, 5 comments: “… num ad statuam Veneris Victricis pertineat, in obscuro est.”

90 App. b.c. 2, 68, 281; 76, 319, according to Serv. Aen. 7, 637 Venus Genetrix. Thapsus: b. Afr. 83, 1; at Munda Venus again: App. b.c. 2, 104, 430.

91 Dessau 6631 f.; cf. Fink, Yale Class. St. 8, 94.

92 CIL 9,5904.

93 Dessau 9349 and the evidence quoted below p. 227 f.; cf. also the ludi Victoriae Caesaris Augusti at Iguvium, Dessau 5531.

94 It is therefore assumed that Venus Victrix and Venus Genetrix were identical: Mommsen 322 f.; Wissowa, Religion 292; Gagé, Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 6.

95 Cass. Dio 43, 22, 3; 45, 6, 4; 49, 42, 1; Obs. 68 ludis Veneris Genetricis, quos pro collegio fecit (scil. Octavianus, 44 B.C.); Pliny n.h. 2, 93 cometes … apparuit ludis, quos fadebat Veneri Genetrici non multo post obitum patris Caesaris in collegio ab eo instituto; App. b.c. 3, 28, 107; Sen. NQ 7, 17, 2.

96 Suet. Aug. 10, 1; cf. Cic. fam. 11, 28, 6 (44 B.C.) at ludos, quos Caesaris Victoriae Caesar adulescens fecit, curavi (scil. Matius).

97 But see Gagé, Res gestae 175: “qui (the reform of the calendar) n'a pas cependant de'placé les autres anniversaires césariens.”

98 Kretschmer, Glotta 13, 1924, 105.

99 Wackernagel, Festschr. f. Kretschmer 1926, 295 = Kleine Schriften 2, 1286.

100 Cf. e.g. Pliny nJi. 7, 95; Syme, Roman Revolution 30; Gelzer, Pompeius 134 ff.; Balsdon, Historia 1, 1950, 298 f.; Heuss, Antike u. Abendland 4, 1954, 81 f.

101 Cass. Dio 36, 50, 3; Oros. 6, 4, 7.

102 Cic. Pis. 16; 34; cf. Plut. Cato min. 53, 3 … Πομπήιον … ἀήττητον γενόμνον …; Alföldi, Studien über Caesars Monarchic (Bull. Soc. Roy. des Lettres de Lund 1952/3, 1) 1953, 33.

103 Pliny n.h. 7, 95.

104 CIL 1, p. 324; cf. Pliny n.h. 8, 20; Gell. 10, 1, 7; Tert. spect. 10; Plut. Pomp. 68; Porph. Hor. sat. 1, 2, 94; Wissowa, Myth. Lex. 6, 194. — Was Pompey the first to call Venus Victrix? She cannot be a translation of the Aphrodite Nikephoros of Pergamum (Wissowa, Religion 292, 2) because she was not worshipped there under this name (cf. E. Ohlemutz, Die Kulte u. Heiligtumer der Götter in Pergamon 1940, 226, 4; R. O. Fink, Yale Class. St. 8, 1941, 89, 41). There was an Aphrodite Nikephoros at Smyrna and Argos (cf. gr. Kruse, RE 17, 310) but was not so significant as to serve as model to the Romans. The fragment of an anonymous Palliata, 13 R. hui victrix Venus, videsne haec? may be earlier than Pompey but I doubt if it has any relevance to war and victory: it may e.g. refer to the judgment of Paris, cf. Lucian. dial. deor. 20, 16 (Aphrodite to Paris) … Πρέποι γὰρ ἃν κἀμὲ νικηøόρον ὺμῖν συμπαρεῖναι …

105 Fast. Amit. and Allif. 12 Aug.: Herculi Invicto ad drcum Maximum; Vitr. 3, 3, 5; Pliny n.h. 34, 57.

106 See the preceding note. — Faustus Cornelius Sulla, son of the dictator and son-in-law of Pompey, placed in 54 B.C. Venus on some of his coins, Hercules on others, Grueber 1, 489 f.; Sydenham 145 f.

107 The evidence is somewhat conjectural. As far as Pompey is concerned we only know that he erected a delubrum ex manubiis for Minerva (Pliny n.h. 7, 97). Coins of Domitian c. A.D. 81/2 show Minerva with helmet, Victoria in the right, spear in the left, a trophy on the right side, a shield on the left, that is, the type of the Athena Parthenos of Phidias. The legend Minerva Victrix first appears under Commodus in A.D. 188/9 (Mattingly, Coins 4, 736; 738; 820; 822; 824), but Mattingly 2, p. lxxxv is probably right in assuming that she was called so already under Domitian (accepted by Strack, Unters. z. rom. Reichspragung 3, 31, 72; K. Scott, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians 177). A further conjecture would then be that the cult of Domitian was preceded by that of Pompey. There was besides the Athena Nike of Athens and elsewhere an Athena Nikephoros in Pergamum, see Ohlemutz 33 ff.; M. Segre in L. Robert's Hellenica 5, 1947, 114 ff.

108 App. b.c. 2, 76, 319.

109 App. b.c. 2, 68, 281.

110 Caes. b.c. 3, 105, 2; 5; Plut. Caes. 47; Val. Max. 1, 6, 12; Obs. 65a; Cass. Dio 41, 61, 4.

111 Plut. Caes. 47, 5; Obs. 65a; Cass. Dio 41, 61, 5.

112 IG 12, 2, 25, 5 (IGR 4, 27) … καὶ τᾷ Ῥώᾳ τᾷ Νικοøό[ρῳ …; cf. 26, 16.

113 Plut. Caes. 50, 3; Cass. Dio 42, 48, 2; Suet. Caes. 37, 2; cf. Cichorius, Röm. Stud. 245 ff. It was the variation of an old proverb (cf. Ter. Phorm. 103 imus, venimus, videmus; Otto, Sprichwörter d. Röm. 363) and was used again by the orator Servilius Tuscus in A.D. 34 in the trial against Mamercus Scaurus as a warning of the victory of the barbarians over Rome, Sen. Suas. 2, 22, 2.

114 See above n. 90.

115 App. b.c. 2, 102, 424; 3, 29, 107; Platner-Ashby 226. Venus is frequent on Caesar's coins, also Venus holding a Victoria, Grueber 1, 524 ff.; 543 ff.; S. L. Cesano, Rend. Pont. Accad. 23/4, 1950, 123 f.; 139 ff.

116 Cic. ap. Amm. Marc. 21, 16, 13; b. Afr. 83, 1.

117 Cass. Dio 43, 21, 1.

118 Cass. Dio 40, 49, 3; 50, 2 f.; Pliny n.h. 34, 26.

119 Cass. Dio 44, 5, 2; Cic. Att. 13, 42, 3.

120 See below p. 240.

121 See above p. 227.

122 Suet. Caes. 44, 1.

123 Livy 22, 10, 9; Weinreich, Myth. Lex. 6, 803; C. Koch, Herm. 83, 1955, 36.

124 Dittenberger, Syll.3 760 (48 B.C.); App. b.c. 2, 68, 281 (Pharsalus).

125 Fer. Cum., 12 July (Dessau 108); relief from Carthage, L. R. Taylor, The Divinity of the Roman Emperor 203; CAH Plates 4, 136; Ovid, trist. 2, 295 f.; Wissowa, Myth. Lex. 6, 198 f.

126 Mattingly, Coins 1, 98; Wissowa, Myth. Lex. 6, 199.

127 It was vowed by Octavian in 42 to Mars Ultor (Suet. Aug. 29, 2), and a small shrine was built to him on the Capitol in 20 B.C. after the return of the standards (Cass. Dio 54, 8, 3). R. Schilling, Rev. phil. 68, 1942, 39 ff. speaks of a ‘Mars-religion’ inaugurated by Augustus at the expense of Hercules. But Mars and Hercules were not rivals, and if Hercules had become less popular it was mainly because the epithet Invictus was discredited after the death of Caesar; Hercules Invictus in fact does not return until the age of Domitian and Trajan, see below n. 173.

128 Suet. Aug. 29, 2 … quique victores redissent hue insignia triumphorum conferrent; Cass. Dio 55, 10, 2 ff.

129 Cass. Dio 60, 5, 3; Veil. 2, 100, 2; Wissowa, Religion 146; Gagé, Res gestae 175.

130 Cf. App. b.c. 2, 149–154; Meyer, Caesars Monarchie 472 ff.; Bruhl, , Mél. d'archéol. et d'hist. 47, 1930, 207 f.Google Scholar; Syme, Roman Revolution 54; P. Treves, II mito di Alessandro e la Roma d'Augusto 1953, 33 (with bibliography).

131 Suet. Caes. 7, 1; Cass. Dio 37, 52, 2; cf. Gagé, , REA 42, 1940, 425 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; id. Rev. hist. 205, 1951, 208 ff.

132 Cass. Dio 43, 14, 6; 43, 21, 2. The two passages are contradictory: the first states that he stands on the globe, the second that the oecumene is at his feet which apparently means that one foot is on the globe. We have representations of both kinds, and I prefer the first. — Cf. the relief published by H. Fuhrmann, Mitt. d. Deutschen Archaeol. Inst. 2, 1949, 38; pl. 8 with Caesar, the globe, and the kneeling dea Roma (?); Alföldi, Studien über Caesars Monarchie 26 f.; pi. 16.

133 Duris, FGrHist. 76 F 14 Jacoby; Meyer, Caesars Monarchie 385; Alföldi, Röm. Mitt. 50, 1935, 117 f. Schlachter, Der Globus 65 f. assumes that this is not a globe but a personification of the oecumene: rightly, I think, rejected by Vogt, Vom Reichsgedanken d. Römer 182.

134 Grueber 1, 405 f.; 511; Sydenham 130 f.; 159.

135 Cass. Dio 51, 22, 1 f.; Suet. Aug. 100; Herodian. 5, 5, 7.

136 Stat. Silv. 1, 1, 86; cf. Pliny n.h. 35, 4 statuarum capita permutantur. For a Roman version of the story see Pliny 8, 155; Suet. Caes. 61 (… cum haruspices imperium orbis terrae domino pronuntiassent …); Cass. Dio 37, 54, 2; Roscher, W. H., Ber. Sächs. Ges. 1891, 99 ff.Google Scholar; Platner-Ashby 226. The emperor Claudius substituted the head of Augustus for that of Alexander on a painting of Apelles on the Forum of Augustus, Pliny n.h. 35, 93; Bickel, , Rhein. Mus. 97, 1954, 216Google Scholar; Matz, , Festschr. f. Weickert 1955, 52Google Scholar.

137 Cic. Marc. 12; the theme is repeated in Deiot. 33 f. (45 B.C.). The term reappears in Antony's funeral oration (App. b.c. 2, 145, 607 μόνος ὄδε ἀήττητος ἐκ πάντων τών ἐς χείρας αύτῷ συνελθόντων …) and in his biography (Nic. Damasc. 80, FGrHist. 90 F 130 Jacoby … χειρώσεσθαι αύτὸν ἀνίκητον παντάπσι δοκοῦντα εῖναι δυσὶ γὰρ καὶ τριακοσίαις μάχαις ἐδόκει σνμβαλὼν εἰς ἐκεῖνον τὸν χρόνον ἔν τε Ἀσιᾳ καὶ Εύρώπῃ οὔποθʼ ἡτῆσθαι Alföldi, Studien über Caesars Monarchie 33.

138 Att. 12, 38, 5; 40, 2; 51, 2; 13, 7, 1; 26, 2; 27, 1; 28; cf. Meyer, Caesars Monarchic 438 ff.; Gelzer, RE 7A, 1024 f.; Klass, J., Cicero u. Caesar, Diss. Giessen 1939. 199Google Scholar ff. — Stob. 4, 212 ff. H.; ‘Sall.’ ep. ad Caes.; Sen. de clem., etc.: Klek, J., Symbuleutici qui dicitur sermonis historia critica (Rhet. Stud. 8), 1919Google Scholar; Wilhelm, F., Rhein. Mus. 72, 1917, 374 ffGoogle Scholar.; Köstermann, , Philol. 87, 1932, 436 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.; Delatte, L., Les traités de la royauté … 1942, 137 ffGoogle Scholar.; Pasoli, Riv. filol. 83, 1955, 337 ff.

139 Cass. Dio 43, 42, 3 τά τε Παρίλια ἰπποδρομίᾳ ἀθανάτῳ (?)οὔτι γε καὶ διὰ τήν πόλιν, ὅτι ἐν αὐτοῖς ἔκτιστο, ἀλλὰ δὶα τὴν τοῦ Καίσαρος νίκην … On the celebrations in 44 see 45, 6, 4; Cic. Att. 14, 14, 1; 14, 19, 3. Further his victories were declared public festivals, Cass. Dio 43, 44, 6 … ἱερομηνίαν τε ἐξαίρετον ὁσάκις ἇν νίκη τέ τις συμβῆ καὶ θυσίαι ἑπʼ αὐτῆ γίγνωνται App. b.C. 2, 106, 442; for the list see Wissowa, Religion 445 f. Two later decrees seem to belong to this complex. One, of 44, established a sacrifice in the name of Caesar on a special day of certain festivals of victory, Cass. Dio 45, 7, 2 τόν τε γὰρ μῆνα ʼΙούλιον δμοίως ἐκάλεσαν καὶ ἱερομηνίαις τισὶν ἐπινικίοις ἰδίαν ἡμέραν ἑπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι αὐτοῦ ἐβονθύτησαν; cf. Piganiol, Recherches sur les jeux romains 123, 3. The other, of 42, prescribed that whenever a victory was reported a sacrifice should be offered on his behalf as well as on behalf of the particular victor, Cass. Dio 47, 18, 4.

140 Cass. Dio 43, 45, 3 …θεῷ ἀνικἡτῳ … P. L. Strack, Probleme der augusteischen Erneuerung 1938, 22 assumes that the inscription is not authentic because is not mentioned by Cicero: it either consisted only of the word ‘Invicto,’ or the above wording was suggested by the senate but not accepted by Caesar. Contra, J. Vogt, Studies presented to D. M. Robinson 2, 1141; the argument above does not seem favorable to Strack's conjectures.

141 Cic. Att. 13, 28, 3 (quoted below in the text). No other evidence ascribes Romulus-Quirinus a share in the Parilia. The ritual of the Parilia did not include games and therefore the question of a procession of the gods did not arise. Consequently the procession headed by the statues of Romulus-Quirinus and Caesar must have been improvised on that occasion; this seems to follow also from the wording of Cass. Dio 43, 42,3 (n. 139).

142 Diod 16, 92; Nock, JHS 48, 1928, 22; Weinreich, Myth. Lex. 6, 787.

143 There is a conflicting tradition according to which Demades made the proposal of 324 B.C. and wanted to make Alexander the Thirteenth, not the Invincible, God, Aelian. vix. 5, 12 ἐκκλησίας οὔσης Ἀθηναίοις παρελθὼν ὁ Δημάδης ἐψηΦίσατο θεὸν τὸν Ἀλέξανδρον τρισκαιδέκατον. Clem. Alex. Protor. 10, 96, 4; Lucian. dial. mort. 13, 2; Athen. 6, 251b; Val. Max. 7, 2, Ext. 13, etc.; cf. Weinreich, Lyk. Zwölfgötterreliefs, Sitz.-Ber. Heid. 1913, 5. Abh. 8; id., Myth. Lex. 6, 846; Nock 21 f.; Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 363. According to Nock the confusion was caused because the statue of Philip, the Thirteenth God, was carried in a procession. I would therefore assume that there was just one proposal, by Demades (the text of Hyperides is not sufficiently clear concerning the role of Demosthenes), and that it was for the Invincible God. This assumption rests, besides the argument of Nock, on the two Roman decrees. Weinreich 846 on the other hand suggests that the Roman procession too was that of the Twelve Gods, Caesar being the Thirteenth. But the pompa circensis had nothing to do with the Twelve Gods, and on 21 April Caesar was carried in the company of Quirinus, on 20 July in that of ‘Victoria: neither belonged to the Twelve.

144 Cic. Att. 13, 44, 1. This is the starting point of a momentous development. Victoria began to lead processions under Augustus (Ovid am. 3, 2, 45 prima loco fertur passis Victoria pinnis), and the suggestion in the senate that she should even lead Augustus' funeral cortège (Suet. Aug. 100, 2) may belong to this context; and she then led numberless processions in the imperial period: for the evidence see Nock, , JRS 37, 1947, 113 fGoogle Scholar. and HSCP 41, 1930, 18. This arrangement may have been inspired by processions (Greek in origin?) in which Nike-Victoria was the central figure, as in the case of Mithridates at Pergamum (Plut. Sulla 11, 1), or in the camp of Brutus in 42 B.C. (below p. 237 n 148); cf. also the celebrations of Q. Caecilius Metellus in Spain, 74 B.C., Sall. Hist. 2, 70 M.; Val. Max. 9, 1, 5; Plut. Sert. 22, 3.

145 Cf. Dion. Hal. 2, 7 ff.; Pohlenz, , Hermes 59, 1924, 157 ffGoogle Scholar. On the theme Romulus-Augustus see e.g. Gagé, Mél. d'archéol. et d'hist. 47, 1930, 1 ff.

146 Wissowa, Religion 446; the terminus ante quern must be 29 B.C. when it was decreed that the days on which the news of his victories was received should be festivals, Cass. Dio 51, 19, 2 ἔν τε τσῖς γενεθλίοις αὐτοῦ καὶ ἐν τῆ τῆς ἀγγελίας τῆςνίκης ἡμέρᾳ ίερομηνίαι … ἔγνωσαν.

147 Cicero made an entry in the Fasti in honor of Brutus: ad Brut. 23 (i, 15), 8; fam. 11, 14, 3; Munzer, RE Suppl. 5, 370. On the entry concerning Octavian's victory in the Feriale Cumanum, 14 April (below p. 240), see Mommsen, Ges. Schr. 4, 263 f. with a discussion of the relevant evidence. It may be just coincidence that the preceding day, 13 April, was the festival of Iuppiter Victor on the Palatine. In the same year a temple of Iuppiter concerned with victory was hit by lightning, Cass. Dio 45, 17, 2 κεραυνοί τε … ἐς τὸν νεὼν τὸν τῷ Διὶ τῷ Καπιτωλίῳ ἐν τῷ Νικαίῳ ὄντα κατέσκηψαν. Wissowa 123, 4.

148 Plut. Brut. 39, 4; Cass. Dio 47, 40, 8; App. b.c. 4, 563; Obs. 70; Rossbach, , Rhein. Mus. 52, 1897, 2Google Scholar.

149 Cass. Dio 49, 15, I … τό τε στεϕάνῳ δαϕνίνῳ άεὶ χρῆσθαι καὶ τὸ τῆ ἡμέρᾳ, ἐν ἡ ἐνενικήκει, ἱερομηνίᾳ ἀιδίῳ οὔσῃ ἐν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Καπιτωλίου μετά τε τῆς γυναικὸς καὶ μετὰ τῶν παίδων ἐστιᾶσθαι ἔδωκαν App. b.c. 5, 130, 541 (36 B.C.) ἐκ δὲ τῶν έψηϕισμἐνων τιμῶν ἐδέχετο πομπήν, ἐτήσιόν τε ἰερομηνίαν εἶναι, καθʼ ἆς ἡμέρας ἐνίκα … Statue: App. b.c. 5, 130, 542. — On the first occasion of wearing a laurel wreath see above p. 216; on a similar decree for Caesar Cass. Dio 43, 43, 1; Suet. Caes. 45, 2; Meyer, Caesars Monarchic 445.

150 The era of Actium was called on coins at Antioch on the Orontes ITOS N/mjs: Head, HN 779.

151 The evidence is discussed in great detail by Gagé, , Mél. d'archéol. et d'hist. 53, 1936, 37–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. also Hartmann, L., De pugna Actiaca a poetis Augusteae aetatis celebrata, Diss. Giessen 1913Google Scholar.

152 Suet. Aug. 96, 2 apud Actium descendenti in aciem asellus cum asinario occurrit: homini Eutychus, bestiae Nicon erat nomen; utriusque simulacrum aeneum victor posuit in templo, in quod castrorum suorum locum vertit; Plut. Ant. 65, 5. On Alexander Val. Max. 7, 3, Ext. 1.

153 Suet. Aug. 18, 2 quoque Actiacae victoriae memoria celebratior et in posterum esset, urbem Nicopolim apud Actium condidit ludosque illic quinquennales constituit et ampliato vetere Apollinis templo locum castrorum, quibus fuerat usus, exornatum navalibus spoliis Neptuno ac Marti consecravit.

154 Verg. Georg. 3, 27; Hor. sat. 2, 1, 11; carm. 1, 6, 1; Ovid, trist. 5, 1, 41; Manil. 1, 925; Vitruv. praef. The victory was interpreted as the fulfillment of oracles which announced the coming ruler terra marique, cf. Hor. sat. 2, 5, 62; Norden, Verg. Aen. VIs 322; Prop. 4, 6, 39; Gagè 77 ff.

155 Cf. Verg. Aen. 6, 853 with Norden's note; Hor. carm. saec. 51; Prop. 2, 16, 42; 3, 22, 21; Ovid. fast. 2, 143; am. 1, 2, 52; H. Fuchs, Augustin u. der ant. Friedensgedanke 204; id. Basler Ztschr. f. Gesch. u. Altertumskde 42, 1943, 43 ff.; Gelzer, , Herm. 68, 1933, 137Google Scholar; 164; Dahlmann, , Neue Jahrb. 1934, 17 ff.Google Scholar; Weber, Princeps 153.

156 Cass. Dio 53, 16, 4 καὶ ϒὰρ τό τε τάς δάϕνας πρὸ τῶν βασιλείων αύτοῦπροϒίθεσθαι καί τὸ στέϕνον τόν δρύινον ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν ἀρτᾶσθαι τότε οἰ ὡς καί ἁεί τ τούς τε πολεμίους νικŵντι καὶ τούς πολὶτας σᾡζοντι ἑψηϕίση; cf. 44, 4, 5; Mon. Anc. 34, 2 … laureis postes aedium mearum vestiti publice, coronaque civica super ianuam mea fixa est; v. Premerstein, Vom Werden u. Wesen d. Prinzipats 1937, 119; Alföldi, Mus. Helv. 9, 1952, 216; 232 ff.

157 Mattingly, Coins 1, 66 f.; O. Th. Schulz, Rechtstitel u. Regierungsprogramme auf röm. Kaisermünzen 4 ff.; Oxé, Wien. Stud. 48, 1930, 44; Alföldi 233.

158 Suet. Tib. 17, 2 censuerunt etiam quidam ut Pannonicus, alii ut Invictus, nonnulli ut Pius cognominaretur. sed de cognomine intercessit Augustus, eo contentum repromittens, quod se defuncto suscepturus esset. Augustus apparently opposed more Invictus than Pannonicus, see the honors decreed for the elder Drusus probably after his death, 9 B.C., Suet. Claud. 1, 3 senatus … decrevit et Germanici cognomen ipsi posterisque eius. At the end, Tiberius refused to have the praenomen Imperator and used the cognomen Augustus only in exceptional cases, Suet. Tib. 26, 2.

159 The opposition is directed not only against Caesar but probably also against Antony. He too wanted to be a successor of Alexander and adopted for this reason the Ptolemaic symbolism of a Neos Dionysos. This is a different story from ours and need not be discussed here.

160 It is enough to refer to the prophecy in Verg. Aen. 6, 791 ff. who depends, as shown by Norden, , Rhein. Mus. 54, 1899, 466 ffGoogle Scholar. (cf. Aeneis VI3 322), on a Greek panegyric about Alexander; cf. Georg. 2, 170 f.; Kampers, , Hist. Jahrb. 29, 1908, 241 ff.Google Scholar; Weber, Der Prophet u. sein Gott 78; 141 f.; Syme, The Roman Revolution 305; P. Treves, II mito di Alessandro 33. The legend about his birth and the prophecy concerning the future mastery of the world (Suet. Aug. 94; Cass. Dio 45, 1) followed closely, as before in the case of Scipio Africanus, the legend of Alexander, cf. Norden, Die Geburt des Kindes 158; Weber 99. — Augustus used the image of Alexander as his seal for a while, later his own image (Pliny 37, 10; Suet. Aug. 50; Vollenweider, H. M. L., Mus. Helv. 12, 1955, 97Google Scholar): if he was led by symbolism in his choice he soon changed his mind.

161 See the Calendars and e.g. CIL 6, 37836 (Dessau 9349) and the later institutions depending on this model, the ludi Victoriae Caesaris Augusti at Iguvium, CIL ii, 5820 (Dessau 5531), the ludi Victoriae Caesaris et Claudi, CIL 6, 37834.

162 Fast. Maff., CIL i2, p. 327; Herodian. 7, 11, 3 … τòν ίδρυμένον βωμὸν τῆς Νίκης …; Cass. Dio 51, 22, i f. (on the statue); Bulle, Myth. Lex. 3, 354 f. She thus had become the goddess of the Curia (cf. Dessau 495 Victoriae sen. Rom.) and appears on coins on the pediment of the Curia, Mattingly, Coins 1, 103; Platner-Ashby 144; Lugli, , Roma antica 1946, 132Google Scholar. The prayer and sacrifice offered since 12 B.C. to the deity in whose temple a meeting of the senate took place was offered in the Curia to Victoria, Herodian. 5, 5, 7; later she was included in those prayers even if the meeting took place elsewhere, SHA Prob. 12, 7. That is one of the reasons why the last pagan resistance centered around the altar of Victoria.— The clupeus aureus of 27 B.C. was deposited there: it is often represented on monuments and coins together with Victoria, Gagé, , Mél d'archéol. et d'hist. 49, 1932, 61 ff.CrossRefGoogle Scholar; CAH Plates 4, 134a; Mattingly, Coins 1, 58; 61; 70; etc.

163 CIL i2, p. 229 = Dessau 108.

164 Cf. Gagé 61 ff. On inscriptions Victoria Augusta is far more frequent: Thes. 1. 1. 2, 1401 f.

165 Cf. Gagé, Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 1 ff. His predecessor, Graillot, Daremberg-Saglio 5, 839 ff. should not be forgotten and is to be consulted also for the invaluable presentation of the monumental, numismatic, and epigraphic evidence which is overwhelming.

166 That this stressing of the role of Victoria was inaugurated by Augustus is confirmed by the fact that Vespasian, who closely followed Augustus' religious policy, gave prominence to Victoria, Pax, and other related abstract deities: for the evidence see K. Scott, The Imperial Cult under the Flavians 24 ff.

167 It is not an exception that, under Tiberius, Livia was worshipped as Nikephoros in the temple of Athena Nikephoros at Cyzicus, IRR 4, 144; Nock, , HSCP 41, 1930, 30Google Scholar.

168 For this and for the following statements see Mattingly's indexes and the handbooks of Stevenson and Bernhart.

169 Mart. 7, 6, 7 rursus io, magnos clamat tibi Roma triumphos/Invictusque tua, Caesar, in urbe sonas; 9, 1, 10; 9, 23, 6; Stat. Silv. 4, 7, 49 ille ut Invicti rapidum secutus/Caesaris fulmen …; 4, 8, 61 si modo prona bonis Invicti Caesaris adsint/numina; cf. Sauter, Der röm. Kaiserkult bei Martial u. Statius 157 ft.; Berlinger, L., Beiträge z. inomziellen Titulatur der röm. Kaiser, Diss. Breslau 1935, 20 ff.Google Scholar; Christ, F., Die röm. Weltherrschaft in der ant. Dichtung 1938, 140 ffGoogle Scholar.

170 Pliny Paneg. 8, 2 adlata erat ex Pannonia laurea id agentibus dis, ut invicti imperatoris exortum victoriae insigne decoraret (AX). 97); cf. P. L. Strack, Untersuchungen zur röm. Reichsprägung 1, 90.

171 Henzen, AFA 123 ff. They turned occasionally under Nero, Vitellius and Domitian to Iovis Victor or to Victoria, AFA 72; 85 ff.

172 IGRR 4, 1333 (A.D. 102–117); 1738 (A.D. 110–111).

173 Cf. e.g. Cass. Dio 68, 29, 1; 30, 1; Bruhl, , Mél. d'archéol. et d'hist. 47, 1930, 213 f.Google Scholar; Heuss, , Antike u. Abendland 4, 1954, 91 fGoogle Scholar. It is worth adding that after Trajan Hercules had become popular in art and on coins, see Strack 2, 88, f.; Squarciapino, M. F., Bull, comun. 73, 1949/50, 205 ffGoogle Scholar. — Domaszewski, Philol. 71, 320 ascribes Or. gr. 340 (Nicomedia) Ἡράκλιος Καλλίνεικος κτίστης τῆς πόλεως to Hadrian: I would prefer Commodus (rather than Trajan), but the question cannot be decided without an examination of the inscription.

174 The inscription, CIL 14, 3449 (Dessau 400) Imp. Caes. L. Aelio Aurelio Commodo … pacatori orbis Felici Invicto Romano Herculi … dates from the following year; cf. Inscr. lat. D'Afr. 612 pro salute et incolumitate imp. Caesaris L. Aeli Aurel. Commodi Pii Invicti Herculis Romani … Invicto (i.e. Mithrae) posuit; Rostovtzeff, JRS 13, 98; Vogelstein, , Kaiseridee u. Romidee 1930, 41, 2Google Scholar.

175 Cass. Dio 72, 15, 3; SHA Comm. 11, 8; cf. K. Scott, Yale Class. Stud. 2, 238; Berlinger 21 f.; 56.

176 Costa, , Religione e politica nell'Impero romano 1923, 64Google Scholar; Scott 239; Ulrich, Pietas 76, 2; 81, 1.

177 For oriental, esp. Mithraic influence Cumont, Textes et Monuments 1, 287 f.; id., Die Mysterien des Mithra3 88; Maurice, Numismatique Constantinienne 2, p. LXVIII; Gagé, , Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 23Google Scholar; Berlinger 22; L'Orange, Symb. Osl. 14, 1935, 97. 1.

178 The coins of Clodius Albinus, A.D. 196/7 show Hercules with the lion's skin etc. and with the legend Fortitudo Aug. Invicta (Mattingly, Coins 5, 70); Invicta Virtus appears on the coins of Septimius Severus and Caracalla (Mattingly 5, 219; 256); they are also called Invictus Imperator or together Imperatores Invicti Pii Aug. (Mattingly 5, 88; 94; 106; 205). The evidence of the inscriptions is similar. Examining Dessau's collection we find Septimius Severus called Invictus only once, together with Caracalla (4424), Caracalla alone already five times (2320; 3543; 4835; 5822; 5865a).

179 Herodian. 4, 8, 1; Cass. Dio 77, 7, etc.; Heuss 99 ff.

180 See the indexes in Dessau and Mattingly. It is more frequent on inscriptions than on coins.

181 For instance Elagabal only once (5793): but he was the deus Invictus Sol Elagabal (473; 47s; 2008; 9058).

182 See Berahart, Handbuch 181.

183 Iuppiter Victor is frequent on coins of the third century until Diocletian, Tetricus I, Carausius, but not in the age of Constantine which prefers Iuppiter with other epithets. Mars Victor is equally frequent (Mars Invictus only under Pescenninus Niger and Aurelian), but occurs under Maxentius, Galerius, and Constantine only in 306/7 and then disappears entirely, Maurice, Numismatique Constantinienne 1, 188; 274; 2, 11.

184 Maurice 1, 271; 275; 399; Alföldi, Röm. Mitt. 49, 1934, 100. Already Numerianus (Mattingly-Sydenham, Rom. Imp. Coinage 5, 2, 196), Maximianus Herculeus in 295 (5, 2, 270), and Constantius I in 295 (5, 2, 298) appear on their coins with a globe surmounted by Victoria, and sceptre, and the legend ‘undique victores’.

185 Cf. H. Dömes, Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser Konstantins 216 ff. Karayannopulos, , Historia, 5, 1956, 344Google Scholar. Victoriosus appears already under Aurelian, CIL 8, 10177; 10205; 10217; 20537; Instinsky, , Hermes 77, 1942, 353Google Scholar.

186 Cohen 7, 251; 264.

187 Cf. Babelon, Melanges Boissier 49 ff.; Maurice 2, p. LV; 237 ff. with illustration and discussion. A letter of Constantine's to Optatianus Porfyrius (p. 39 Kluge) begins: Invictus Constantinus Maximus Augustus …

188 Schwartz, Gött. Nachr. 1904, 388.

189 Euseb. v. Const. 2, 24, 1; 46, 1; 48, 1; 64, 1.

190 Schwartz 394. The epithet Victor is documented equally well. The old church of St. Peter bore the inscription, CLE 300 (ILCV 17S2): Quod due te mundus surrexit in astra triumphans,/hanc Constantinus Victor tibi condidit aulam (cf. Domes 214); CIL 3, 6159 (A.D. 320) Imp. Caes. Fl. Valerius Constantinus Victor Maximus Triumphator …; 3, 7000 (Dessau 6091, A.D. 326/7) Imp. Caes. Constantinus Maximus Goth(icus) Victor ac Triumfator …; II, 5265 (Dessau 705, A.D. 333/7) Imp. Caes. Fl. Constantinus Max. Germ. Sarm. Got. Victor Triump. Aug….

191 Cohen 5 294 f,; cf. 305; Maurice 1, 235; 412 ff.; cf. the dedication to Constantine, CIL 8, 2386 … semper et ubique victori … If this history of the terms is correct, the alleged inscription on the tombstone of Gordianus III cannot have been compiled before the age of Constantine, SHA Gord. III 34, 2 Gordiano sepulchrum milites apud Circesium castrum fecerunt in finibus Persidis, titulum huiusmodi addentes … (in Greek, Latin, Persian, Hebrew, Egyptian) … 3 ‘Divo Gordiano victori Persarum, victori Gothorum, victori Sarmatarum, depulsori Romanarum seditionum, victori Germanorum, sed non victori Philipporum’ … The same applies to SHA Prob. 21, 4 (murdered 282) sepulchrum … milites fecerunt cum titulo huiusmodi inciso marmori: ‘Hie Probus imperator et vere probus situs est, victor omnium gentium barbararum, victor etiam tyrannorum’ … Here we can contrast the wording of a contemporary inscription, CIL 2,3738 (Dessau 597, A.D. 280) … omnium virtutum principi, vero Gothico veroque Germanico ac victoriarum omnium nominibus inlustri M. Aur. Probo P.F. Invict. Aug…. Again, the alleged edict of Hadrian against the Christians reveals its real date by its very beginning, Acta S. Terentiani 3 (Acta Sanctorum, Sept. 1 (1746) 113): Victor Adrianus Augustus inclitus triumphator … It is possible that the Christian martyrs too were called Victors more often after Constantine than before, see Rütten, , Die Victorverehrung im christl. Altertum 1936, 27 ff.Google Scholar; Bickel, , Rhein. Mus. 98, 1955, 253 ffGoogle Scholar.

192 Euseb. V. Const. 2, 19, 2 ὁ δʼ ἀρετῆ θεοσεβείας πάση ἐμπρέπων νικητὴς βασιλεὺς (ταύτην γὰρ αὐτὸς αὐτῷ τὴν ἐπώνυμον κυριωτάτην ἐπηγορίαν εὔρατο τῆς ἐκ θεοῦ δεδομένης αὐτῷ κατὰ πάντων ἐχθρῶν τε καὶ πολεμίων νίκης ἔνεκα) …

193 H. Dörries, Das Selbstzeugnis Kaiser Konstantins 282.

194 Rütten 45; Alföldi, The Conversion of Constantine 59; Dörries 214.

195 Piganiol, L' empereur Constantin 1932, 146; 225; Gagé, Rev. hist. 171, 1933, 25.

196 Cf. De solstitiis et aequinoctiis p. 105 Botte: sed et Invicti Natalem appellant, quis utique tarn invictus nisi dominus noster, qui mortem subactam devicit? vel quod dicant Solis esse Natalem, ipse est Sol iustitiae, de quo Malachias propheta dbrit … (cf. Döllger, , Antike u. Christentum 6, 1950, 27Google Scholar). Eusebius refers in similar terms to Constantine's choice of the new title, e.g. Laudes Const. 5, 4 … νικητὴς ἐτύμως ὁ τὴν νίκην τῶν καταπαλαιόντων θνητὸν γένος παθῶν ἀράμενος … 7, 13 νικητὴς ἀληθῶς, etc.

197 Maurice i, 212 f.; 2, 399 ff., etc.; Nock, , JRS 37, 1947, 108Google Scholar; Bruun, P., The Constantine Coinage of Arelate 1953, 58Google Scholar; 63 ff.

198 Maurice 2, p. LXVIII; Usener, Das Weihnachtsfest 2 364 suggests that he did that out of consideration for Licinius.

199 Cf. e.g. Wissowa, Religion 94; Seston, Dioclétien et la tétrarchie i, 211 ff.; Mattingly, HTR 45, 1952, 131 ff.

200 Hercules is called Invictus under Diocletian, Postumus, Carausius, also under Maximian in 289; he is first called Victor in 291 on coins of Maximian (Mattingly-Sydenham 5, 2, 277), and this becomes popular between 305–12; he is not called again Invictus.

201 Iuppiter Invictus is found in Hor. carm. 3, 27, 73; Ovid. fast. 5, 126; 6, 650; Sil. Ital. 12, 672; once on a coin of Septimius Severus, Mattingly 5, 112.

202 Mommsen, StR i, 124 f.; Rosenberg, RE 9, 1140 f.

203 Cumont, Astrology and Religion 105; 133.

204 For Sol Invictus see e.g. Usener, Weihnachtsfest2 348 ff.; Cumont, Textes et Monuments 1, 47 ff.; L'Orange, Symb. Osl. 14, 1935, 89 ff.; on Helios Aniketos Weinreich, Athen. Mitt. 37, 1912, 29, 1. It is worth noting that the term deus invictus is applied besides Alexander and Caesar only to Sol and Mithras: see Dessau's Index, p. 545; Leglay, , CRAI 1954, 273Google Scholar; also that the Mithraic cult image depends on a classical composition with Mithras taking the place of Nike, another expression of his invincibility, cf. Cumont, Textes et Monuments 1, 179 f.; Saxl, Mithras 11; Goethert, F. W., Arch. Jahrb. 51, 1936, 72 ff.Google Scholar; Will, E., Le relief cultuel gréco-romain 1955, 169 ffGoogle Scholar.

205 Cumont, , La théologie solaire du paganisme romain, Mémoires de l'Académie des Inscriptions 12, 2, 1909, 447 ff.Google Scholar; Nilsson, Opuscula selecta 2, 492 ff.; Matz, F., Der Gott auf dem Elefantenwagen, Akad. d. Wiss. Mainz 1952, 10. Abh. 738 (22) ff.Google Scholar; 753 (37) ff. — It is not impossible that the claim of the philosophers (cf. Stoic, vet. frg. Index s.v. ἀήττητος), and of the disciples of magic (e.g. CCAG 9, 2 Index s.v. ἀνίκητος and ἀήττητος) had ultimately the same origin.

206 On the Roman contacts with the Greeks see e.g. Hoffmann, W., Rom u. die griech. Welt im 4. Jhdt. 1934, 17 ffGoogle Scholar.

207 Lycophr. 1229; Momigliano, , JRS 32, 1942, 57 ffGoogle Scholar. with bibliography; contra, Tarn, Alexander the Great 2, 28 f.; cf. also Lévéque, , REA 57, 1955, 36 ffCrossRefGoogle Scholar.