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From Rome to Jerusalem: An Icelandic Itinerary of the Mid-Twelfth Century

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  10 June 2011

Joyce Hill
Joyce Hill
Affiliation:
University of Leeds
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Extract

In 1940 and 1944 F. P. Magoun published two articles that commented in detail on part of the pilgrim itinerary of a mid twelfth century Icelander who is identified in the text as “Abbot Nikulás.” The first of Magoun's articles deals with Nikulás’ stay in Rome; the second with his journey from Iceland to Rome, and for both parts of the itinerary Magoun provided, for the first time, a translation into English. Nikulás went on from Rome to Jerusalem before returning to Iceland, where he dictated the account of his travels, which survives in a fourteenth-century manuscript.

Type
Research Article
Information
Harvard Theological Review , Volume 76 , Issue 2 , April 1983 , pp. 175 - 203
Copyright
Copyright © President and Fellows of Harvard College 1983

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References

1 Magoun, F. P., “The Rome of Two Northern Pilgrims: Archbishop Sigeric of Canterbury and Abbot Nikolás of Munkathverá,” HTR 33 (1940) 267–89.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

2 Magoun, F. P., “The Pilgrim Diary of Nikulás of Munkathverá,” MS 6 (1944) 314–54.Google Scholar

3 Riant, P., Expéditions et pélerinages des scandinaves en Terre Sainle au temps des Croisades (Paris: Lainé et Harvard, 1865).Google Scholar

4 Riant suggested ca. 1151–54 (Ibid., 81); Kålund, both in his Icelandic edition (p. xix) and in his Danish translation and commentary (p. 84) suggested ca. 1150 (for details of these editions, see nn. 10 and 11, below); Magoun (“Two Northern Pilgrims,” 278) gives 1154, claiming to be following Kålund, but this is the date by which Kålund believes that Nikulés was back in Iceland (p. xix of Kålund's Icelandic edition).

5 For a survey of the monastic institutions in medieval Iceland, to which this paragraph is heavily indebted, see Magnússon, Eirikr, “Bénédictins en Islande,” RBén 15 (1898) 145–58Google Scholar, 193–99.

6 This is according to Magnússon, “Bénédictins en Islande,” 194. But Kålund, on p. xix of his Icelandic edition, states that Nikulás was þverá's first abbot.

7 Riant, Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, 80 – 81 and C. C. Rafn on p. 395 of his partial edition (see n. 13, below).

8 By Kålund, Magoun, and by Turville-Petre, G., Origins of Icelandic Literature (Oxford: Clarendon, 1953) 160.Google Scholar

9 ‘There are no references to heroic legend in the part of the itinerary dealt with in this paper, but between Iceland and Rome he “identifies” sites connected with Sigurdr, Ragnarr Lođbrék, Gunnarr and þiđrikr.

10 Kålund, Kr., ed., Alfrœđi Íslenzk; Íslandsk encyklopœdisk litteratur, 1 (Samfund til Udgivelse af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur 37; Copenhagen: Møllers, 1908)Google Scholar. Nikulás' itinerary begins on p. 12, line 26 and ends on p. 23, line 21. o

11 Kålund, Kr., “En islandsk Vejviser for Pilgrimme fra 12. Århundrede,” Aarbøger for nordisk Oldkyndighed og Historie 3/3 (1913) 51–105.Google Scholar

12 Werlauff, E. C., ed., Symbolas ad Geographiam Medii Ævi ex Monumentis Islandicis (Copenhagen: Schultzianis, 1821) 14–32.Google Scholar

13 Rafn, C. C., ed., Antiquités Russes d'après les monuments historiques des Islandais et des anciens Scandinaves (Copenhagen: Berling, 1852) 2. 394–415.Google Scholar

14 See Wattenbach, W., ed., “Chronica Monasterii Casinensis,” MGH, Scriptores 7 (1846) 716Google Scholarff. for details of Desiderius’ rebuilding program. St. Benedict's was consecrated in 1071; St. Martin's in 1090, St. Andrew's in 1094. The churches of Saints Bartholomew, Peter and the Archangel Michael were consecrated in 1075.

15 Gregory the Great Dialogi 2.8 (PL 66. 152).

16 Adler, M. N., ed. and trans., The Itinerary of Benjamin of Tudela (London: Frowde, 1907) 7Google Scholar. Benjamin was a Spanish Jew who traveled to the Holy Land and around the eastern Mediterranean between 1166 and 1170.

17 According to Ælfric (see n. 18, below), “People from every nation visit the place.” See further: Wilkinson, John, Jerusalem Pilgrims before the Crusades (Warminster: Aris & Phillips, 1977) 141Google Scholar for the account of a visit by Bernard the Monk, ca. 870; Pouille, Guillaume de, La Geste de Robert Guiscard (Mathieu, Marguerite, ed. and trans.; Palermo: lstituto Siciliano di Studi Bizantini e Neoellenici: Testi 4, 1961) 98Google Scholar, lines 11 – 13; and Runciman, Steven, A History of the Crusades (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1951Google Scholar; reprint ed., Harmondsworth: Peregrine, 1965) 1. 44, 46, 56, for the site's popularity with Normans and others en route for the Crusades.

18 Thorpe, B., ed.. The Homilies of the Anglo-Saxon Church (London: Ælfric Society, 1844) 1. 502Google Scholar; Morris, R., ed.. The Blickling Homilies (EETS, O.S. 58, 63, 73; London: Oxford University, 1874–1880; reprinted as one vol., 1967) 197Google Scholar. Both homilists were following an account of the legend that was circulating in popular Latin homiliaries. The best printed Latin text is Waitz, G., ed., “Liber de Apparitione Sancti Michaelis in Monte Gargano,” MGH, Scriptores Rerum Langobardicarum el ltalicarum Saec. vi — ix (Hannover, 1878) 541–43.Google Scholar

19 So records the Latin text and the homilies that follow it. Nikulás also refers to a silken cloth. Inexplicably, in his summary of the miraculous events that led to the establishment of Monte Gargano as a pilgrim site, John Julius Norwich states that Michael left behind a great iron spur (Norwich, J. J., The Normans in the South, 1016 – 1130 [London: Longman, 1967] 4).Google Scholar

20 Heyd, W., Histoire du commerce du Levant au Moyen-Age (Raynaud, Furcy, trans.; Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1959) 1. 96–97.Google Scholar

21 The Rev. Brownlow, Canon, trans., Sœwulf (Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society 21; London, 1892) 1Google Scholar. Sæswulf made his journey in 1102 – 3. It will hereafter be cited by editor and page number.

22 Cleasby, R. and Vigfusson, G., An Icelandic-English Dictionary (2d ed., with supplement, by Sir William Craigie; Oxford: Clarendon, 1957) 83Google Scholar gives “bridge” as the only meaning. For the Old English cognate, see Gordon, E. V., ed., The Battle of Maldon (London: Methuen, 1937)Google Scholar lines 74 and 78 of the poem and pp. 3 – 4 of the introduction. Sigfus Blöndal (Islensk-Dönsk Orđabók [Reykjavik: þorléksson, 1920–1924] 113)Google Scholar gives “a raised path through a marsh” and “a man-made road” as meanings of brú in modern Icelandic.

23 Chevallier, R., Roman Roads (Field, N. H., trans.; London: Batsford, 1976) 132–33Google Scholar. For this and other references to Roman roads in Italy, see the map on pp. 30 – 31 of Stier, H.- E. et al., eds., Westermanns grosser Atlas zur Weltgeschichte (Braunschweig: Westermann, 1956)Google Scholar. 1 am indebted to Professor O. A. W. Dilke, of the University of Leeds, for his helpful advice on the matter of Roman roads.

24 Casson, Lionel (Travel in the Ancient World [London: Allen & Unwin, 1974] 196)Google Scholar points out that Horace, with all the advantages of a good road for most of the way, and with money, and a barge for the Pontine Marshes, took two weeks in 38 or 37 B.C.. The exceptional speed of seven days that could be achieved by the cursus publicus is discussed on p. 188.

25 Caligula's advice to Agrippa to avoid the tedious coastal route from Brindisium to Syria in favor of direct passage from Rome to Alexandria on a grain ship (Casson, Travel in the Ancient World, 158) assumes that most people needing to travel east would first think of sailing from Brindisium.

26 Heyd, Histoire du commerce, 1. 118 – 19.

27 Mathieu, ed., Geste de Robert Guiscard, 252–54 (Latin text: Book 5, lines 284–336) 253, 334–35 (notes).

28 “Magnússona saga” in Snorri Sturluson: Heimskringla 111 (Ađalbjarnarson, Bjarni, ed.; éslenzk Fornrit 28; Reykjavík: Hiđ Íslenzka Fornritfélag, 1951) 252Google Scholar. For an English translation, see “The Saga of the Sons of Magnús,” in Snorri Sturluson, Heimskringla: History of the Kings of Norway (Hollander, L. M., trans.; Austin: University of Texas, 1964) 697Google Scholar. For the reader's convenience, subsequent references will be to the English translation.

29 The mistaken assumption that Nikulás visited Sicily is made by Turville-Petre, Origins of Icelandic Literature, 160.

30 As in the case of Bolsena, earlier in the itinerary, which, in the Icelandic text (Kålund, Alfrœđi Islenzk, 17) is called “Kristinaborg” after its saint. See Magoun, “Pilgrim Diary,” 345.

31 Riant, (Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, 85) called the town San Martino de Laconie, but without explanation.

32 Willibald, en route for Jerusalem in the early eighth century, likewise traveled via this easternmost promontory and called the country “Slavinia” (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 126).

33 E.g., the Piacenza pilgrim, ca. 570 (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 79); Epiphanius, possibly ca. 675 (p. 117); Williband, ca. 723/24 (p. 126); Sæwulf, ca. 1103 (Brownlow, Sœwulf, 5); Sigurđr Jórsalafari 1110/11 (Hollander, Heimskringla, 697).

34 Fell, C., “The Icelandic Saga of Edward the Confessor; its version of the Anglo- Saxon emigration to Byzantium,” Anglo-Saxon England 3 (1974) 179– 86CrossRefGoogle Scholar

35 Kålund, Alfrœđi Íslenzk, 15 – 16, where there is passing reference to “Eiriks spitali” between Piacenza and Borgo San Donnino. The foundations are also commented upon in Knytlinga Saga, 173 (see n. 36, below).

36 Carl af Petersens and Olson, Emil, eds., “Knytlinga Saga,” Sǫgur Danakonunga (Samfund til Udgivelse af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur 46; Copenhagen: Håkan Ohlssons, 1919–1925) 172Google Scholar.

37 Runciman, S., A History of the Crusades (Cambridge: Cambridge University, 1952Google Scholar; reprint ed., Harmondsworth: Peregrine, 1965) 2. 7. Sæwulf (Brownlow, Sœwulf 6 – 8) graphically describes the destruction in a storm of about 23 out of 30 very large ships anchored in the roadstead.

38 Kålund, in his Danish translation (p. 60), inexplicably gives the name of the Norwegian king as Sigurđr Ólafsson. In the notes that follow (p. 84) he correctly names him as Sigurđr Jórsalafari (i.e., Sigurđr Magnússon) and points out that Nikulás’ error possibly arose from a tradition that Sigurđr landed at Jaffa. The prose text of the saga does not mention a port but the following verse names Acre, a detail that Kålund overlooks (Hollander, Heimskringla, 695).

39 Cleasby-Vigfusson, Icelandic-English Dictionary, 523.

40 Baedeker, K., Palestine and Syria: Handbook for Travellers (3d ed.; Leipzig: Baedeker, 1898) 307.Google Scholar

41 In one of his epistles, Gregory the Great admits that Antioch held a special position in the church since Peter himself had occupied the see for seven years; see Ewald, P. and Hartmann, L. M., eds., “Gregorii I Papae. Registrum Epistolarum. Tomus I. Libri I —VII,” MGH, Epistulae i (1891)Google Scholar Ep. 7.3

42 According to the Bordeaux pilgrim, A.D. 333, the site of the Transfiguration was in the area of the Mt. of Olives, on the side towards Bethany. But by the mid-fourth century the commemoration was located on Mt. Thabor, where a church was built by the mid-sixth century: Wilkinson, John, Egeria's Travels (London: SPCK, 1971) 160.Google Scholar

43 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 81, 109, 128, 138; Brownlow, Sœwulf, 25.

44 Enlart, C., Les monuments des Croisés dans le royaume de Jérusalem: Texte (Paris: Geuthner, 1928) 2. 293Google Scholar. See also the comments by Arculf in Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 109, and Wilkinson's notes on Nazareth, 165.

45 Ibid., 54 (text); 159 (note). The letter is often ascribed to Eucherius, Bishop of Lyon (434–49), but it is probably from a later period.

46 Sebastia and Jerusalem were rival claimants for the major relics of John the Baptist. The surviving documentary evidence, which is often unclear or contradictory, is summarized and discussed by Vincent, H. and Abel, F.-M., Jérusalem: recherches de topographie d'archéologie el d'histoire. Jérusalem nouvelle (Paris: Gabalda, 1922) 2/3 – 4. 642– 46Google Scholar. Also Boase, T. S. R., Castles and Churches of the Crusading Kingdom (London: Oxford University, 1967) 86Google Scholar, 88.

47 E.g., Peter the Deacon, ca. 1137 (Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels, 201); Paula, Willibald (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 51–52, 132); Theoderic, A.D. 1172 (Boase, Castles and Churches, 88).

48 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 132.

49 Ibid., 24 (Map 6) and the notes, p. 173, sub Sychar.

50 E.g., the Piacenza pilgrim (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 81 and note, 165 – 66).

51 Vincent and Abel, Jérsualem Nouvelle (1914) 2/1–2. 89–300Google Scholar; idem, 2, Planches (1926)Google Scholar Pl. 33, for clear plans of the Constantinian group of buildings; Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 136 – 80; Parrot, A., Golgotha and the Church of the Holy Sepulchre (Hudson, E., trans.; London: SCM, 1957)Google Scholar; Coüasnon, C., The Church of the Holy Sepulchre in Jerusalem (J.-P. B. and Claude Ross, trans.; London: Oxford University, 1974)Google Scholar; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 196–97 and Pls. 5 and 6 (Arculf's plans), 174–78.

52 E.g., the Piacenza pilgrim, Arculf, Epiphanius, Bernard (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 83, 95 – 97, 117, 142); Bernard, J. H., trans., How the City of Jerusalem is Situated (London, 1893Google Scholar; reprinted, with original pagination, as part of The Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society [London, 1897]) 3. 12–13Google Scholar. This last, anonymous text is usually assigned to a period just before the Crusades, ca. 1090.

53 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 83.

54 Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem Nouvelle, 2/1–2. 186–88.

55 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 142 – 43.

56 Kélund, Alfrœđi Íslenzk, 1. 28, lines 7–10. The translation is my own.

57 Jerusalem Pilgrims, 28, nn. 80, 81; Egeria's Travels, 181, n. 4.

58 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 99.

59 Ibid., 144.

60 Bernard, How the City of Jerusalem is Situated, 12; Brownlow, Sœwulf, 12; Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels, 181 (Peter the Deacon). For a plan of the Rotunda as reconstructed in 1048, see Jerusalem Pilgrims, 176. For the Crusaders’ observance of what must have been a continuous tradition, see Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 144; Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem Nouvelle, 2/1–2. 255. The latter, Ibid., describe the Compas as “une sorte de ciborium oú l'on voyait le Christ reproduit en mosaïque avec cette légende: La plante de mon pied sert de mesure pour le ciel et pour la terre.”

61 Riley-Smith, J., The Knights of St. John in Jerusalem and Cyprus, c, 1050 – 1310 (London: Macmillan; New York: St. Martins, 1967)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, to which the whole of this section is indebted. The origins of the Order are discussed on pp. 32 – 37. See also Mayer, H., The Crusades (Gillingham, J., trans.; London: Oxford University, 1972) 83Google Scholar, 167; Runciman, History of the Crusades, 2. 156–57, 312–14.

62 Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem Nouvelle, 2/3 – 4. 642 – 46. Sæwulf, ca. 1102/3, believed the dedication to be to John the Baptist (Brownlow, Sœwulf 14).

63 E.g., Sæwulf (Brownlow, Sœwulf, 17); Peter the Deacon (Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels, 182). Interestingly, the short treatise, How the City of Jerusalem is Situated also refers to the mosque as the Temple of Solomon (p. 13), although it is usually dated before the First Crusade. For the history of the mosque, particularly under the Crusaders, see Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 214 – 22.

64 Brownlow, Sœwulf, 19–20 (Sæwulf); Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels, 191 (Peter).

65 As in the accounts of Bernard, ca. 870 (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 144) and Peter the Deacon, ca. 1137 (Wilkinson, Egeria's Travels, 191).

66 Ibid., 48; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 151–52.

67 Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 64 – 68.

68 Boase, Castles and Churches, 21.

69 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 107.

70 Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 226 – 30; Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 166 – 67. The most extensive study is Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem Nouvelle, 2/1–2. 328 – 419, who refer, on p. 400, to the burial of the two Danish pilgrims.

71 Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 230 — 33

72 As is recognized by modern historians of the Crusades: Runciman, History of the Crusades, 1. 304; 2. 4; Mayer, Crusades, 64.

73 It is thus included in the itineraries of non-Christians, e.g., the Arab, Mukaddasi, ca. 985: le Strange, G., trans., Description of Syria including Palestine (Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society 3; London, 1897) 50Google Scholar; Benjamin of Tudela: Adler, Itinerary, 25. Christian pilgrims to the tombs of the patriarchs include the Bordeaux pilgrim (Wilkinson, Egeria ‘s Travels, 163); Arculf (Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 105); Sæwulf (Brownlow, Scewulf, 24). For the pre-Christian history of the site, see Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 159. For the rediscovery of the bodies of the patriarchs in 1119, during the course of building operations, see Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, 2. 124 – 33 and Boase, Castles and Churches, 86, both of whom refer to the massive Herodian enceinte.

74 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, 69 (Theodosius); 82 (Piacenza Pilgrim). Comments on the general fertility of the region are made by Mukaddasi, Description of Syria, 56; Bede, De locis sanctis (Macpherson, J. R., trans. [Palestine Pilgrims’ Text Society 3; London, 1897] 78)Google Scholar (in a passage independent of Adomnan's account of Arculf's voyages, which Bede uses extensively).

75 Lorenzen, M., ed., Mandevilles Rejse (Samfund til Udgivelse af Gammel Nordisk Litteratur 5; Copenhagen: Møllers, 1882) 52Google Scholar, line 24. This usage is noted by Kålund in his Danish edition of Nikulás’ itinerary, 87. Riant (Scandinaves en Terre Sainte, 46) agrees in placing the Garden of Abraham near Jericho.

76 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, Map 9 (p. 29).

77 Ibid., 69.

78 Ibid., 107.

79 Ibid., 129. Willibald nevertheless believed that the place of baptism was directly beneath the church, even though it was dry by this time. He makes a distinction between this, the original site, and “the place where they now baptize,” which was marked by a wooden cross. See also Wilkinson's notes, Ibid., 162 – 63.

80 Kålund, Alfœđi Íslenzk, 13, lines 6 – 7: “Then it is a week's journey to Heidabę, then it is a short distance to Slesvik” (my translation). See also Magoun, F. P., “The Haddeby and Schleswig of Nikulás of Munkaþverá,” Scandinavian Studies 17 (1943) 167– 73.Google Scholar

81 The interpretation of Ilians-vegr as a reference to the pilgrim route via Saint-Gillesdu-Gard requires emendation of MS eystra to veystra, but the emendation is not a drastic one, given the late date of the existing text. The Old Norse name of Saint-Gilles elsewhere is lliansborg and of the saint, lljan, Elyan, etc. Other interpretations have been proposed: that it refers to a route via llanz on the Swiss Rhône, and that Ilian may reflect the Rhaeto-Romanic name of the Julier Pass. For phonetic and philological reasons the latter is unlikely, and it is much more probable that Nikulás was identifying a route internationally known as a pilgrim route, via Saint-Gilles, than a way via the small and unimportant town of llanz. Ilians-vegr is discussed by Magoun in connection with the reference to it earlier in the itinerary, “The Pilgrim Diary,” 336 – 37

82 Stoddard, W. S. (The Façade of Saint-Gilles-du-Gard: Its Influences on French Sculpture [Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University, 1973] 130Google Scholar, 158) lists a visit from Louis VII on his return from the Second Crusade, and the granting of an indulgence of forty days by Pope Hadrian IV, shortly after Nikulás’ journey, in recognition of its growing popularity.

83 For a discussion of directional terms in Icelandic, see Einarsson, Stefán, “Terms of Direction in Old Icelandic,” JEGP 43 (1944) 265–85Google Scholar; Einarsson, Stefán, “Terms of Direction in Modern Icelandic,” in Larson, H. and Williams, C. A.., eds., Scandinavian Studies Presented to George T. Flom (Illinois Studies in Language and Literature 21/1; Urbana: University of Illinois, 1942) 37–48Google Scholar; Haugen, Einar, “The Semantics of Icelandic Orientation,” Word 13 (1957) 447–59.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

84 Cleasby-Vigfusson's Icelandic-English Dictionary and, for modern Icelandic, Bldöndal's Íslensk-Dönsk Orđabók. See also Gordon, E. V., ed., An Introduction to Old Norse (rev. A. R. Taylor; 2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1957) 211Google Scholar, the articles listed in n. 83, above, and passim in commentaries on and glossaries to the sagas.

85 ”Terms of Direction in Modern Icelandic,” 39.

86 For further details about the buildings referred to in this paragraph, see Enlart, Monuments des Croisés: Texte, vol. 2; Vincent and Abel, Jérusalem Nouvelle, and the gazetteer in Wilkinson's Jerusalem Pilgrims.

87 For a summary of the political situation in the Latin kingdoms at the time of Nikulás’ visit, see Baldwin, M., “The Latin States under Baldwin III and Amalric I, 1143 – 1174,” in Setton, K., ed., A History of the Crusades, vol. 1: The First Hundred Years, ed. M. W. Baldwin (Madison: University of Wisconsin, 1955) 528– 62Google Scholar. Map 2 in Mayer's The Crusades conveniently indicates the varying extent of the Latin kingdom at different dates.

88 Runciman, History of the Crusades, 1. 48. Heyd (Histoire du commerce, 1. 181 – 82) comments on the use of coastal traffic.

89 The figure is given by Atiya, A. S., Crusades, Commerce and Culture (Bloomington: Indiana University; London: Oxford University, 1962) 174Google Scholar. The distances between the places named by Nikulás are given by Kålund in his Danish edition (pp. 96 – 99) and it is clear from these figures that a common daily rate was 25 – 30 km

90 Wilkinson, Jerusalem Pilgrims, Maps 2, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9.

91 I should like to acknowledge the generous help of the many colleagues to whom I turned for expert advice on the varied topics touched upon in this paper. In addition to Professor Dilke, whom I have thanked in an earlier note, I should particularly like to mention Mr. Rory McTurk, Supervisor of Icelandic Studies in the School of English, and Dr. Wendy R. Childs of the School of History.

It has unfortunately not been possible to take note of the following article, which was published late in 1982, when the present paper was at press: Kedar, Benjamin Z. and Westergård-Nielsen, Chr., “Icelanders in the crusader kingdom of Jerusalem: a twelfth century account,” Mediaeval Scandinavia 11 (1978–1979) 193–211Google Scholar. This study is complementary to the present paper in examining Nikulás’ description alongside the anonymous description printed by Kålund, Alfrœdi Islenzk 1. 26 – 31 (see above p. 193 and n. 56) and that included in Kirialax saga.