¹ Bardy, Gustave (“Aux origines de l'ecole d'Alexandrie,” RevScRel 27 [1937] 65–90Google Scholar ; cf. idem, “L'eglise et l'enseignement pendant les trois premiers siecles” RevScRel 12 [1932] 1–28Google Scholar ; idem, “Pour l'histoire de l'ecole d'Alexandrie,” Vivre et penser [1942] 80–109Google Scholar ) was the first t o discuss the Alexandrian school in a more critical way. In this he drew upon the then recent study on the catechumenate in Rome by Capelle, Bernard, “L'introduction du catechumenat a Rome,” Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale 5 (1933) 129–54Google Scholar . For subsequent studies, see Knauber, Adolf, “Katechetenschule Oder Schulkatechumenat? Um die rechte Deutung des ‘Unternehmens’ der ersten grossen Alexandriner,” TThZ 60 (1951) 243–66Google Scholar ; Hornschuh, Manfred, “Das Leben des Origenes und die Entstehung der alexandrinischen Schule,” ZKG 71 (1960) 1–25Google Scholar , 193-214 Ridolfini, Francesco Pericoli, “Leoriginidellascuoladi Alessandria,” RSO 37 (1962) 211–30Google Scholar ; Nautin, Pierre, Origene: Sa vie et son oeuvre (Paris: Beauchesne, 1977)Google Scholar ; Tuilier, Andre, “Les evangelistes et les docteurs de la primitive dglise et les origines de l'ecole d'Alexandrie,” StPatr 17/2 (1982) 738–49Google Scholar ; Neymeyr, Ulrich, Die christlichen Lehrer im zweiten Jahrhundert (Leiden: Brill, 1989)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; Broek, Roelof van den, “The Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria in the Second and Third Centuries,” in Drijvers, Jan Willem and MacDonald, Alasdair A., eds. Centers of Learning: Learning and Location in Pre-Modern Europe and the Near East (Leiden: Brill, 1995) 39–47Google Scholar ; and Scholten, Clemens, “Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule,” JAC 38 (1995) 16–37Google Scholar ; for a review of the scholarly discussion and further bibliography, see Wilken, Robert Lewis, “Alexandria: A School for Training in Virtue,” in Henry, Patrick, ed., Schools of Thought in the Christian Tradition (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1984) 15–18Google Scholar ; Boulluec, Alain Le, “L'ecole d'Alexandrie: De quelques aventures d'un concept historiographique,” in AAEEANAPINA (in Honor of Pere Claude Mondesert) (Paris: Cerf, 1987) 403–17Google Scholar ; Runia, David T., Philo in Early Christian Literature: A Survey (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1993) 132–33Google Scholar and n. 3 ; Broek, van den, “Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria,” 39–40Google Scholar ; and , Scholten, “Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule,” 16–18Google Scholar.

² , Runia, Philo in Early Christian LiteratureGoogle Scholar ; see also idem , Philo and the Church Fathers: A Collection of Papers (Leiden: Brill, 1995)Google Scholar.

³ Broek, Van den, “Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria”Google Scholar ; and , Scholten, “Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule.”Google Scholar These two studies are very different in character. Van den Broek follows the critical approach of scholarship that started in the 1930s. In his article, as in earlier publications, he stresses both the diversity of the Alexandrian Christian communities and the link of Alexandrian Christianity with earlier Jewish traditions. Scholten, on the other hand, deals primarily with a later period of the Alexandrian school and focuses on Origen and his ambiance. Scholten's very well documented study (a real “Fundgrube” for other researchers) puts emphasis on the “academic” aspects of the school and brings up Clement only marginally at the end.

⁴ Most prominently , Bardy, “Aux Origines de l'ecole d'Alexandrie,”Google Scholar and , Hornschuh, “Leben des Origenes.”Google Scholar For Eusebius, see Barnes, Timothy David, Constantine and Eusebius (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1981)Google Scholar ; idem , From Eusebius to Augustine (Aldershot, UK: Variorum, 1994)Google Scholar ; for a bibliography of Eusebius as a historiographer, see , Scholten, “Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule,” 18Google Scholar and n. 8; and , Nautin, Origené: Sa vie et son oeuvre, 25–98Google Scholar.

⁵ Broek, Van den (“Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria,” 41)Google Scholar writes: “Nevertheless, the whole idea of a Christian school with a σιασοξν [“succession”] of teachers handing down a fixed tradition of learning to their pupil successors is completely false, at least until the second decade of the third century.”

⁶ , Scholten (“Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule,” 37Google Scholar ) plays down the catechetical part of the instruction: “Das Ergebnis läβt sich in wenige Sätzen fassen: Die Bezeichnung ‘Katechetenschule’ sollte man, weil miβverständlich, aufgeben. Die alexandrinische Einrichtung ist keine Anstalt zur Vorbereitung der Taufbewerber, sondern die theologische Hochschule der dortigen Kirche.” (“The result can be summed up in a few sentences: one should give up the name ‘catechetical school’ since it is ambiguous. The Alexandrian institution does not prepare candidates for baptism but is the theological academy of the church there.”).

⁷ For the characterization in the scholarly debate of the school as “private,” “free,” and “independent” (and similar terms), see , Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 86Google Scholar.

⁸ Broek, Van den, “Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria,” 43.Google Scholar

⁹ See Nautin, Pierre, “Pantene,”Google Scholar in Tome commemoratif du millenaire de la bibliotheque patriarcale d'Alexandrie (Alexandria, 1953) 145–52Google Scholar ; Méhat, André, “Pantene,” in Dictionnaire de la spiritualite 12 (1983) 159–61Google Scholar . For a review of the sources on Pantenus, see Harnack, Adolf von, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur (2 vols; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1896-1904) 1. 291–96Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Hist. eccl. 5.10.1: ‘εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ και απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π].

¹¹ Ibid., 5.10.4: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π]. The view that Pantenus could not have produced any literary works is unjustified; see note 95 below.

¹² Ibid. 6.3.3 (see also 3.1; 3.8): εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ και απελενøεþοσ σιασοξν….

¹³ Ibid. 6.15.1 (cf. 14.11; 26.1): ιμα οπικια λαβ[π]

¹⁴ LSJ s.v. σισαμκαλειον, offers this as the sole definition; but compare LPGL s.v. σισαμκαλειον and Bailly, Anatole, ed., Dictionnaire Grec Francois (Paris: Hachette, 1950) s.v. σισαμκαλειονGoogle Scholar.

¹⁵ Eusebius Hist. eccl. 6.21.4:

¹⁶ LPGL s.v. σισαμκαλειον has these three meanings, in addition to a fourth (“position or office of a teacher”) that is not relevant here.

¹⁷ , EusebiusPraep. ev. 5.34.4Google Scholar ; 11.2.3 (Greek schools); 12.33.3 (Christian); idem, Hist. eccl. 5.13.4 (Marcionites).

¹⁸ Justin 2 Apol. 2.13: σισαμκαλειονελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ(“and again, being aware of the noble goods that the teaching of Christ had brought to him, he confessed about the school of divine virtue”).

¹⁹ Adv.haer. 1.11.1 (Valentinus, cf. Adv. haer. 1.24.7, 2.31.1); Adv. haer. 1.27.1-2 (Marcion; also in Eusebius Hist. eccl. 4.11.2); Adv. haer. 1.28.1 (Tatian; also in Eusebius Hist. eccl. 4.29.3).

²⁰ Epiphanius Panarion 27.1.1; 28.6.4; 30.30.1; 31.32.1; 46.1.6; 46.2.4; 66.32.1; 67.7.8.

²¹ For Clement σισαμκαλια represents the teaching of Christ, the apostles, and the church. The “true” teaching is closely related to his concept of gnosis.

²² The pedagogue was originally a slave who guided or accompanied the child from home o t school and back again but could also be a private, household teacher. He became an almost legendary figure in Greek literature, as the now-beloved, now-ridiculous companion and mentor of a boy. The figure is prominent in Greek and Roman art, and his female equivalent, the old nurse, is equally popular; both also stood as emblems of dedication and lifelong commitment. The pedagogue may have been servile in origin, but the concept eventually became emancipated and could represent a dignified profession.

²³ For a discussion of σισαμκαλιασ, see Méhat, Andrd, Étude sur les “Stromates” de Clément d'Alexandrie (Paris: du Seuil, 1966) 61Google Scholar ; Boulluec, Alain Le and Voulet, Pierre, Les Stromates, Stromate V (SC 278; 2 vols; Paris: Cerf, 1981) 2.14Google Scholar . For σισαμκαλια, see Marrou, Henri-Irenee, Histoire de Veducation dans Vantiquite (2d ed.; Paris: du Seuil, 1950) 61–62Google Scholar ; Marrou, Henri-Irenee and Harl, Marguerite, Lé Pedagogue (SC 70; Paris: Cerf, 1960) 7–105Google Scholar ; and Hoek, Annewies van den, “Hymn of the Holy Clement to Christ the Savior,” in Kiley, Mark, ed.. Critical Anthology of Hellenistic Prayer (London/New York: Routledge, 1997) 296–303Google Scholar.

²⁴ See Juvenalis 6.633; and Oxford Latin Dictionary s.v. “papas “; also lnscriptiones 1297.11. The word pater seems to have been reserved for the more lofty positions of poets and philosophers, see Oxford Latin Dictionary s.v. “pater” 8, and the equivalent “σισαμκαλια” in Greek, see LPGL. Clement mentions the “instructor-fathers” in Strom. 1.3.1; σισαμκαλιαελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] (“Further we call those who instruct us fathers; wisdom is held in common and is human loving”) (also ibid., 3.98.4; 5.15.3, and the letter of Alexander in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.14.8). From the third century onwards the Greek word παπασ becomes a title of the bishop, particularly of the bishop of Alexandria; cf. LPGL s. v. παπασ (παπασ, παπασπαπασ) and Pass. Perp. et Fel. 13.3. As Stephanos Alexopoulos points out (personal communication), in modern Greek this usage continues in two terms: παπασ and παπασ. The first is the title of both the pope of Rome and the patriarch of Alexandria. Other patriarchs in the Orthodox Church do not have the title παπασ. The second term, παπασ, with the accent on the last syllable, can be a title of any priest.

²⁵ Thesaurus Linguae Graecae, CD ROM # D (Regents of the University of California, 1992).Google Scholar

²⁶ Paed. 3.97.3-98.1: is the text in MS P (Paris. Graec. 451). Eduard Schwartz emended this to παπασπαπασ which changes the meaning of the sentence; it then reads: “The school is the church here.…”

²⁷ Stahlin, Otto, Clemens Alexandrinus erster Band: Protrepticus und Paedagogus (GCS 12; Leipzig, 1905Google Scholar ; 3d ed., Berlin: Ursula Treu, 1972).

²⁸ See Strom. 1.85.5; 1.158.5; 4.87.2; a similarity exists with Strom. 1.85.5: παπασαπελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π]… “Everything is arranged from above for the good ‘in order that through the church the many-colored wisdom of God may be made known’ (Eph 3:10)….”

²⁹ Paed. 3.97.1: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] (“These are a few of the many texts that the pedagogue sets before his children as an example as he goes through the divine scriptures, by which, so to speak, vice is fully eradicated and injustice is eliminated”). See also , ClementStrom. 3.90.1, 6.106–7.Google Scholar

³⁰ Ibid., 3.97.2: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] (“Innumerable are the commands that touch the elect people who are inscribed in the holy books; some are for presbyters, others for bishops (and) deacons, others for widows, about whom we will speak at another time”).

³¹ Ibid., 3.97.3: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] (“Many of these words have hidden meanings, many are expressed in parables, but they can be beneficial for those who read them closely”).

³² For “father” as a title of address, see footnote 24 above.

³¹ Paed. 3.101.3: ‘απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π]….

³⁴ “To appoint, esp. clergy” is the first meaning in LPGL, which cites various examples, such as 1 Clem. 44.2 (the appointment of bishops); Irenaeus Adv. haer. 3.43 (, Eusebius, Hist, eccl. 4.14.3Google Scholar ; Polycarp's appointment as bishop by the apostles).

³⁵ Hist. eccl. 6.6.1: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[πν.

³⁶ Ibid., 5.11.1: απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] σισαμκαλια παπασ’

³⁷ See , Marrou, Pédagogue, 7Google Scholar ; Knauber, Adolf, “Ein fruhchristliches Handbuch katechumenaler Glaubensinitiation: der Paidagogos des Klemens von Alexandrien,” MThZ 23 (1972) 311–24Google Scholar.

³⁸ Paed. 1.30.1-2: εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ και απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π] εομιμοσ απνλøεν ισ þωμιπμ]/ και απελενøεþοσ ελενεπ[ο]/ καιμαþοσ ιμα οπικια λαβ[π]. The phrase TCOXEpov JIOXE may be corrupt, but Potter's conjecture σισαμκαλειον is no improvement. The interrogative adverb σισαμκαλειον sometimes occurs in Clement without a second part of the question, see Strom. 7.29.1. One might also consider σισαμκαλειον σισαμκαλειον a kind of dittography that survives in the text.

³⁹ See Hoek, Annewies van den, “Milk and Honey in the Theology of Clement of Alexandria,” in Maur, Hans J. Auf der et al., eds., Fides Sacramenti—Sacramentum Fidei: Studies in Honour of Pieter Smulders (Assen: Van Gorcum, 1981) 27–39Google Scholar ; Buell, Denise Kimber, “Procreative Language in Clement of Alexandria” (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1995)Google Scholar ; Harrison, Verna E. F., “Male and Female in Clement of Alexandria's Theology,” StPatr (forthcoming)Google Scholar.

⁴⁰ Paed. 1.35.2: .

⁴¹ I Cor 10:3: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον… (“and all ate the same spiritual food”). Milk and teaching are also connected in Heb 5:12-14.

⁴² Paed. 1.36.2: .

⁴³ See, for example, , Hornschuh, “Das Leben des Origenes,” 199 n. 74, 201 n. 81.Google Scholar

⁴⁴ Paed. 1.36.4: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον (cf. 1 Pet 2:2). Hereafter Clement speaks about the eucharist.

⁴⁵ , Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 89Google Scholar also argues (against , Hornschuh, “Das Leben des Origenes”Google Scholar ) that Clement's language reflects a real situation in the church.

⁴⁶ See LPGL s. v. σισαμκαλειον 2a, which cites several examples from Clement's works. The linkage with baptism is evident in the usage of the noun but also exists in the verb. Although other texts employ the word in a more general sense, as instruction of faith, one should not disregard specifically baptismal terminology in these contexts; note also the term σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον and σισαμκαλειον for the new catechumens, in Paed. 1.36.3 above (σισαμκαλειον also in Strom. 6.130.1). For a further discussion of the terminology, see Turck, Andrd, “Catéchein et Catéchese chez les premiers peres,” RSPhTh 47 (1963) 361-72Google Scholar ; Adolf Knauber, “Zur Grundbedeutung der Wortgruppe σισαμκαλειον-catechizo,” Oberrheinisches Pastoralblatt 68 (1967) 294Google Scholar ; and Paul, Eugen, Geschichte der christlichen Erziehung (Freiburg: Herder, 1993) 40–41Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ See Paed. 6.30.2, 35.3, 36.2-3; Strom. 1.19.4; 5.15.3; 5.66.2; and 6.89.1-2 (with a possible reference to the “inscriptio nominis”); Ecl. proph. 28; and Mehat, Andre, Étude sur les “Stromates” de Clement d'Alexandrie (Paris: du Seuil, 1966) 62–70Google Scholar.

⁴⁸ Prot. 10.96.2: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον (“You, listen finally to what the following message is—for your ancestral customs no longer divert you from the truth, since you received preliminary instruction”). Translations have connected the participle σισαμκαλειον “ancestral customs,” but see LPGL s.v. σισαμκαλειον in support of my interpretation, which I also share with Otto Stahlin in his translation of the Protrepticus ( Des Clemens von Alexandreia Mahnrede an die Heiden [Bibliothek der Kirchenvater 2. 7; Munich: Kosel, 1934] 172)Google Scholar . In addition to the passage in Prot. 10.96.2, the word σισαμκαλειον σισαμκαλειον is used in Strom. 5.48.9. See also Origen, Cels. 3.51, and Maur, Häns Jorg Auf der and Waldram, Joop, “Illuminatio Verbi Divini—Confessio Fidei—Gratia Baptismi,”Google Scholar in Maur, Hans Jörg Auf der, Fides Sacramenti, 41–95, esp. 47Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ Everett Ferguson (in a letter) finds this a significant point, since for a long time scholars have minimized the importance of the catechetical setting for early Christian literature. Recent literature, however, takes the catechetical aspects more seriously.

⁵⁰ Maur, Auf der and , Waldram, “Illuminatio Verbi Divini.”Google Scholar

⁵¹ , OrigenHorn, in Jud., 5Google Scholar : “Lactis cibus esse dicitur in scripturis sanctis prima haec moralis institutio, quae incipientibus velut parvulis traditur. Non enim in initiis statim discipulis de profundis et secretioribus tradendum est sacramentis, sed morum correctio, emendatio disciplinae, religiosae conversationis et simplicis fidei prima iis elementa traduntur.” It is as if Clement i s speaking here. The Latin translation, however, gives the thought a stiffer and more institutional flavor than that of the Greek of either Clement or Origen.

⁵² Both Irenaeus and Tertullian interpret 1 Cor 13:1-2 mostly in a “Pauline” way; see , Irenaeus, Adv. haer. 4.38.1–2Google Scholar ; 5.8.2-3; 5.9.2; 5.10.2 ; , Tertullian, Praescr. haer. 21Google Scholar 4; De monogamia 11.6; De corona 3.3; Marc. 4.5.1; Irenaeus (Adv. haer. 4.38.2) and Tertullian (De monogamia 11.6) mentions teaching, but not in connection with baptism. Tertullian (De corona 3.3) describes the mixture of milk and honey in the baptismal rite.

⁵³ Maur, Auf der and , Waldram, “Illuminatio Verbi Divini,” 59Google Scholar ; see also the passage in Socrates Hist. eccl. 5.22, who reports that services of the word took place on Wednesday and Friday in Alexandria; cf . , Hornschuh, Das Leben des Origenes, 194Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Scholars have often pointed out that by the beginning of the third century an established system of baptismal instruction was in place in various geographical areas, such as North Africa (Tertullian) and Rome (Hippolytus) ; , Paul, Geschichte der christlichen Erziehung, 45–52Google Scholar , and for , Tertullian, Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 106–7Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ For Clement, see Strom. 1.2.2; 1.9.1; 1.13.2; for Origen, see , EusebiusHist. eccl. 6.15.1Google Scholar , and footnote 13 above.

⁵⁶ See , Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 86.Google Scholar

⁵⁷ Paed 1.18.4: ‘σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον. There seems to be a corruption in the text, which has σισαμκαλειον and σισαμκαλειον; Stählin solves the problem by changing σισαμκαλειον into σισαμκαλειον and σισαμκαλειον into σισαμκαλειον. I suggest σισαμκαλειον for σισαμκαλειον and σισαμκαλειον for σισαμκαλειον. For the edition of Stahlin, see note 27.

⁵⁸ Strom. 7.98.2: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον (“[they endure everything and move every log, as the expression goes… ] rather than withdraw themselves because of the pride in their heresy and their notorious desire to occupy the first seat (cf. Matt 23:6) in their assemblies; because of this they embrace the first couch of their drinking party by having an agape meal—but falsely called so”).

⁵⁹ Ibid., 7.107.2-3: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον (“Things being as they are, it is evident that, compared t o the original and most true church, these later heresies and those which came still later than the former, have been fake innovations. From what has been said it has become clear then, in my opinion, that the true, the truly old church is one in which those are enrolled who are just according to a divine plan”).

⁶⁰ Ibid., 7.100.7: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον (“Since there are three dispositions of the soul, ignorance, presumption, and knowledge, those in ignorance are the pagans, those with knowledge the true church, and those with false presumptions the sectarians”).

⁶¹ Ibid., 7.92.3:

⁶² Clement uses σισαμκαλειον also for Greek philosophical schools, but more usually for heretical schools. Another word with the same meaning is σισαμκαλειον, which Clement seems to apply only to heretical schools and not to Greek schools, see Strom. 3.92.1 (for Tatian); 4.71.1 (for Heracleon); both texts name Valentinus as the founder of the “school.”

⁶³ See Strom. 1.96.1: ‘I encourage,’ wisdom says, ‘speaking to those who are without sense’ [Prov 9:16], clearly those who are associated with heresies, ‘touch the secret loaves with pleasure and the sweet water of theft’ [Prov 9:17]; scripture clearly does not apply the words ‘bread and water’ to any others than the heresies who use bread and water in their offering not according to the rule of the church. For some even celebrate the eucharist with plain water.”)

⁶⁴ Ibid., 7.92.7: On this passage, see Boulluec, Alain Le, La notion d'hérésié dans la litterature grecque, IIe—IIIe siecles (2 vols.; Paris: Etudes Augustiniennes, 1985) 389, 413Google Scholar.

⁶⁵ See, for example, Strom. 1.39.5; 1.63.2; 1.79.3; 5.57.3.

⁶⁶ , Lampe (Die stadtromischen Christen in den ersten beiden Jahrhunderten [Tübingen: Mohr, 1987] 313–14)Google Scholar distinguishes between the terminology that Christians used to characterize themselves within their community (the term “church” functions in this sense for Clement) and that which they used to present themselves to the outside world.

⁶⁷ Koschorke, Klaus, Die Polemik der Gnostiker gegen das kirchliche Christentum (Leiden: Brill, 1987) 67–71.Google Scholar

⁶⁸ Alain Le Boulluec has studied these heresiological debates, tracing recurrent patterns of accusations in the works of Justin, Hegesippus, Irenaeus, Clement, and Origen. He also attempts to define whether these accusations are directed to real or fictitious opponents; see Boulluec, Alain Le, La notion d'hereyieGoogle Scholar.

⁶⁹ For the equation of Christian groups with philosophical schools or other societies, see Wilken, Robert Lewis, “Kollegien, Philosophenschulen und Theologie,” in Meeks, Wayne A., ed., Zur Sozologie des Urchristentums (Münich: Kaiser, 1979) 165–93Google Scholar.

⁷⁰ Cels. 3.51. The same text is included in idem, Philocal. 18, 22.

⁷ Princ. 2.11.6: Puto enim quod sancti quique discedentes ex hac vita permanebunt in loco aliquo in terra posito, quem ‘paradisum’ dixit scriptura divina, velut in quodam eruditionis loco et, ut ita dixerim, auditorio vel schola animarum, in quo de omnibus his, quae in terris viderant, doceantur… (“For I think that the holy ones when they depart from this life will stay in some place on earth, which holy scripture called ‘paradise,’ as in some place of learning, and, so to speak, auditorium or school for the souls, in which they may be taught about all that they had seen on earth…”).

⁷² , Nautin (Origéne: Sa vie et son oeuvre, 39 n. 6)Google Scholar notices that in the passage about Origen becoming head of the catechetical school at the age of eighteen (Hist. eccl. 6.3.3), Eusebius used his own words, which were not based on Origen's report.

⁷³ , EusebiusHist. eccl. 5.10.1 (Pantenus).Google Scholar

⁷⁴ Ibid., 7.32.30 (Pierius).

⁷⁵ Antiquorum martyriorum collectio (fragmenta), (PG 20) 1524, 1.18 (Origen).

⁷⁶ , EusebiusHist. eccl. 5.10.4 (Pantenus).Google Scholar

⁷⁷ Ibid., 6.3.3 (Origen); 6.26.1 (Origen and Heraclas).

⁷⁸ Ibid., 5.10.1 (Pantenus).

⁷⁹ Ibid., 6.29.4 (Heraclas and Dionysius).

⁸⁰ Ibid., 6.3.8 (Origen).

⁸¹ Ibid., 6.3.1 (Origen), and 6.4.3 (martyrs from the school of Origen; Heraclides and Heron).

⁸² Ibid., 6.4.3 (martyrs from the school of Origen; Serenus).

⁸³ Ibid., 6.3.1 (Origen).

⁸⁴ Ibid., 6.6.1 (Pantenus, Clement, Origen).

⁸⁵ Ibid., 6.8.1, 3 (Origen).

⁸⁶ Ibid., 6.14.11 (Origen).

⁸⁷ Ibid., 6.29.4 (Heraclas and Dionysius); 7.32.30 (Pierius); see notes 79 and 74 above.

⁸⁸ , Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen.Google Scholar

⁸⁹ Schöllgen, Georg (“Probleme der friihchristlichen Sozialgeschichte,” JAC 32 [1989] 23–40Google Scholar , with thanks to Francois Bovon for the reference) who reviews the work by Lampe, is too harsh in his critique. He avers that there are “too many unknowns” on which Lampe bases himself. In Schollgen's view, it would have been better if Lampe had selected more limited sources of another city, such as Carthage, with more homogeneous information. In his criticism of Lampe's “methodological sloppyness” [sic] Schollgen even goes so far as to call the dissertation “a failure,” although he does concede that the book provides an almost unexhaustible source of material. From my point of view, the book is, on the contrary, an important and original attempt to bring very diverse materials into a new perspective, and Rome with its relative wealth of information seems a sensible and logical choice of subject. The wealth of material that this study contains more than compensates for any shortcomings.

⁹⁰ , Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen, 238.Google Scholar

⁹¹ Ibid., 316-18.

⁹² Maur, Auf der and , Waldram, “Illuminatio Verbi Divini.”Google Scholar

⁹³ Alexander in a letter to the church in Antioch, see Eusebius Hist. eccl. 6.11.6.

⁹⁴ See Clement, Prot. 113.1 (σισαμκαλειον); Eel. proph. 50.1 (σισαμκαλειον); Fragm. 22 (3.201.26; Eusebius Hist. eccl. 6.14.2-4, σισαμκαλειον σισαμκαλειον); Fragm. in 1 John 1:1 (3.210.1, presbyter); also Strom. 1.11.2 (the true Sicilian bee), and Eel. proph. 56.2 (“our Pantenus”). In another letter Alexander calls Pantenus and Clement σισαμκαλειον (“blessed”) and iepoc (“holy”), see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.14.9 (cf. Clement Fragm. 22 above). Origen only terms Pantenus a predecessor: σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλειον…” (see a letter of Origen in Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.19.13).

⁹⁵ The words σισαμκαλειον, σισαμκαλειον, or σισαμκαλειον occur often in Clement's writings. Several meanings in addition to “older, venerable person” in a general sense, are distinguishable: (a) As indicated in the previous note, “presbyter” sometimes stands for Pantenus. Theoretically, Clement could have been referring to any old man or men, but combining the term with a philosophical concept or a biblical interpretation makes an allusion to Pantenus very likely. In most of these cases, Eusebius had already interpreted the term as a reference t o Pantenus, a link that modern scholars have generally accepted. Eusebius also informs us that in the lost Hypotyposes Clement mentioned his teacher by name and referred to his interpretations of Scripture (Hist. eccl. 5.11.2; 6.13.2). In this context, Mehat brought up another rather extensive passage, Strom. 6.106–7, in which Clement gives a eulogy of the perfect gnostic, whom he calls σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ. Mehat argued that this “presbyter and true servant of the will of God” represents Pantenus as well (Méhat, Etudesur les “Stromates” de Clement d'Alexandrie, 56–58). b) The word σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ can also refer to the Israelites of scripture, or to the Jews in their relationship with the law (Paed. 1.59.1, 1.84.2, 3.75.3; Strom. 3.90.20. (c) The word can also mean “people in the immediate circle of the apostles,” who received oral traditions in contrast to written texts (Eel. proph. 11.1; 27.1, 4). The same usage appears in the fragment of Papias, preserved in Eusebius (Hist. eccl. 3.39.4). For Clement, the transmission of church traditions from the apostles is an important instrument for the right interpretation of scripture and is a protection against “heretical” teaching. It seems unjustified t o conclude from these passages in the Eclogae that Pantenus could have left no written works, as Neymeyr and Scholten suggested, since the passages do not refer to Pantenus (Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 45 n. 52Google Scholar ; , Scholten, “Die alexandrinische Katechetenschule,” 36–37Google Scholar , n. 126). (d) In addition to the aforementioned texts in which Clement alludes to Pantenus, the word is used as “priest” in the church, often in combination with other titles, such as σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ (“bishop”), σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ (“deacon”), σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ (“widow”), or σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ (“layman”); some texts compare the earthly functions in the church to the heavenly hierarchy; see Paed. 3.63.1; 3.97.2; Strom. 3.90.1; 6.106.2 (three times); 6.107.2, 3; 7.3.3; Quis div. salv. 42.4. This last passage gives an interesting insight in Clement's usage, since he calls the same person at first σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ and then σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ. For Clement, at least in his rendering of the story of Saint John and the robber, the distinction between σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ and σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ is not all that clear.

⁹⁶ See Paed. 1.37.3: (“How should we not suppose that the apostle meant the milk of the little children here, if, according to the image of the good shepherd, we who preside over the churches are shepherds and you the sheep; does he not want o t preserve the coherence of the allegorical language when he says that the Lord is milk of the herd [cf. 1 Cor 9:7]?”); for a discussion of Stahlin's emendation σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ for σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ and related textual problems, see Mehat, Etude sur les “Stromates” de Clement d'Alexandrie, 55 and n. 54; I prefer to read ύμείς, since this “slip of the pen” (σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ) occurs very frequently and is easy to explain; see Strom. 4.4.1; 4.33.4; 4.87.4. The first to question Clement's priesthood was Koch, Hugo (“War Klemens von Alexandrien ein Priester?” ZAW 20 [1921] 43–48)Google Scholar , but his arguments were disputed by Quatember, Friedrich, Die christliche Lebenshaltung des Klemens von Alexandrien nach seinenm Pädagogus (Vienna: Herder, 1946)Google Scholar . Modern scholarship has partly accepted the idea of Clement's status as a priest; see Nautin, Pierre, Lettres et ecrivains Chretiens des lie et Me siecles (Paris: Cerf, 1961) 117–18, 140Google Scholar ; Mehat, Etudes sur les “Stromates” de Clement d'Alexandrie, 55–58Google Scholar ; , Neymeyr, Die christlichen Lehrer, 48–49Google Scholar (for the period in Jerusalem). Others, such as Broek, van den, “Christian ‘School’ of Alexandria,” 43Google Scholar , , stillsustain Koch's positionGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁷ Jerome Epist. 146.1.6: “presbyteri semper unum ex se electum et in excelsiori gradu conlocatum episcopum nominabant, quomodo si exercitus imperatorem faciat aut diaconi eligant de se, quem industrium noverint, et archidiaconum vocent. quid enim facit excepta ordinatione episcopus, quod presbyter non facit?” (“The presbyters always appointed one who was elected from their own ranks and put in a higher position as bishop, in the way in which, i f this is the case, the army creates an emperor or deacons elect from themselves someone whom they have known as industrious and whom they call archdeacon. For what, except for the ordination, does a bishop do that a presbyter does not?”) Everett Ferguson (in a letter) points out that Clement has the rather unusual pairing of σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ and σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ without σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ (see Strom. 3.90.1; 7.3.3); this might be another indication for the prominence of the role of the presbyter. For a discussion of the early organization of the Alexandrian church, see Ferguson, Everett, Ordination in the Ancient Church: An Examination of the Theo logical and Constitutional Motifs in the Light of Biblical and Gentile Sources (Ph.D. diss., Harvard University, 1959)Google Scholar ; idem, “Origen and the Election of Bishops,” CHA 3 (1974) 26–33. For a listing of ancient sources and further bibliography, see Roelof van den Broek, “Juden und Christen in Alexandrien in 2. und 3. Jahrhundert,” inGoogle ScholarAmersfoort, Jacobus van and Oort, Johannes van, eds., Juden und Christen in der Antike (Kampen: Kok, 1990) 108 and n. 25Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ Quis div. salv. 42.4; see above note 95 (end). For Rome, see Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen, 336-37. Irenaeus shows the same usage, see Adv. haer. 4.26.2. The interchangeability, however, does not go both ways: bishops were also presbyters, but not all presbyters were bishops (with thanks to Everett Ferguson for pointing this out).

⁹⁹ , Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen, 336–45Google Scholar suggests that contact among the various house churches was kept by representatives who met in regular conventions. He explains how through the delegation of tasks the presbyterial system became gradually more monarchic, since certain tasks were more important than others. The pressure of conflict may also have been a reason to have more centralized authority.

¹⁰⁰ As recent studies show, the creation of a monarchic episcopacy probably took much longer than previously thought; for the situation in Rome, see the study of Brent, Allen, Hippolytus and the Roman Church in the Third Century: Communities in Tension before the Emergence of a Monarch-Bishop (vc suppl. 31; Leiden: Brill, 1995)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰¹ As Nautin (Letlres et ecrivains Chretiens des IIe et IIIe siécles, 18, 140) speculates.

¹⁰² For Clement, see Hoek, Annewies van den, Clement ofAlexandria and His Use of Philo in the Stromateis: An Early Christian Reshaping of a Jewish Model (Leiden: Brill, 1988)CrossRefGoogle Scholar ; , Runia, Philo in Early Christian Literature, 132–56Google Scholar ; for Origen, ibid., 157-83; idem , Philo and the Church Fathers: A Collection of Papers (Leiden: Brill, 1995) 117–25CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰³ See Klijn, Albertus F. J., “Jewish Christianity in Egypt,” in Pearson, Birger and Goehring, James E., eds., The Roots of Egyptian Christianity (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986) 114–75Google Scholar ; also Broek, Roelof van den, “Jewish and Platonic Speculations in Early Alexandrian Theology: Eugnostos, Philo, Valentinus, and Origen,”Google Scholar in Pearson and Goering, Roots of Egyptian Christianity, who uses the Jewish gnostic writing Eugnostus the Blessed from the Nag Hammadi Corpus to elucidate the nature of God in the writings of Philo, Valentinus, and Origen. For a discussion of his arguments and particularly of the problem of dating, see Markschies, Christoph, Valentinus Gnosticus? (WUNT, 65; Tubingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1992) 320–22Google Scholar . This issue is also discussed by Pearson (“Christians and Jews in First-Century Alexandria,” in Nickelsburg, George W. and MacRae, George W., eds., Christians Among Jews and Gentiles: Essays in Honor of Krister Stendahl on His Sixty-fifth Birthday [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986] 206–16)Google Scholar in relation to the Epistle of Barnabas and the Teachings of Silvanus; these writings, however, are plagued by uncertainties as to both place of origin and date.

¹⁰⁴ The revolt started in the summer of 115 and ended around August or September of 117, the beginning of Hadrian's reign. Jews from all over the diaspora, including not only Egypt, but also Cyrenaica, Cyprus, Mesopotamia, and possibly Judea were involved; see Meleze-Modrezejewski, Joseph, Le Juifs d'Egypte: De Ramses a Hadrien (Paris: Editions Errance, 1991) 161–81Google Scholar , 203. Cf . , Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 4.2.1–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁵ ReveaIing in this respect is a look at Stahlin's index (Clemens Alexandrinus vierter Band: Register [GCS 39; Leipzig, 1936]) 100Google Scholars.v. ‘σισαμκαλειονσισαμκαλ. Only on a few occasions do the words ‘σισαμκαλια or ‘σισαμκαλια seem to refer to living people.

¹⁰⁶ See Lohr, Winrich Alfried (Basilides und seine Schule [WUNT, 83; Tubingen: Mohr/Siebeck, 1996] 332–33)Google Scholar , who gives an assessment of Basilides and his circle in Alexandria. Birger Pearson has raised the possibility that Basilides and Isidor were in charge of the Alexandrian school before Pantenus; see his Gnosticism, Judaism and Egyptian Christianity (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1990) 210Google Scholar . In this context it is noteworthy that Basilides is not a “heavy user” of Septuagint texts nor of the Pentateuch in particular, see ibid., 328. Any discussion about a possible connection with Philo should take this diverse orientation into consideration. Markschies (Valentinus Gnosticus?, 323,404) cautiously suggests that Valentinus could have been an intermediary between Philo and the later Alexandrian Christian writers. See also the recent article of Quispel, Gilles, “The Original Doctrine of Valentinus the Gnostic,” VC 50/4 (1996) 339–42Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ Origen identifies Philo three times by name and mentions him as a predecessor on thirteen other occasions at least; see , Runia, Philo in Early Christian Literature, 160–62Google Scholar . In a letter that Eusebius preserved in Hist. eccl. 6.19.13, Origen calls Pantenus a predecessor. Origen alludes to Clement as a predecessor at least four times; see Hoek, Annewies van den, “Origen and the Intellectual Heritage of Alexandria: Continuity or Disjunction,” in Daly, Robert J., ed., Origeniana quinta (Leuven: Peeters, 1992) 47–50Google Scholar . The passages are: Comm. in Matt. 12.31; 14.2; Comm. in Joh. 2.25; Comm. Rm 1.1. Compare also the remarks of Alexander i n a letter to Origen (in Eusebius Hist. eccl. 6.14.8), in which the former mentions the friendship that both he and Origen received from their predecessors Pantenus and Clement; also Harnack, Geschichte der altchristlichen Literatur, 2. 4 n. 6.

¹⁰⁸ See also Eusebius's remark that citizens of Rome admired Philo's words so much that they placed them in libraries (Hist. eccl. 2.18.8). It remains unclear whether Eusebius refers only to the Legatio ad Gaium or to other Philonic writing as well.

¹⁰⁹ Many obscure writers or texts occur, especially in Clement; see the indices of quotations i n the Stahlin editions. It is of some significance that Clement cites his “gnostic” opponents rather literally; this also shows that he had their works, or excerpts from them, at hand, see Hoek, Annewies van den, “Techniques of Quotation in Clement of Alexandria: A View of Ancient Literary Techniques,” VC 50 (1996) 233 and 237 (table)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁰ See , Clement, Strom. 4.70–73Google Scholar ; Origen, Comm. in Joh. 2 (21) 137 ; Hoek, Annewies van den, “Clement of Alexandria on Martyrdom,” 331 and n. 32Google Scholar.

¹¹¹ Related to the question of accurate reading is Origen's adaptation of the system of marginal signs; see Reynold, Leighten and Wilson, Nigel, Scribes and Scholars (2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1974) 43Google Scholar . For the importance of the Bible for Clement's thinking, see Mondesert, Claude, Clement d'Alexandrie: Introduction a Vetude de sa pensee religieuse a partir de Vecriture (Paris: Editions Montaigne, 1944)Google Scholar.

¹¹² For the Pauline corpus, cf. Zunz, Gunther, The Text of the Epistles: A Disquisition upon the Corpus Paulinum (London: Oxford University Press, 1953) 271–72Google Scholar ; for works of Philo, see Barthelemy, Dominique, “Est-ce Hoshaya Rabba qui censura le ‘Commentaire Allegorique’? A partir des retouches faites aux citations bibliques, etude sur la tradition textuelle du Commentaire Alldgorique de Philon,” in d'Alexandrie, Philon (Paris: CNRS, 1967) 60Google Scholar ; for various papyri, see Roberts, Colin H., Manuscript, Society and Belief in Early Christian Egypt (London: Oxford University Press, 1979) 24Google Scholar ; for NT MSS, Aland, Kurt and Aland, Barbara, The Text of the New Testament (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 59Google Scholar.

¹¹³ See Ghellinck, Joseph de (Patristique et Moyen Age: Etudes d'histoire litteraire et doctrinale [Paris: Brouwer, 1947] 264)Google Scholar , who refers to the Ptolomaic example for any subsequent libraries in Alexandria; see also Barthelemy, Dominique, Etudes d'histoire du texte de I'Ancien Testament (Fribourg: Editions universitaires, 1978) 203–17Google Scholar ; Cavallo, Guglielmo, Le biblioteche nel mondo antico e medievale (Rome: Laterza, 1993) 67Google Scholar.

¹¹⁴ , Runia (Philo in Early Christian Literature, 135)Google Scholar , who refers to , Barthdlemy (“Est-ceHoshaya Rabba,” 60)Google Scholar.

¹¹⁵ See above, note 107.

¹¹⁶ Another example is Hermas, whom Origen quotes nineteen times, almost always mentioning his name, see Hoek, Annewies van den, “Clement and Origen as Sources on ‘NoncanonicaP Scriptural Traditions During the Late Second and Earlier Third Centuries,” in Dorival, Gilles and Boulluec, Alain Le, eds. Origeniana sexta: Origene et la Bible/Origen and the Bible (Leuven: Peeters, 1995) 98–99Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Gamble, Harry Y. (Books and Readers in the Early Church [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995] 157Google Scholar ) points out that one can establish the disposition of materials within the library of Caesarea from Eusebius's way of using them. Gamble refers to an interesting study by Lawlor, Hugh Jackson (Eusebiana [Oxford: Clarendon, 1912]),Google Scholar who tried to reconstruct the Philonic scrolls on the basis of Eusebius's report.

¹¹⁸ See Cohn, Leopold and Wendland, Paul, “Prolegomena,” in iidem, Philonis Alexandrini opera quae supersunt (Berlin: Reimer, 1886) iii–ivGoogle Scholar . It is also significant that a complete papyrus codex, probably dating to the late third century, was discovered with two of Philo's works at Coptos in a Christian setting and that the text is related to the Caesarean Philonic text tradition; see ibid., xli-xliii; , Runia, Philo in Early Christian Literature, 23, 298Google Scholar.

¹¹⁹ Eusebius Hist. eccl. 6.20. See Pasquali, Giorgio, “Biblioteca,” Enciclopedia Italiana di scienze, lettere edarti 6 (1938) 942–47Google Scholar ; and the excellent recent study by Gamble (Books and Readers, 154).

¹²⁰ Not only Alexander but also Pamphilus studied in Alexandria. He was a student at the catechetical school under Pierius, who was called “Origen, the younger”; see , Jerome, De viris illustribus, 76Google Scholar ; , Photius, Bibliotheca, 119Google Scholar . When Pamphilus came to Caesarea, he expanded the library on the basis of Origen's personal collection.

¹²¹ See , Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 6.3.9.Google Scholar

¹²² Hoek, Van den, Clement of Alexandria and His Use of Philo, 210.Google Scholar

¹²³ Pointed out by , Runia, Philo in Early Christian Literature, 144Google Scholar ; for the material, see Hoek, van den, Clement of Alexandria and His Use of Philo, 197–208Google Scholar.

¹²⁴ See Grant, Robert M. (“Theological Education at Alexandria,” in Pearson, Birger and Goehring, James E., eds., The Roots of Egyptian Christianity [Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986] 180)Google Scholar , who suggests a connection with a community such as the Therapeutae. This group appears in Philo's De vita contemplativa, and Philo apparently had a close relationship with it. The Therapeutae lived outside Alexandria, supposedly to the west–between Lake Mareotis and the sea–but not very far from the city. Lake Mareotis, the present Lake Mariut, seems to have been substantially larger in Antiquity; see Smith, William and Grove, George, An Atlas of Ancient Geography: Biblical and Classical (London: Murray, 1875) map 33Google Scholar . Eusebius portrayed the Therapeutae as early Christians, an obviously erroneous reconstruction of the group, at least, for Philo's lifetime; see Eusebius, Hist. eccl. 2.17.3-24. In Late Antiquity a number of Coptic monasteries existed in that region, the remains of which still seem to be visible. Interestingly, in my Greek course at Harvard, Sister Lois, a Coptic nun, commented on Philo's description of the landscape and climate in De vita contemplativa, saying that it fitted the situation of her priory on the north coast very well. This priory is located between 39 and 40 kilometers from Alexandria on the main road to Salum on the Libyan border. The dwellings of the Therapeutae were presumably somewhat closer to Alexandria but in the same region ; Daumas, Francois (“La ‘solitude’ des Therapeutes et les antecedents égyptiens du monachisme Chretien,” Philon d'Alexandrie [Paris: CNRS, 1967] 349Google Scholar ) locates them to the west of modern El Dikheila. In a recent publication Richardson, G. Peter (“Philo and Eusebius on Monasteries and Monasticism: The Therapeutae and Kellia,” in McLean, Bradley H., ed., Origins and Method: Toward a New Understanding of Judaism and Christianity [Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993] 334–59Google Scholar , with thanks to David Runia for the reference) discusses the connection between the Therapeutae and Eusebius, who spent some time in Egypt during the persecutions of Diocletian. He points out that Eusebius could well have interpreted Philo's description of the Therapeutae on the basis of his own experiences in the Egyptian desert. I disagree with Richardson about the possible location of the Therapeutae, who places them on the south shore of Lake Mareotis on the basis of Philo's decription σισαμκαλια σισαμκαλια (MS M has επι instead of νπεþ). Citing LSJ, s. v. νπεþ, Richardson argues that lircep with a genitive means “beyond” or “farther inland” in this case. The first meaning that LSJ offers, however, is “over” or “above,” namely “on higher ground” and even “on the shore”; see Pindar Nem. 765; also Herodotus Hist. 6.105. The second meaning “above” or “farther inland” does occur in a geographical context, but LSJ does not fail to notice that i n Hellenistic Greek this meaning is more common with an accusative. Indeed, Philo distinguishes between lijcep with a genitive and with an accusative, liitep with the genitive occurs most commonly in a metaphoric sense: “for,” “because of,” “concerning,” or “in defense of (passim); on a number of occasions the word has a local meaning, such as σισαμκαλια “above ground,” see Sacr. 25; Her. 226; Fuga 57; Abr. 140.1; Mos. 1.175; Dec. 56.2. When on rare occasions lirtep means “above” in the sense of “beyond,” Philo uses the accusative, see Legum allegoriae 1.2; Som. 1.54; Spec.leg. 86.4. Because of other information in Philo's text as well, a location closer to Alexandria seems more likely, first because Philo says explicitly that the Therapeutae live around or near Alexandria: σισαμκαλια σισαμκαλια (Vita cont. 21). He also indicates that the location is on a rather low hill, σισαμκαλια, which could correspond to the calcareous dunes, and he says that the sea is close by, σισαμκαλια: σισαμκαλια (Ibid., 22). The pleasant sea breeze that he describes would not be noticeable thirty or more kilometers inland. Moreover, the dunes between the lake and the sea are notably higher than the lowlying area south of Lake Mareotis; a depression south of the lake is indicated on the road map of Egypt (Vienna: Freytag & Berndt, 1986Google Scholar , scale 1: 1.000.000). These “literary” observations confirm the actual survey of the area by , Daumas, “La ‘solitude’ des Therapeutae,” 350–55Google Scholar.

¹²⁵ See also , Barthélemy (“Est-ce Hoshaya Rabba,” 60)Google Scholar , who makes Pantenus's school responsible for the rescue of the Philonic books.

¹²⁶ Gregory Sterling presented some other plausible scenarios to the 1996 SBL meeting in New Orleans; his paper entitled “'The School of Sacred Laws': The Social Settings of Philo's Treatises,” will appear in The Studia Philonica Annual, forthcoming.

¹²⁷ The work of , Hornschuh (“Das Leben des Origenes,” 1–25, 193–214Google Scholar ) shows how tricky i t is to attempt to determine which part of Eusebius's account is historical and which is not.

¹²⁸ , Wilken, “Alexandria: A School of Training for Virtue,” 191Google Scholar ; and , Lampe, Die stadtromischen Christen, 313Google Scholar.

¹²⁹ , OrigenCels. 3.9.Google Scholar

¹³⁰ See Paed. 3.63.1; Strom. 3.90.1; 6.107.2; 7.3.3; Ecl. proph. 42.9; cf. note 95 above.