^{page 66 note 1} Early Greek Philosophy ³ (London, 1920), 39.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 2} Science in History (Penguin, 1969), 31 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 3} Greek Science (Pelican, 1953), 20.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 1} Economic History Review xviii (1965), 29 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 2} History of Greek Philosophy, vol. iii (Cambridge, 1969), 63 and 79.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 1} Farrington, , op. cit. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 2} A History of Science (London, 1953), i, p. xii.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 1} Medieval Technology and Social Change (Oxford, 1962), 28.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 2} Forbes, R. J. and Dijksterhuis, E. J., A History of Science and Technology (Pelican, 1963), i. 76.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 3} Cf. Edelstein, L., Ancient Medicine (Baltimore, 1967), 247Google Scholar; the Hellenistic period at Alexandria seems to have been an exception.

^{page 69 note 4} Farrington, , Science and Politics in the Ancient World (London, 1939).Google Scholar

^{page 70 note 1} Finley, (ed.), Slavery in Classical Antiquity (Cambridge, 1960), 234.Google Scholar

^{page 70 note 2} Arist. Pol. 1258^b33Google Scholar; Plut. Marcellus xvii. 3–4.Google Scholar

^{page 70 note 3} Cf. Perkins, , The Origins of Modern English Society (London, 1969), 105CrossRefGoogle Scholar; labour must not be cheap and plentiful if ‘labour-saving innovation’ is to be encouraged.

^{page 70 note 4} Slavery in Classical Antiquity, 68.Google Scholar

^{page 71 note 1} Perkins, op. cit. 24; cf. Hume, quoted by Guthrie (op. cit. 410), ‘poverty and hard labour debase the minds of the common people, and render them unfit for any science or ingenious profession’.

^{page 71 note 2} Sambursky, S., The Physical World of the Greeks (London, 1956), 226.Google Scholar

^{page 71 note 3} Slavery in Classical Antiquity, 1 ff.

^{page 72 note 1} Economic History Review, loc. cit. 29 and 43.

^{page 72 note 2} Diod. v. 35–8: Farrington, , Head and Hand in Ancient Greece (London, 1947), 69.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 1} Grain Mills and Flour in Classical Antiquity (Oxford, 1958), 102.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 2} des Noëttes, R. J. E. C. Lefebvre, L'Attelage: le cheval de selle à travers les âges: contribution à l'histoire de l'esclavage (Paris, 1931).Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 3} Op. cit. 162.

^{page 73 note 4} Op. cit. 13.

^{page 73 note 5} Studies in Ancient Technology (Leiden, 1964–), ii. 82.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 6} Op. cit. 84.

^{page 74 note 1} des Noëttes, op. cit. ch. v.

^{page 74 note 2} Vigneron, P., Le Cheval dans l'Antiquité Gréco-Romaine (Annales de l'Est, Mem. 35).Google Scholar

^{page 74 note 3} Derry, T. K. and Williams, T. I., A Short History of Technology (Oxford, 1960), 198.Google Scholar

^{page 74 note 4} White, op. cit. 198.

^{page 74 note 5} Cf. Vigneron, op. cit. 161: ‘l'équitation antique était rude: chevauchure en tous terrains sans étriers exige des cavaliers vigoureux et regulièrement exercés.’ See also page 149 on ‘la médiocrité du réseau routier’.

^{page 74 note 6} Op. cit. 136: cf. 135, ‘in a.d. 39 or 40 Caligula could still endanger the city's bread supply by commandeering the mill-animals.’

^{page 75 note 1} Antiquity xviii (1944), 130.Google Scholar

^{page 75 note 2} Studies in Ancient Technology, ii. 95.Google Scholar

^{page 75 note 3} Robertson, D. S., Greek and Roman Architecture (Cambridge, 1945), 233.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 1} For detail see my Aristotle Meteorologica (Loeb edition, 1952), 324 ff.Google Scholar

^{page 76 note 2} Klesibios, Philon and Heron (Copenhagen, 1948), 128.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 1} White, Lynn T. (ed.), Transformation of the Roman World (Berkeley, 1966), 34–5, 303.Google Scholar

^{page 78 note 1} Todd, Lord, report in The Times of 3 09 1970Google Scholar: ‘What we call the Industrial Revolution–I would prefer to call it the First Industrial Revolution—had little to do with science. It involved technological advances due to the exploitation of chance discovery or invention, and in this respect was no different from anything that had gone before. Men like Boulton and Watt were essentially inventor-entrepreneurs rather than scientists. Natural science had been advancing but prior to the mid-nineteenth century its impact on everyday life was small. Around the middle of the last century, however, men of science began to apply scientific method and the results of scientific research to the solution of industrial problems.’