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Traditionalism and politics: A case study of Northern Nigeria

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  28 March 2014

B. J. O. Dudley
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Extract

In the debate on the Native Authority (Amendment) Law of 1955, the late Premier of the North, Sir Ahmadu Bello, Sardauna of Sokoto, replying to the demand that ‘it is high time in the development of local government systems in this Region that obsolete and undemocratic ways of appointing Emirs’ Councils should close’, commented that ‘the right traditions that we have gone away from are the cutting off of the hands of thieves, and that has caused a lot of thieving in this country. Why should we not be cutting (off) the hands of thieves in order to reduce thieving? That is logical and it is lawful in our tradition and custom here.’ This could be read as a defence against social change, a recrudescence of ‘barbarism’ after the inroads of pax Britannica, and a plea for the retention of the status quo and the entrenched privilege of the political elite.

Type
Articles
Information
Government and Opposition , Volume 2 , Issue 4 , 01 December 1967 , pp. 509 - 524
Copyright
Copyright © Government and Opposition Ltd 1967

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References

1 Northern House of Assembly, Debates, 10 March 1955, p. 6.

2 Ibid., p. 2.

3 Oakeshott, M., Rationalism in Politics and other Essays, London, 1962, p. 188 Google Scholar.

4 For this conception of tradition, see Popper, K., ‘Towards a Rational Theory of Tradition’ in his Conjectures and Refutations, London, 1963, pp. 120–35Google Scholar.

5 The armed forces assumed control of the government of Nigeria after the coup of 15 January 1966 and the situation discussed in this paper refers to the period before the coup.

6 This does not imply that there are no non‐Moslem Hausas, or rather, Habes, who are usually referred to as Maguzawas.

7 Maquet, Jacques J., The Premise of Inequality in Ruanda (OUP for I.A.I.) London, 1961, p. 163 Google Scholar.

8 See e.g. M. G. Smith Smith, M. G., Government in Zazzau (OUP for I.A.I.), London, 1960 Google Scholar.

9 One could stratify the various rank‐orders and rank‐relations in Hausa‐Fulani society into a three‐class system. In this way, the Affajirai, or wealthy merchants, would be in the same class as the Sarakuna or the chiefly, ruling oligarchy. But the Sarakuna remain political superiors of the Affajirai.

10 See Nadel, S. S.F., The Theory of Social Structure, Cohen and West, 1957, p. 15 Google Scholar.

11 See Lucas, J.R., The Principles of Politics, London, 1966, pp. 13–16 Google Scholar.

12 For an elaboration of this point, see Dudley, B. J., Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria (Frank Cass, forthcoming)CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13 The Times, London, 29 December, 1932.

14 On representation of African interests in the Legislative Council before 1950, see Ezera, K., Constitutional Developments in Nigeria, Cambridge, 2nd edn., 1964 Google Scholar.

15 Report of the Conference of Chief and Emirs of the Northern Region, Kaduna, 1942, pp. 52–7.

16 Smith, M. G., op. cit. passim Google Scholar.

17 Bohannan, L. ‘Political Aspects of Tiv Social Organisation’, in Middleton, J. and Tait, D., Tribes Without Rulers, London, 1958, p. 59 Google Scholar.

18 On the notion of ‘constitutive’, as distinct from ‘regulative’ rules, see, e.g. Mabbott, J. D., An Introduction to Ethics, London, 1966, p. 43 Google Scholar.

19 Post, K.W.J., The Nigerian Federal Elections of 1959, OUP for NISER, 1962 and The New States of West Africa, Penguin, 1964 Google Scholar.

20 Prior to 1951, there had been direct elections, introduced in 1923, only in two places in the whole of Nigeria; Lagos which elected three candidates and Calabar one, to the Nigerian Legislative Council. See Wheare, J.: The Nigerian Legislative Council, London, 1947 Google Scholar.

21 This was partly the result of the choice of the late Sir Ahmadu Bello, the Sardauna of Sokoto, great‐grandson of Sultan Mohammed Bello, as leader of the NPC, thereby providing ‘legitimacy’ for the NPC.

22 See Dudley, B. J.: ‘The Nomination of Parliamentary Candidates in Northern Nigeria’, Journal of Commonwealth Political Studies, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1963 Google Scholar.

23 Northern House of Chiefs, Debates, 25 February 1952, p. 14. Italics mine.

24 Northern House of Assembly, Debates, 22 February 1957, p. 109.

25 From ‘Ene’, the Hausa pronunciation of ‘Native Authority’. When in 1952 it was suggested that the term ‘Local Government’ should be substituted for ‘Native Administration’ because of the pejorative connotations of the word ‘Native’, the government insisted on retaining the latter expression, giving as its reasons the familiarity of the people with the word Ene.

26 Rejection and opposition varied between the different communities. What was true of the Tiv was also true of the Aragos of the Lafia Emirate and peoples of the Numan division in Adamawa province. The reaction of the Idomas, Igalas, Igbirras and many others differed substantially. See Dudley, B. J., Parties and Politics in Northern Nigeria Google Scholar.

27 Wallace, J. W., ‘The Tive System of Election’, Journal of African Administration, Vol. 10, No. 2, 1958, pp. 63–70 Google Scholar.

28 In 1964, both parties decided to operate under a common platform and the alliance between the two became known as the Northern Progressive Front (NPF).

29 See evidence presented at the trial of Chief Awolowo for seditious treason Record of Appeal, Vol. 2, p. 166, Vol. 3, pp. 48, 52 and 54.

30 A ‘native’ of Kano, for instance, will be regarded as a ‘non‐native of Zaria’.

31 See para. 47 of the Native Authority Law 1954, Law of Northern Nigeria, No. 4. The Native Authority is the competent authority in deciding whether an individual can ‘support’ himself or not.

32 N. N. L. No. 4 of 1954. See 104 (1).

33 N.N.L. No. 4. See 108 (2).

34 Ibid. See 105 (I) as amended by N. R. L. No. 4 of 1957.

35 On the notion of ‘economic orders’ see Smith, M. G., The Economy of Hausa Communities of Zaria, HMSO, 1955 Google Scholar.

36 All quotations from ‘Sawaba Declaration of Principles’ (Baseco Press, Jos) 1952.

37 The parallel here is that of an attempt to graft or impose the ‘moves’ legitimate for a game of draughts on to those of chess. The result would be neither draughts nor chess.

38 See Lipset, S. M., ‘Some Social Requisites of Democracy: Economic Development and Political Legitimacy’, American Political Science Review, Vol. 53, 1959 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Reprinted in Lipset, S. M., Political Man (Mercury Books) 1963, pp. 45–76 Google Scholar.