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The Diversity of the EU Approach to Law Enforcement—Towards a Coherent Model Inspired by a Law and Economics Approach

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  06 March 2019

Abstract

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Traditionally in the division of labor between the European level and the Member States it was, roughly, the European legislature that set the norms and the Member States that took care of enforcing these norms. In various policy areas, an implementation deficit has been observed, which is said to be partly due to the Member States facing difficulties with the choice of procedural options. For that reason, among others, the European legislature increasingly prescribes the enforcement approach to the Member States to back up national legislation that implements European law. This Article examines the incoherence of the EU's approach to law enforcement in the areas of consumer, competition, environmental, and insider trading laws. After setting out the EU's legal competences with a view to law enforcement, the rather diverse picture—mixes—of private, administrative, and criminal law enforcement in the four areas will be illustrated. The authors then ask the question of whether this divergence can be explained by an economic reasoning with respect to law enforcement. The analysis, however, identifies substantial differences between an ideal enforcement mix and the current enforcement approaches used in EU law. Moreover, it is suggested that the economic approach could be employed to provide more consistency to the use of enforcement tools in EU law.

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Copyright © 2017 by German Law Journal, Inc. 

References

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134 Commission Staff Working Paper, IMPACT ASSESSMENT Accompanying the document Proposal for a Regulation of the European Parliament and of the Council on insider dealing market manipulation (market abuse) and the Proposal for a Directive of the European Parliament and of the Council on criminal sanctions for insider dealing and market manipulation, SEC (2011) 1217 final (Oct. 20, 2011).Google Scholar

135 Some stakeholders that expressed a preference for civil law enforcement are named only in footnote 140 (and 329, 348) of the impact assessment.Google Scholar

136 Public consultation on a revision of the Market Abuse Directive (MAD), http://ec.europa.eu/internal_market/consultations/docs/2010/mad/consultation_paper.pdf (last visited February 14, 2016).Google Scholar

137 See Tountopoulos, supra note 120, at 327.Google Scholar

138 Tountopoulos, supra note 120, at 332.Google Scholar

139 Recital 5 of Directive 2014/57/EU.Google Scholar

140 Directive 2014/57/EU of the European Parliament and of the Council of April 16, 2014 on criminal sanctions for market abuse (Market Abuse Directive).Google Scholar

141 Thus, it cannot sufficiently consider specific nuances or details, such as proposals towards collective action (aiming at strengthening private enforcement) in some domains. Recall that the recommendation on collective redress has a horizontal character, but that it is nonbinding.Google Scholar

142 Obviously, it may be possible to have a much more nuanced approach, addressing, for example, whether enforcement either via a civil court or via an ADR body would be more indicated or, for example, addressing group litigation/collective action in detail. That would, however, for the purposes of this study go much too far and is moreover not needed immediately because we merely want to use our general framework to broadly test some of the differences in the European approach in law enforcement that we identified in the previous paper. For a more refined approach, equally incorporating group litigation, ADR and self-regulation see Weber, Franziska, The Law and Economics of Enforcing European Consumer Law - A Comparative Analysis of Package Travel and Misleading Advertising (2014).Google Scholar

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149 See Posner, Richard, An Economic Approach to Legal Procedure and Judicial Administration, in The Economic Structure of the Law: The Collected Economic Essays of Richard A. Posner 290, 291 (Francesco Parisi ed., 2000) (referring to system costs as ‘direct costs’ for operating the legal dispute-resolution machinery).Google Scholar

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157 See Keser, Claudia & Willinger, Marc, Experiments on Moral Hazard and Incentives: Reciprocity and Surplus-Sharing, in The Economics of Contracts Theories and Applications 293 (Eric Brousseau & Jean-Michel Glachant eds., 2002), in which a whole Section is devoted to the principal agent problem and moral hazard. Moral hazard arises because an individual does not internalize the full consequences of actions, and therefore, tends to act less carefully than otherwise.Google Scholar

158 See Weber, Franziska & Faure, Michael, The Interplay between Public and Private Enforcement in European Private Law: Law and Economics Perspective, 4 Eur. Rev. Priv. L. 525 (2015).Google Scholar

159 See Ogus, Anthony, Costs and Cautionary Tales: Economic Insights for the Law 283 (2006); Stigler, George J., The Optimum Enforcement of Law, 78 J. of Pol. Econ. 526 (1970).Google Scholar

160 Part of the analysis of public law enforcement may likewise be true for the strengths and weaknesses of group litigation that could not be dealt with in detail in the context of this paper.Google Scholar

161 See Shavell, Steven, The Social Versus the Private Incentive to Bring Suit in a Costly Legal System, 11 J. Legal Stud. 333 (1982). To some extent, low cost dispute resolution bodies within the context of private law enforcement, like ADR or mediation, might mitigate the problem.Google Scholar

162 Ultimately, of course, tax payers' money finances the whole system.Google Scholar

163 A public enforcer has a lower cost of information discovery because it can use the power of the state—such as the threat of jail, the power of the police to conduct searches and seizures of evidence, clandestine electronic surveillance, and under-cover agents; see Segal, Ilya R. & Whinston, Michael D., Public Vs. Private Enforcement of Antitrust Law: A Survey, Stanford Law and Economics Olin Working Paper No. 335, 6 (2006). (referring to antitrust cases).Google Scholar

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165 See Landes and Posner, supra note 147, at 29: An example would be competition authorities that do not only have more resources, but also wide investigate powers that an individual could not make use of. Also economies of scope can speak in favor of the involvement of a public authority; see Trebilcock, Michael J., Rethinking Consumer Protection Policy, in International Perspectives on Consumers' Access to Justice 68, 84 (Charles Rickett & Thomas Telfer eds., 2003).Google Scholar

166 This is, for example, in the consumer area possible via Regulation 2006/2004 on consumer protection cooperation (referred to as the CPC-Regulation) (O.J. (L 364) of December 9, 2004, p. 1–11).Google Scholar

167 See Fabrizio Cafaggi & Hans-W. Micklitz, Collective Enforcement of Consumer Law: A Framework for Comparative Assessment, 16(3) Eur. Rev. of Priv. L. 391, 417 (2008).Google Scholar

168 A problem with public enforcement is, however—as we will discuss below—that public agencies may be subject to capture.Google Scholar

169 See Wittman, Donald, Prior Regulation Versus Post Liability: The Choice between Input and Output Monitoring, 6 J. Legal Stud. 193, 207 (1977); overall little empirical research has been done on regulatory agencies within consumer protection; see Meili, Stephen, Consumer Protection, in The Oxford Handbook of Empirical Legal Research 176, 186 (Peter Cane & Herbert Kritzereds eds., 2010).Google Scholar

170 See Shavell, Steven, Foundations of Economic Analysis of Law 49 (2004); Francesco Parisi, The Economic Structure of the Law the Collected Economic Essays of Richard A. Posner 290 (Vol. 1, 2000).Google Scholar

171 See Hans-Bernd Schäfer, The Bundling of Similar Interests in Litigation. The Incentives for Class Action and Legal Actions taken by Associations, 9(3) Eur. J. L. & Econ. 183, 186 (2000); Hans-W. Micklitz & Astrid Stadler, The Development of Collective Legal Actions in Europe, Especially in German Civil Procedure, 17 Eur. Bus. L. Rev. 1473, 1476 (2006).Google Scholar

172 See Roger Van den Bergh & Louis Visscher, The Preventive Function of Collective Actions for Damages in Consumer Law, 1 Erasmus L. Rev. 5, 24 (2008); similarly, see Schäfer, supra note 171, at 184.Google Scholar

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174 This merits a more careful analysis. See Weber, Franziska, Is ADR the Superior Mechanism for Consumer Contractual Disputes?—an Assessment of the Incentivizing Effects of the ADR Directive, 38(3) J. Consumer Pol'y 265 (2015).Google Scholar

175 Mark Tuil & Louis Visschereds, New Trends in Financing Civil Litigation—A Legal, Empirical and Economic Analysis (2010).Google Scholar

176 There is a strong objection to the introduction of punitive damages in Europe as set out before. Injunctive relief as granted by private bodies may yield similar results in terms of deterrence, see Faure, Michael, Anthony Ogus & Niels Philipsen, Curbing Consumer Financial Losses: The Economics of Regulatory Enforcement, 31(2) Law & Pol'y 161, 176 (2009).Google Scholar

177 See Shavell, supra note 144, at 267. Other incentives for an individual are the desire to avoid future harm, the retributive motive, and possibly a fear of reprisal.Google Scholar

178 See Van den Bergh, supra note 31, at 195; See also Ogus, Anthony, Enforcing Regulation: Do we need the criminal law?, in New Perspectives on Economic Crime 42, 44 (Hans Sjörgen & Göran Skogheds, 2004) (distinguishing the burden of proof and procedural safeguards between criminal law and administrative law from high to low).Google Scholar

179 See Garoupa & Gomez-Pomar, supra note 153, at 5; Faure, Ogus & Philipsen, supra note 176, at 176.Google Scholar

180 For details see Faure, Ogus & Philipsen, supra note 176, at 176.Google Scholar

181 See Bowles, Roger, Michael Faure & Nuno Garoupa, The Scope of Criminal Law and Criminal Sanctions: An Economic View and Policy Implications, 35(3) J. L. & Soc'y 405 (2008); Roberto Galbiati & Garoupa, Nuno M., Keeping Stigma out of Administrative Law: An Explanation of Consistent Beliefs, 15 Sup. Ct. Econ. Rev. 274 (2007); Keith Hylton & Vikramaditya Khanna, Toward an Economic Theory of Pro-Defendant Criminal Procedure, Discussion paper No. 318.3 (2001).Google Scholar

182 See Richard A. Posner, An Economic Approach to Legal Procedure and Judicial Administration, 2(2) J. Legal Stud. 399, 410 (1973).Google Scholar

183 See Van den Bergh, supra note 31, at 196.Google Scholar

184 See Polinsky & Shavell, supra note 15051, at 419. On low probabilities of detection; see also Landes & Posner, supra note 148, at 36. There is also the possibility to impose fines that exceed the harm.Google Scholar

185 See Shavell, supra note 1444, at 275.Google Scholar

186 See Bowles, Faure & Garoupa, supra note 181, at 402; Steven Shavell, Criminal Law and the Optimal use of Nonmonetary Sanctions as a Deterrent, Colum. L. Rev. 1247 (1985); Shavell, supra note 165, at 544.Google Scholar

187 See Polinsky & Shavell, supra note 15050, at 435. If a person is old or dying from a disease, however, imprisonment cannot fulfil its full purpose; see Shavell supra note 166, at 532. Here, for example, incapacitation measures are necessary and desirable.Google Scholar

188 See Bowles, Faure & Garoupa, supra note181, at 405.Google Scholar

189 See Trebilcock, supra note 16565, at 84; See Faure, Ogus & Philipsen, supra note 17676, at 178, expand on the issue of licenses and how this can possibly have a higher deterrent effect for traders than imprisonment.Google Scholar

190 See Shavell, supra note 165, at 571.Google Scholar

191 In most legal systems, prosecutors are part of the independent judiciary and stand under the control of the Minister of Justice who is subject to political control. He is supposed to make decisions on prosecution and hence use his discretion in the public interest. Systems of transparency and accountability, however, can help to guarantee that this will effectively be the case in practice. If those are lacking, there is a danger that the available discretion would be abused.Google Scholar

192 The European country in which this is most developed seems to be Norway: Johnsen, John T., Enforcement of Civil Claims in Criminal Litigation: The Norwegian Example, in Enforcement and Enforceability—Tradition and Reform 313–326 (Remco van Rhee & Alan Uzelaceds, 2010); for Germany see §§ 403–406d Strafprozessordnung (Act on Criminal Procedure, StPO). Similar provisions exist also in Belgium, France, and the Netherlands, see Ogus, Anthony, Michael Faure, and Niels Philipsen, Best Practices for Consumer Policy: Report on the Effectiveness of Enforcement Regimes, in Report prepared for the UK Department of Trade and Industry and OECD 37 (2006).Google Scholar

193 We do realize that this entails the heavy assumption that improving private enforcement is usually less costly than using public enforcement.Google Scholar

194 Van den Bergh, supra note 31, at 195.Google Scholar

195 Van den Bergh, supra note 31, at 186.Google Scholar

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198 This was discussed in the same way at the Fachexpertengespräche 2014 with consumer law experts from Germany, Austria, Switzerland, Luxemburg and Liechtenstein at the Federal Ministry of Justice and Consumer Protection, Berlin, 16/17 November 2014.Google Scholar

199 Faure, Ogus & Philipsen, supra note 176, at 180.Google Scholar

200 A strong case in favor of private law enforcement is made by Davis, Joshua P. & Lande, Robert H., Defying Conventional Wisdom: The Case for Private Antitrust Enforcement, 48 Ga. L. Rev. 1 (2013). The same authors acknowledge a stronger deterrent effect of private law enforcement than of criminal law enforcement of antitrust laws in the US. Lande, Robert H. & Davis, Joshua P., Comparative Deterrence From Private Enforcement and Criminal Enforcement of the U.S. Antitrust Laws, BYU L. Rev. 315, 317 (2011). Given the different nature of law enforcement in the US and the EU, they assert a positive effect of the Directive on antitrust damages and claim that it does not go far enough (Lande, Robert H., The Proposed Damages Directive: The Real Lessons from the United States, (2014), University of Baltimore Legal Studies Research Paper No. 2014-19.Google Scholar

201 See for a detailed analysis of the advantages and disadvantages of punitive damages, Lotte Meurkens, Punitive Damages: The Civil Remedy in American Law, Lessons and Caveats for Continental Europe (2014).Google Scholar

202 Van den Bergh, supra note 71, at 17.Google Scholar

203 Generally, violations of competition law—more particularly, hardcore cartels—can generate high gains, in principle substantially higher than, for example, misleading advertising on a—still—competitive market.Google Scholar

204 See Wouter P.J. Wils, Is Criminalization of EU Competition Law the Answer?, 28 World Competition 117 (2005); Roger Van den Bergh & Michael Faure, Critical Issues in the Enforcement of the Anti-Monopoly Law in China: A Law and Economics Perspective, in Competition Policy and Regulation. Recent Developments in China, the US and Europe 54, 56 et seq. (Michael Faure & Xinzhu Zhang eds., 2011).Google Scholar

205 See Faure, Michael & Weber, Franziska, Dispersed Losses in Tort Law—An Economic Analysis, 6(2) J. Eur. Tort L. 163 (2015).Google Scholar

206 This has inter alia strongly been argued by Anthony Ogus & Carolyn Abbot, Sanctions for Pollution: Do We Have the Right Regime?, 13 J. Envtl. L. 283 (2002).Google Scholar

207 Michael Faure, Environmental Crimes, in Criminal Law and Economics 320 (Vol. 3, Nuno Garoupa ed., 2009).Google Scholar

208 See Faure, Michael & Leger, Claire, Towards a Harmonization of Insider Trading. Criminal Law at EU Level?, 9(2) Brooklyn J. Corp., Fin. & Commercial L. 387 (2015); Nasser Arshadi, Insider Trading Liability and Enforcement Strategy, 27(2) Fin. Mgmt. 70, 71 (1998) (regarding the US law at that time): Since managers and directors are often the beneficiaries in insider trading, they have little incentive to sue; given that most shareholders own a small fraction of the outstanding shares, they often cannot afford the cost of taking legal action. The principal incentive to the enforcement of this section is left with attorneys who track 16(a) filings and file suit on behalf of a small shareholder where the court grants fees for the plaintiff's attorneys.Google Scholar

209 Standard literature: Polinsky & Shavell, supra note 151—public enforcement is optimal when it is too costly for the individual to identify the wrongdoer.Google Scholar

210 This refers to persons providing “tips”, meaning, relevant information which may affect stock prices. Cox, James D., Insider Trading and Contracting: A critical response to the “Chicago School”, Duke L. J. 628, 658 (1986) sees scope for economies of scale and benefits of public enforcement.Google Scholar

211 This is suggested for the US context, Ventoruzzo, supra note 1140, at 589.Google Scholar

212 Private actions in the US are arguably free-riding on the investigations carried out by the SEC, see Cox, supra note 210, at 658.Google Scholar

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214 See Macey, Jonathan R., Insider Trading: Economics, Politics and Policy 5 (1991); Easterbrook, Frank H., Insider Trading as an Agency Problem in Principals and Agents: The Structure of Business, Pratt, John W. & Richard Zeckhauser eds, 81 (1985).Google Scholar

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217 Beny, Laura N., Do Insider Trading Laws Matter? Some Preliminary Comparative Evidence, 7(1) Am. L. & Econ. Rev. 144, 176 (2005).Google Scholar

218 As identified by Rafael La Porta, Florencio Lopez-De-Silanes & Andrei Shleifer, What Works with Securities Law, LXI(1) The J. Fin. 1, 27 (2006). Beny, supra note 2173, at 174 finds, on the other hand, that public law enforcement seems to be more important. The most deterrent effect stems from the possibility to impose criminal sanctions. The author acknowledges, however, that no account was taken of liability rules, allocations of evidentiary burdens or general rules of litigation, and administrative procedure (p. 176) which is why no strong conclusions can be drawn from the study yet.Google Scholar

219 See supra Table 1.Google Scholar

220 See generally on policy mixes, the seminal work of Neil Gunningham & Peter Grabosky, Smart Regulation. Designing Environmental Policy (1998).Google Scholar

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223 See generally Becker, Gary S., A Theory of Competition among Pressure Groups for Political Influence, 98(3) Quarterly J. Econ. 371, 386, 394–95 (1983), (asserting that non-cooperative competition between pressure groups for political influence favors efficiency). Empirical evidence of the importance of such a countervailing power is, in the environmental area, inter alia provided by Seth Binder & Eric Neumayer, Environmental Pressure Group Strength and Air Pollution: An Empirical Analysis, 55(4) Ecological Econ. 527, 528 (2005).Google Scholar

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226 For details see the discussion supra section C III 2.Google Scholar

227 Les Metcalfe, Reforming the Commission: Will Organizational Efficiency Produce Effective Governance?, 38(5) J. of Common Mkt. Stud. 817 (2000); Levy, Roger P., European Commission Overload and the Pathology of Management Reform: Garbage Cans, Rationality and Risk Aversion, 84(2) Pub. Admin. 423 (2006).Google Scholar

228 The names and competences of the individual DGs also keep changing.Google Scholar

229 See Recommendation.Google Scholar

230 With the new Juncker Commission, the traditional restructuring of the DGs and their areas of competence has again taken place, http://ec.europa.eu/about/juncker-commission/structure/index_en.htm (last visited February 14, 2016).Google Scholar