¹ See What is German “Leitkultur”?, Deutsche Welle (May 3, 2017), http://www.dw.com/en/what-is-german-leitkultur/a-38684973 (explaining that Leitkultur is a largely non-translatable German concept that describes some kind of core culture, characteristic of the country, and therefore functioning as a guideline).Google Scholar

² See de Maizière, Thomas, Wir sind nicht Burka, Bild am Sonntag (Apr. 29, 2017), http://www.bild.de/bild-plus/politik/inland/thomas-de-maizière/leitkultur-fuer-deutschland-51509022. The article was republished on the government's website, with a different title, also in English: Thomas de Maizière, A Leitkultur for Germany: What exactly does it mean?, Federal Ministry of Interior (May 1, 2018), http://www.bmi.bund.de/SharedDocs/Interviews/EN/2017/namensartikel-bild.html. The reference to the burqa is not the only implicit rejection of certain habits that are often connected with Islam. De Maizière also emphasizes that “[t]o us there is no linkage between the concept of honour and violence,” demanded that immigrants “must show respect in the way they interact with others and accept the precedence of law over religion” and alluded to the primacy of Christianity: “Religious holidays are part of our calendar. Church spires are part of our landscapes. Our country is based on Christian tradition.”Google Scholar

³ The grammar used here is incorrect. It may reference, implicitly, a famous headline in Bild when German Cardinal Ratzinger was elected Pope, reading “Wir sind Papst” (We are Pope). It expresses a forceful, and deeply problematic, system of inclusion and exclusion, of identification and non-identification. “We” is not used here as a contingent and internally plural community. It is a value-laden concept, invoking a national community of a particular nature.Google Scholar

⁴ De Maizière, supra note 2 (where the last sentence is inaccurately translated as “We don't do burqas”). The German original is this:Google Scholar

⁵ Jürgen Habermas, Keine Muslima muss Herrn de Maizière die Hand geben, Rheinische Post (May 3, 2017), http://www.rp-online.de/politik/deutschland/leitkultur-das-sagt-juergen-habermas-zur-debatte-aid-1.6793232. See also Polzin, Monika, Constitutional Identity as a Constructed Reality and a Restless Soul, 18 German L. J. 1595, 1603 (2017).Google Scholar

⁶ See infra Section C.Google Scholar

⁷ The literature is enormous. For two collections of contributions, see Hall, Helen, The Burqa Affair Across Europe: Between Public and Private Space (Alessandro Ferrari & Sabrina Pastorelli eds., 2013); David Koussens, Quand la burqa passe à l'ouest (David Koussens & Olivier Roy eds., 2013). My own analysis is Ralf Michaels, Banning Burqas: A View from Postsecular Comparative Law, 28 Duke J. Comp. & Int'l L. 213–45 (2018).Google Scholar

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¹⁰ President Barack Obama, Address in Cairo (Jun. 4, 2009), reproduced in NY Times (Jun. 6, 2009), http://www.nytimes.com/2009/06/04/us/politics/04obama.text.html.Google Scholar

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⁴⁷ Id. at para. 129.Google Scholar

⁴⁸ Id. (dissenting partly opinion by Judges Nussberger and Jäderblom).Google Scholar

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⁷⁴ See infra Section D. III.Google Scholar

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⁹⁰ Id. (citing TEDH de la Gran Sala, Nov. 10, 2005, paras 106–8).Google Scholar

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⁹⁴ John 18: 36.Google Scholar

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¹⁰⁷ Thus the critique by Jochen Müller, Wie sich der Staatsrechtler Böckenförde in Fragen Islam und Demokratie vergaloppiert (Aug. 28, 2009), http://islam.de/13735.php. Ludwig Wick, Der moderne Verfassungsstaat aus islamisch-theologischer Perspektive, in Demokratie und Islam. Theoretische und empirische Studien 203–16 (Ahmet Cavuldak, Oliver Hidalgo, Hildmann, Philipp W. & Holger Zapf eds., 2014) (emphasizing the limited influence of theological positions on sociological realities).Google Scholar

¹⁰⁸ See Böckenförde, Ernst-Wolfgang, Europa und die Türkei. Die europäische Union am Scheideweg (2004), https://www.boell.de/sites/default/files/assets/boell.de/images/download_de/Boeckenfoerde_Arendt_2004.pdf.Google Scholar

¹⁰⁹ Id. Google Scholar

¹¹⁰ Böckenförde, supra note 59.Google Scholar

¹¹¹ Böckenförde, supra note 51; see also Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Die Nation: Identität in Differenz, in Staat, Nation, Europa 34, 57 (1999); Böckenförde, The Future of Political Autonomy, in 1 Constitutional and Political Theory: Selected Writings 324, 328 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017); originally Die Zukunft politischer Autonomie, in Staat, Nation, Europa 103 (1999). For discussion, see Hanschmann, Felix, Der Begriff der Homogenität in der Verfassungslehre und Europarechtswissenschaft 41 (2008).Google Scholar

¹¹² Künkler & Stein, supra note 61, at 22–25.Google Scholar

¹¹³ Böckenförde, The Future of Political Autonomy, supra note 111, at 332 (citing Adolf Arndt, Christentum und freiheitlicher Sozialismus, in Politische Reden und Schriften 128 (Horst Ehmke & Carlo Schmid eds., 1976)).Google Scholar

¹¹⁴ Carl Schmitt, The Concept of the Political (1932, 2007).Google Scholar

¹¹⁵ See, most pronouncedly, Böckenförde, Ernst-Wolfgang, The Concept of the Political: A Key to Understanding Carl Schmitt's Constitutional Theory, in 1 Constitutional and Political Theory: Selected Writings 69 (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., 2017); originally Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Der Begriff des Politischen als Schlüssel zum staatsrechtlichen Werk Carl Schmitts, in Recht, Staat Freiheit 344 (1991).Google Scholar

¹¹⁶ Böckenförde, The Future of Political Autonomy, supra note 111, at 331; see also Böckenförde The Concept of the Political, supra note 115, at 71–72; Klaus GROßE Kracht, Unterwegs zum Staat: Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde auf dem Weg durch die intellektuelle Topographie der frühen Bundesrepublik, 1949–1964, in Religion—Recht—Republik, supra note 52, at 11, 18–20.Google Scholar

¹¹⁷ Michaels, supra note 7, at 230ff., 243–44.Google Scholar

¹¹⁸ See Böckenförde, Ernst-Wolfgang, Politische Theorie und politische Theologie: Bemerkungen zu ihrem gegenseitigen Verhältnis, in Kirche und christlicher Glaube in den Herausforderungen der Zeit 317 (2004), translated in Ernst-Wolfgang Böckenförde, Political Theory and Political Theology: Comments on their reciprocal relationship, in 2 Law, Religion and Democracy: Selected Writings (Mirjam Künkler & Tine Stein eds., forthcoming 2018).Google Scholar

¹¹⁹ Cohen, Jean L., On the Genealogy and Legitimacy of Politically Liberal Secular Polity: Böckenförde and the Asadians, Constellations (forthcoming); see Gordon, Peter E., Between Christian Democracy and Critical Theory: Habermas, Böckenförde, and the Dialectics of Secularization in Postwar Germany, 80 Soc. Res. 173 (2013).Google Scholar