¹ The earliest publication of the fifteenth-century documents known to me is in Vilamajor, J. Ripoll, Memorias inéditas: Que pueden servir para demostrar el origen y antigüedad, e ilustrar la historia de la procesion del Corpus Christi en la ciudad de Barcelona (Barcelona, 1838)Google Scholar; modern views of the Corpus celebration are summarised in Amades, J., Costumari català: El curs de l'any (Barcelona, 1950–1956), iii, pp. 3–56Google Scholar, and i Sanpere, A. Duran, Barcelona i la seva història (Barcelona, 1972–1975), ii, pp. 529–71Google Scholar. Duran acknowledges his debt, and I mine, to a manuscript by A. Coy Cotonat entitled ‘El Corpus Christi: Origen y motivo de su institución in la Iglesia: Antigüedad y esplendor de esta fiesta en Barcelona’, dated 1918, sadly left unfinished at the author's death in 1920 and now preserved at the Institut Municipal d'Història in Barcelona.

² Barcelona's celebration is mentioned briefly in Bowles, E. A., ‘Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Procession’, Journal of the American Musicological Society, 17 (1964), pp. 251–60, esp. pp. 255–8CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Alternberg, D., ‘Die Musik in der Fronleichnamsprozession des 14. and 15. Jahrhunderts’, Musica Disciplina, 38 (1984). pp. 5–24, esp. pp. 7, 9, 20–1Google Scholar.

³ The spread of the Corpus Christi celebration through Europe is extensively documented in Matern, G., Zur Vorgeschichte und Geschichte der Fronleichnamsfeier besonders in Spanien. Spanische Forschungen der Görresgesellschaft, zweite Reihe 10 (Münster, 1962), esp. pp. 90–145Google Scholar. Matern's work, despite its title, goes far beyond Spain to give a wealth of information, arranged city by city, for German- and French-speaking lands as well.

⁴ Ibid., pp. 109–45, esp. the map between pp. 144 and 145. Matern points out that some question surrounds several of these dates. On Girona in particular, see especially de Chía, J., La festividad del Corpus en Gerona: Noticias históricas acerca de esta festividad desde el siglo XIV hasta nuestros días (Girona, 1895); the origins of the local festival are discussed on pp. 9–10Google Scholar. but see also pp. 7–95 more generally for much fascinating information on its development through the sixteenth century, which parallels that of the nearby Barcelona celebration in a great many details.

⁵ Barcelona, Institut Municipal d'Història (hereafter IMH), Llibre del Consell, 6, fol. 16^r: ‘Ordonaren los Conseylers els prohomens de la Ciutat que con lo sant pare apostoli a honor & a lahor & a gloria de Deu & a exalsament de la fe catholicha haia ordonat que per tot lo mon lo segon dijous apres la festa de Cinquigesima que sera dema sia feyta per tots temps per cascun any festa del Cors sant precios del nostre salvador deus Jhesucrist. E haia dat & atorgat molts grans perdons a cascu & a cascuna daquells qui seran a les hores de la missa & de les vespres & de les altres hores del dit dia & a les vespres de vuy que tot hom & tota dona sia dema mati a la Seu a la missa & a la professo & al offici qui si fara ab gran sollempnitat; & que tuyt fassen festa ab gran alegria & ab gran devocio axi com lo jorn de paschua o de Nadal; & quen tenguen obredor obert ne taula parada ne plaça de de [sic] coto ne de blat ne daltres coses. E que beu fara nostre senyor Jhesucrist lin retra bonguardo. E que null hom estrany ne privat moych gos metra lenya ne payla. E qui conter fara que li sera encontinent cremada & que pach. ij. diners all saig que la fara cremar.’

⁶ Duran, , Barcelona i la seva història, ii, pp. 533–5Google Scholar. For the route in 1391. see Manual de novells ardits: Vulgarment apellat Dietari del antich Consell Barceloní, ed. y Luna, F. Schwartz, y Candi, F. Carreras et al. , 28 vols. (Barcelona, 1892–1975), i, p. 14 (23 05 1391)Google Scholar. This series, the daily log of the City Council, will hereafter be referred to as DACB.

⁷ See, for example, the pictures reproduced in Amades, , Costumari català, iii, pp. 3–56Google Scholar.

⁸ For a general discussion of the tradition throughout late-medieval Europe, see Reaney, G., ‘Music in the Late Medieval Entremets’, Annales Musicologiques, 7 (1964–1977). pp. 51–65Google Scholar.

⁹ Duran, , Barcelona i la seva història, ii, pp. 534–5Google Scholar.

¹⁰ Llibre de les solemnitats de Barcelona, ed. Sanpere, A. Duran i and Sanabre, J. (Barcelona, 1930–1947), i, pp. 15–21Google Scholar. The first of this publication's two volumes, which covers 1423–1546, will hereafter be referred to as Llibre de Solemnitats. On the history of this source, see esp. Duran, , Barcelona i la seva història, ii, pp. 146–52Google Scholar. The date 1424 for this document is a conjecture by Duran and Sanabre, apparently based on its position in the manuscript among other documents dated 1423 and 1424.

¹¹ The present translation is of the text in Llibre de Solemnitats, pp. 15–21. Most of the document also appears in Comes, P. J., Libre de algunes coses asanyalades succehides in Barcelona y en altres parts, ed. Puiggarí, J. (Barcelona, 1878), pp. 200–6Google Scholar. A partial transcription of the Llibre de Solemnitats entry was published in Amades, , Costumari català. iii. pp. 12–16Google Scholar, and a summary in Duran, , Barcelona i la seva història, ii, pp. 536–9Google Scholar. A Castilian translation of a portion appeared in Matern, , Zur Vorgeschichte, pp. 304–38Google Scholar. Saints' names have been given in English, whenever possible, with the aid of Farmer, D. H.. The Oxford Dictionary of Saints (Oxford, 1978), and other sourcesGoogle Scholar.

¹² These terms, hard to translate into intelligible English, refer to branches and offices of the Barcelona city government, which is well explained in Vives, J. Vicens, Ferran II i la ciutat de Barcelona, 3 vols. (Barcelona, 1936), i, pp. 106–49Google Scholar, and more briefly in Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 31–7, and elsewhere. To simplify greatly, the Barcelona city government was made up of three tiers: (1) the Consell de Cent or Council of One Hundred, a body of over 100 men elected by lottery from among the four estates of the city (ciutadans (honrats), who were members of a hereditary nobility; mercaders, who were men of wealth but usually not noble; artistes, or skilled craftsmen; and menestrals, the lower-level craftsmen who were organised into guilds): (2) the Trentenari or Council of Thirty, a smaller body elected by lot from within the Consell de Cent to perform most of the day-to-day legislating; and (3) the Consellers, a group of five men who served fixed terms as a kind of executive branch and had the most important ceremonial functions. The Consell de Cent and Trentenari I shall refer to here more or less generically as ‘the City Council’ or some such (paralleling the vagueness of the documents), and ‘Consellers’ I shall translate as ‘Councillors’. The Consols de Mar were a committee of civil servants regulating maritime customs and the like.

¹³ Llibre de Solemnitats, p. 15: ‘precehints diverses juglars sonants ab diverses trompes’.

¹⁴ Ibid., p. 16: ‘precehints los dits juglars sonants ab les dites trompes’.

¹⁵ Ibid.: ‘Primerament, totes les trompes’.

¹⁶ Items in parentheses here have been interpreted by Duran and Sanabre as later additions and insertions.

¹⁷ Heading inserted by Duran and Sanabre.

¹⁸ Ibid.: ‘Primo, la Creació del mon ab XII. angels qui canten: Senyor, ver Deu.’

¹⁹ Ibid., p. 16: ‘Los XII. angels qui canten: Victoriós.’

²⁰ Ibid.: ‘La Anunciació de la Verge Maria ab los angels cantants:. A Deu magnifich.’ Duran and Sanabre supply the added text, ‘Vel, O Maria’, in a footnote.

²¹ Duran and Sanabre's explanation: ‘These Alamanys may be the painters of this name who were earlier seen in charge of certain entremesos in the procession.’ This hypothesis seems a bit forced somehow: the editors do not explain why a family of living artists. however eminent, should be marching here among the early New Testament events. nor (perhaps even more important) why their presence, necessarily transitory, would be noted here in the Llibre de Solemnitats, which was intended as a guide for the ages. On the other hand, no better theory suggests itself.

²² Ibid.: ‘Los angels qui canten: Loem la ostia sagrada.’

²³ Ibid., p. 19: ‘Los angels qui sonen.’ On the ambiguity of the language here, see below.

²⁴ Ibid.: ‘Los XII. angels ab les plagues, cantans.’

²⁵ Ibid., ‘Los XII. angels qui canten: Ay vos bona gent honrada.’

²⁶ The location of these last two items is not quite clear; the entries are written at the bottom of the page.

²⁷ Ibid., p. 20: ‘Aprés, los angels qui toquen sturmens.’

²⁸ Ibid.: Aprés, los qui canten denant la custodia.’

²⁹ Ibid.: ‘Los angels percucients ab los diables percucients.’ I interpret this to refer to angels and devils battling with each other or some such; but it could conceivably refer to the playing of percussion instruments as well.

³⁰ In Latin: ‘Deo gracias et eius / Purissime Genitrici.’

³¹ IMH, Registre d'Ordinacions, 7, fols. 40^r-v (22 May 1448).

³² IMH, Registre de Deliberacions, 9, fols. 3^r-v (17 June 1454); IMH, Registre d'Ordinacions, 7, fol. 119^r(c. 4 June 1455); ibid., 7, fol. 132^v (26 May 1456); ibid., 8, fols. 42^v-43^r (30 May 1458). See also Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 304–6.

³³ For dates and details, see ibid., pp. 307–8.

³⁴ Comes, , Libre de algunes coses asanyalades, pp. 630–9Google Scholar.

³⁵ For details, see Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 308–9.

³⁶ Ibid., pp. 388–428; for other examples, see ibid., pp. 309–10. See also Duran, . Barcelona i la seva història, ii, p. 555Google Scholar.

³⁷ Llibre de Solemnitats, p. 130 (21 05 1442)Google Scholar: ‘En lo dit any MCCCCXLII., e per rahó de la dita festa del sagrat Cors de Jhesu Xpist., en P. Deuna, pintor, ciutadá de Barchinona, vené a la Ciutat per preu de XLV. florins lo entramés appellat de Sant Ffrancesch, ensemps ab IIII. testes d'angells, ab ales e diedemas daurades, qui sonen sturments en lo dit entramés, e VI. parells de ales daurades e argentades per VI. angells qui canten en lo dit entramés.’

³⁸ Ibid., pp. 197–8 (20 June 1454): ‘En loch dels prohomens qui acustumen portar los brandons blanchs denant lo sagrat Cors de Jhesu Xpist son stats posats XXIIII. preveres. vestits de sengles camís e sengles dacmáticas, ab barbas e cabelleres de canem blanch, rullades, ab sengles corones al cap, representants aquells XXIIII. vells, que sant Johan Evangeliste recite stants denant la cadira de Deu cantants: ‘Sanctus, Sanctus, Sanctus’; e axí ho salmonaven, e seguint la professó, portaven los brandons cremants en lurs mans denant la custodia.’ This information is repeated, virtually verbatim, in the entries for the next three celebrations; see ibid., pp.213–14 (5 June 1455), pp. 220–1 (27 May 1456), pp. 230–1 (15–16 June 1457).

³⁹ I have examined Barcelona's trumpet-playing industry at more length in ‘The City Trumpeter of Late-Fifteenth-Century Barcelona’, Musica Disciplina (forthcoming), and ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 42–138; all the general information here is taken from one or both of these studies.

⁴⁰ All references are from IMH, Clavaria (dates refer to documents, not events; ten trumpets, payment to crier, and a Monday principal announcement unless otherwise specified): 65, fol. 107^r (12 June 1450); 67, fol. 103^v (26 June 1451 – nine trumpets): 68, fol. 103^v (26 June 1454); 69, fol. 93^r (7 June 1456); 71, fol. 103^r (2 June 1458); 73, fol. 112^v (13 June 1460); 80, fol. 114^r (11 August 1466); 82, fol. 93^v (27 June 1468); 85, fol. 155^r (27 June 1470); 87, fol. 140^r (4 June 1472 – seven trumpets. Tuesday); 88, fol. 142^v (16 June 1474 – Tuesday); 90, fol. 137^r (1 June 1475); 92, fol. 140^r (19 June 1476); 94, fol. 134^r (2 June 1477); 95, fol. 124^V (26 May 1478); 97, fol. 116^r (27 June 1481); 98, fol. 119^V (8 June 1482); 100, fol. 118^r (30 May 1482); 105, fol. 134^r (15 June 1487); 109, fol. 127^V (5 July 1491 – document implies that the announcement was made on Corpus itself, but probably by mistake); 111, fol. 200^v (21 June 1493 – payment to the city trumpeter); 115, fol. 142^V (8 June 1497 – payment to the city trumpeter). Not all volumes of the Clavaria survive from this period, and in some years payment for Corpus Christi expenses was recorded in an omnium-gatherum entry not specifying the trumpets. See also Kreitner, ‘The City Trumpeter’, and ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 119–28.

⁴¹ Kreitner, ‘The City Trumpeter’, and ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 64–8.

⁴² On the fifteenth-century ‘Italian trumpet’, see especially Downey, P., ‘The Trumpet and its Role in Music of the Renaissance and Early Baroque’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Queen's University of Belfast, 1983), pp. 38–43Google Scholar.

⁴³ DACB, ii, p. 373 (3 06 1461)Google Scholar: ‘Lo dit dia foren liurats per en Johan Oliver olim scriva del racional an P. Vicent trompeta de la Ciutat per sguard de la festa de Jheuxrist prop vinent XXVJ sobrevestes les dues de ceda ab senyals de la Ciutat, e XIJ panons grossos e VJ ytalians, e IIJ de tabalets tots ab senyals Reyals e de la Ciutat, e I pano per lo cornamuser. – Lo die P. Vicens a X de Juliol torna totes les coses aci contengudes, apres a XIIIJ de dit sen torna portar totes les dites coses sino I pano per la cornamusa. A XXJ de Juliol fou tot restituhit.’ The chronology here is puzzling: DACB (ii, pp. 373–84) has Vicens borrowing the items on 3 June; the Council postponing the celebration indefinitely the next day (the day it was supposed to have taken place); Vicens returning things piecemeal on 10 and 14 July; the Council on 14 July rescheduling the Corpus celebration for 19 July; the procession taking place on that day as planned; and Vicens returning the final flag on 21 July. So it is not altogether clear exactly when, if ever, all this equipment was used in the 1461 festivities – it is possible, with the changes in the date, that the trumpet band was reduced in size, or even cancelled.

⁴⁴ On these other ensembles, and this possibility, see Kreitner, ‘The City Trumpeter’, and ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 119–28, 135.

⁴⁵ IMH, Registre d'Ordinacions, 8, fols. 93^r-95^v (22 May 1459): Item ordonaren los dits Consellers e promens que daquiavant tots los trompetes trompedors temorers o altres juglars que seran ordonats e havran a servir per sonar en la festa del sagrat cors de Jhuxhrist haien esser lo die abans de la dita festa a les. xii. hores de mig jorn o abans a la casa del dit trompeta de la Ciutat per temprar concordar e metre apunt les trompetes e altres sturments e que partint daqui vaien a la plaça de sanct Jacme per fer alli lo servey acustumat e acompenyar los honorables Consellers e promens a les vespres e acompanyar apres lo cavall de sancta Eulalia e qui mancara e no sera en les dites coses per tantes vegades com contrafara pach per ban. xii. diners e ultra lo dit ban perden lo salari que es acustumat donar per lo Ciutat.

Item ordonaren los dits Consellers e promens que daquiavant los dits trompetes trompedors temorers e altres juglars al dit servey de la prop dita festa ordonats haien e sien tenguts lo die de la dita festa esser de mati a les. iiii. hores o abans a la casa del dit trompeta per anar a fer les matinades e pujar al campenar de la Seu per sonar axi com es acustumat e quescu haie portar en son cap una garlanda o xipellet e aquell qui contrafara pach de ban. xii. diners salvat just impediment a coneguda dels dits trompeta e prom. E aximateix haien e sien tenguts los dits trompetas e altres juglars partir de la dita Seu anar a la dita Plaça de sanct Jacme per sperar los dits Consellers e promens e acompanyar los a la dita Seu. E qui hi mancara e no sera ans que algun conseller hi sia pach de ban. xii. diners. E aximateix sien quant la proçesso deura exir en la dita Seu per acompanya[r] aquella. E per tornar e acompanyar los consellers a la casa de la Ciutat quant la custodia sera retornada a la Seu e si algu mancara en alguna de les dites coses pach de ban quescuna vegada. xii. diners sau just impediment conexedor per los dits trompeta e prom e ultra lo dit ban los qui contrafaran en qualsevol coses dessus dites perden lo salari que la Ciutat los acustume de donar lo qual vols sia paguat en alguna forma.’

The entire charter is transcribed and translated in Kreitner, ‘The City Trumpeter’, and ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 105–8, 530–2.

⁴⁶ See Comes, , Libre de algunes coses asanyalades, p. 633Google Scholar.

⁴⁷ i Cifré, J. M. Gregori, ‘La musica del Renaixement a la Catedral de Barcelona, 1450–1580’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, 1986)Google Scholar; see also Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 216–34.

⁴⁸ Comes, , Libre de algunes coses asanyalades. p. 638Google Scholar.

⁴⁹ See n. 38 above.

⁵⁰ Revelation 4.8: ‘And the four beasts had each of them six wings about him; and they were full of eyes within: and they rest not day and night, saying, “Holy, holy, holy, Lord God Almighty, which was, and is, and is to come.”’

⁵¹ Chía, in La festividad del Corpus en Gerona, p. 46, describes a cutback in that city's celebrations in the 1470s and following, probably as the result of an economic downturn after the Catalan civil war; conceivably these hard times were reflected in the Barcelona celebration as well, though I see no clear evidence to that effect.

⁵² The Musical Manuscript Montecassino 871: A Neapolitan Repertory of Sacred and Secular Music of the Late Fifteenth Century, ed. Pope, I. and Kanazawa, M. (Oxford, 1978), pp. 98, 496–7, 653–5Google Scholar; see also n. 53 below.

⁵³ Gómez-Muntané, M., ‘Secular Catalan and Occitan Music from the End of the Middle Ages: Looking for a Lost Repertory’, paper read at the Nineteenth Medieval and Renaissance Music Conference(Oxford,July 1991)Google Scholar.

⁵⁴ Madrid, Palacio Real, Biblioteca, MS 1335 (olim 2-I-5). La música en la corte de los reyes católicos, ii, Polifonía profana: El cancionero musical de Palacio, 3 vols., ed. Anglés, H. and Figueras, J. Romeu, Monumentos de la Música Española 5, 10, 14 (Madrid and Barcelona, 1947–1965)Google Scholar, no. 359. This edition will hereafter be referred to as Palacio.

⁵⁵ Palacio. no. 103. Cancionero de la Colombina = Seville, Biblioteca Colombina, MS 7−1−28. Cancionero musical de la Colombina, ed. Gavalda, M. Querol, Monumentos de la Música Española 33 (Barcelona, 1971)Google Scholar. no. 6. This edition will hereafter be referred to as Colombina.

⁵⁶ Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 273–8; see also Romeu's commentary to the version in Palacio, iii, p. 297.

⁵⁷ Colombina, nos. 2bis, 3, 22bis, 61, 62, 64, 65, 72, 73, 74, 75, 78, 79, 91; Palacio, nos. 14, 19, 36bis, 55, 86, 133, 160, 227, 276, 392, 394, 397, 399, 400, 404, 406, 408, 409, 411, 412, 413, 415, 416, 417, 419, 420, 425, 430, 434, 442, 444. I use Colombina and Palacio as examples because they are by far the largest sources of vernacular Spanish music of this time; other manuscripts (particularly Barcelona 454) add a few more examples to all my observations here.

⁵⁸ On Troya's biography, see Stevenson, R., Spanish Music in the Age of Columbus (The Hague, 1960), p. 296CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sherr, R. J., ‘The Papal Chapel c.1492–1513 and its Polyphonic Sources’ (Ph.D. dissertation, Princeton University, 1975), pp 73–4Google Scholar; and Knighton, T. W., ‘Music and Musicians at the Court of Fernando of Aragon, 1474–1516’ (Ph.D. dissertation, University of Cambridge, 1983), i, p. 300. On the layers of the manuscript and their contents, see Romeu's commentary in Palacio, iii. pp. 13–17Google Scholar.

⁵⁹ Colombina, no. 78.

⁶⁰ Gregori, ‘La musica del Renaixement’, pp. 217–21; also Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 216–39.

⁶¹ For several examples, see Florentine Festival Music 1480–1520, ed. Gallucci, J. J. Jr, Recent Researches in the Music of the Renaissance 40 (Madison, 1981)Google Scholar.

⁶² Wilson, B., Music and Merchants: The Laudesi Companies of Republican Florence (Oxford, 1992), esp. pp. 149–82Google Scholar.

⁶³ Loud bands would seem to be a logical and natural part of these celebrations, and they were clearly used in other processions in fifteenth-century Barcelona; see Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 161–80. Their presence in the Corpus parade is, however, never unambiguously documented. Similarly, the possible role of loud bands in the Corpus procession at Girona is obscured by the documents’ use of the word juglars to refer to trumpeters (see Chía, , La festividad del Corpus en Gerona, pp. 17, 31–3, 41–2, 50, 59, 62, 71–2, 79, 89)Google Scholar. In Salamanca, ‘sacabuches’ and ‘cheremjas’ were hired for Corpus in 1508, and a group of ‘tañedores de gayta y tanborjno’ in 1531, but the documents leave unclear whether they were actually in the procession; see Maeso, R. Espinosa, ‘Ensayo biográfico del maestro Lucas Fernández (ċ1474?–1542)’, Boletín de la Real Academia Española, 10 (1923). pp. 386–424 and 567–603, esp. pp. 580. 583Google Scholar.

⁶⁴ Llibre de Solemnitats, pp. 1–8 (9 December 1423), quotation p. 6: ‘E fou-hi portat un reliquiari, hon havia cert encast de la Vera Creu; devant lo qual reliquiari anaren diversos sonadors sonants diversos instruments de música, vestits de camís y portans les cares e ales ab los quales se representen los angels de la dita festa de Corpor Xpisti.’

⁶⁵ Ibid., pp. 114–22, quotation p. 121 (14 January 1440): e precehints lo entramés de la águila e. X sonadors d'esturments de corda, vestits ab camís e ab cares, diademes e ales dels angells’.

⁶⁶ Ibid., pp. 121–2: ‘E aprés d'açó, diverses ciutatdans e cavallers e altres de la companya det dit senyor don Johan, a so dels esturments que sonaven los dits angells, dençaren denant lo dit senyor.’

⁶⁷ Ibid., p. 116: ‘Item, que diguen a-n March Farrer, spaser, qui está fora lo portal de la Bocaria, que ell ab sa deesme, ab esturments de corda, vestits de camís, e ab las caras e ales dels angells, sien prests la dita jornada.’

⁶⁸ DACB, ii, p. 223 (14 12 1455)Google Scholar: ‘Lo dit die los honorables Consellers comenaren lo offici de administrar los X sonadors vestits com a angels qui sonen instruments de corda devant la custodia lo dia de Corpore Xpi attes que mestre Johan de Larpa qui regia la dita administracio es malalt e no pot trabellar, an Nicholau Çaval sonador.’

⁶⁹ Ibid., pp. 252–3 (9 December 1456): ‘Lo dit die los honorables Consellers revocant la provisio feta an Nicholau Çaval sonador esparter e mestre de grima de administrar los X sonadors a la fest de Jheu Xrist, vestits com a Angels, comenaren e provehiren le la dita administracio dels dits X sonadors vestits com a Angels qui sonen instruments de corda devant la custodia lo die de la feste de corpore Xristi, en Vicens Plomas mercader ciutada de Barchinona.’ Also, added to the entry in the previous note (Ibid., p. 223): ‘Digous a VIIII de Deembre del any M.CCCC.LVI los Consellers revocaren lo dit Nicholau Cavall e donaren la dita administracio an Vicens Plomas mercader seguons avant.’

⁷⁰ Ibid., p. 277 (14 November 1457): ‘Lo dit die los honorables Consellers ensemps ab lo consell ordinari de XXIJ remogut en Vicens Plomas del offici de sonar encercar haver e admínístrar, los sonadors de corda, qui sonen devant la custodia de Jheu Xpt. lo die de corpore Xpt., provehiren del dit offici en Jacme Gili bayner ab los salaris drets emoluments e honors al dit offici acustumats.’ See also IMH, Registre de Deliberacions, 11, fol. 138^r, same date.

⁷¹ DACB, ii, p. 299 (9 02 1459)Google Scholar: ‘Lo dit die los honorables Consellers ab consell de XXXIJ vistes e ruminades duas provisions fetes una a VIIIJ del mes de Deembre del any CCCC.LVJ an Vicens Plomas e laltre a XIIIJ de Noembre del any M.CCCC.LVIJ an Jacme Gili bayner lo offici de encercar e haver los sonadors de corda qui sonen la feste de corpore Xristi devant lo cors precios de Jhesu Xpit., les quals provisions la derrera derogava e revocava la primera, abilitant aquellas provehiren de nou del dit offici ab lo salari e emoluments de aquells per eguals parts los dits Jame Gili e Vicens Plomas.’ See also IMH, Registre de Deliberacions, 12, fol. 97^v, same date.

⁷² DACB, ii, p. 313 (21 08 1459)Google Scholar: ‘Lo dit de los honorables Consellers e consell de XXXIJ, Attenent com a VIIIJ del mes de Ffebrer prop pessat los honorables Conselles vestes primerament e ruminades duas provisions fetes, una a VIIIJ de Deembre del Any M.CCCCLVJ an Vicens Plomas, e laltre a XIIIJ de Noembre del any M.CCCC.LVIJ an Jacme Gili bayner considerants com la una de las dues derogava a la altre, provehiren del offici de encercar e haver los sonadors de corda qui la feste de corpore xristi sonen devant lo custodia on sta reservat lo cors precios de Jheu Xpt, los dits Jacme Gili e Vicens Plomas egualment ab lo salari acustumat. E com lo dit Jacme Gili ara novament sia mort los dits honorables consellers ab lo consell de XXXIJ provehiren de nou lo dit Vicens Plomas del dit offici ab lo dit salari.’

⁷³ Ibid., p. 331 (18 March 1460): ‘Lo dit die los honorables Consellers e consell de XXXIJ, Attenents com a XXJ del mes de Aguost del any Mil CCCCLVIIIJ, en Vicens Plomas fou provehit de offici de encercar e haver los sonadors de instruments de corda qui sonen denant la custodia hon sta reservat lo cors precios de Jeshu Xrist lo die de la feste de corpore Xristi ab los emoluments del dit offici considerants com millor sera prevehir lo dit offici, de dos que de I sols, Perço de nouprovehiren ab lo salari e emoluments de aquell per eguals parts lo dit Vicens Plomas en Johan Tries.’

⁷⁴ The swordmakers, sheathmakers and lancemakers of fifteenth-century Barcelona were united in the confraternity of St Paul; see Bonnassie, P., La organizatión del trabajo en Barcelona a fines del siglo XV (Barcelona, 1975), p. 201 and passimGoogle Scholar. The document organising this confraternity, dated 8 May 1401, is transcribed in Gremios y cofradías de la antigua Corona de Aragón, ii, ed. de Bofarull y Sans, F., Colección de Documentos Inéditos del Archivo General de la Corona de Aragón 41 (Barcelona, 1910), pp. 192–203Google Scholar; it mentions no special role for the confraternity in the Corpus Christi celebration. Fencing-masters were, so far as I can tell, not involved in the confraternity of St Paul.

⁷⁵ The most extensive discussion of this topic remains Hammerstein, R., Die Musik der Engel (Berne, 1962)Google Scholar; but see also, for example, Winternitz, E., ‘On Angel Concerts in the 15th Century: A Critical Approach to Realism and Symbolism in Sacred Painting’, Musical Quarterly, 49 (1963), pp. 137–49Google Scholar.

⁷⁶ Strohm, R., Music in Late Medieval Bruges (Oxford, 1985), p. 7Google Scholar.

⁷⁷ Post, C. R., A History of Spanish Painting, 14 vols. (Cambridge, MA, 1930–1966)Google Scholar.

⁷⁸ i Gibert, J. Ballester, ‘Retablos marianos tardomedievales con ángeles músicos procedentes del antiguo reino de Aragón: Catálogo’, Revista de Musicología, 13 (1990), pp. 123–201CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁹ These are: (a) a painting by the Santa Liestra master, late fifteenth century, Post, viii. p. 213, Ballester. no. 14; (b) a closely related anonymous Aragonese painting, also late fifteenth century. Post, viii, p. 513, Ballester, no. 24; (c) a painting by the Cabanyes master, early sixteenth century, Post, vii, p. 898; and (d) a painting by the Alforja master, c. 1537, Post, xii, p. 343.

⁸⁰ I have identified lutes and gitterns in the pictures as plucked string instruments with rounded bodies, the lute larger and the gittern smaller (a distinction easier to make when they are shown together than when one instrument appears alone). Ballester, in ‘Retablos marianos’, calls most of my gitterns and some of my lutes ‘guitarras moriscas’, and indeed some paintings do seem to show an instrument of distinct design.

⁸¹ See, for example, Hechos del Condestable Don Miguel Lucas de Iranzo (crónica del siglo XV), ed. de Mata Carriazo, J. (Madrid, 1940), p. 44Google Scholar: ‘Y entre los otros, yua vna copla de tres ministreles de duçaynas, que muy dulçe y acordadamente sonauan.’ Dolzainas are shown playing for dancing and courtly entertainment, but also marching in processions with loud bands; see pp. 47, 49, 134, 135, 168.

⁸² See Boydell, B., The Crumhorn and Other Renaissance Windcap Instruments (Buren, 1982), pp. 384–418Google Scholar: Palmer, F., ‘Musical Instruments from the Mary Rose: A Report on Work in Progress’, Early Music, 11 (1983), pp. 53–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and H. W. Myers, ‘The Mary Rose “Shawm”’, ibid., pp. 358–60.

⁸³ On the rapid development of the vihuela and viol in the Catalan-speaking lands in the late fifteenth century, see especially Woodfield, I., The Early History of the Viol (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar.

⁸⁴ Chía, , La festividad del Corpus en Gerona, pp. 29–46, passimGoogle Scholar.

⁸⁵ Ibid., p. 46: a payment to two players and ‘quatuor aliorum de nostre societate qui vestibus nos ut angeli ante corpus domini in processione facta die festi corporis christi proximi lapsi, sonando videlicet ego dictus anthonius lyol arpa, ego dictus Jacobus torra lahut, petrus Janouer et anthonius leopard singulas citaras sive guittarras, leonardus balaguer flahutam et Clemens vallosera mige viula’.

⁸⁶ Espinosa Maeso, ‘Ensayo biográfico del maestro Lucas Fernández’, p. 575: ‘Item dj A cañedo e a su conpanero vn castellano porque fueron tañendo en sendas viuelas ante el arca … [mrs.] ccclxxx^ov’.

⁸⁷ Ibid. p. 578: ‘yten a quatro menestriles que fueron la harpa e el Rabe e dos tañedores de vihula dos ducados e çinco Reales’ see also p. 577 for a smaller ensemble in 1503, and p. 580 for an ambiguously described group in 1508.

⁸⁸ Comes, , Libre de algunes coses asanyalades, pp. 631, 638Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ Duran, , Barcelona i la seva història, ii, facing p. 568Google Scholar.

⁹⁰ Anglès, H., La música a Catalunya fins al segle XIII (Barcelona, 1935), pp. 129–30Google Scholar.

⁹¹ Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 447–52.

⁹² IMH, Registre d'Ordinacions, 10, fols. 154^r–155^r (12 February 1479), also transcribed in Llibre de Solemnitats, pp. 317–18: ‘no sia liçit ni permes a qualsevol persones homens & dones de qualsevol stat ley o condicio sien fer balls de nits o de dies en plaçes o en carreres publiques o dins monastirs de homens o de dones ne dins cases publiques o de particulars persons encara que celebrassen sposalles noçes o convits. E menys sia licit a qualsevol persones en dites sposalles nocçes o convits usar de orguens clavisimbols tabals temborinos fleutes o altres instruments de corda o des altres species’. For more detail, including the document in full, see Kreitner, ‘Music and Civic Ceremony’, pp. 201–8.

⁹³ Bowles, ‘Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Procession’, p. 254.

⁹⁴ See, for example, Craig, H., ‘The Corpus Christi Procession and the Corpus Christi Play’, Journal of English and Germanic Philology, 13 (1914), pp. 589–602Google Scholar, and Michael, W. F., Die geistlichen Prozessionsspiele in Deutschland (Baltimore, 1947), pp. 29–69Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ On this connection, see esp. Bowles, ‘Musical Instruments in the Medieval Corpus Christi Procession’, pp. 258–9; on the patterns of instrumental symbolism in mystery plays and the like, see esp. idem, ‘The Role of Musical Instruments in Medieval Sacred Drama’, Musical Quarterly, 45 (1969), pp. 67–84.