¹ See Guillaume, de Machuat, Prologue, ed. Chichmaref, V., in Guillaume de Machaut: Poésies lyriques, i (Paris, 1909; repr. Geneva, 1973), p. 8, lines 125–32Google Scholar.

² In his poetry treatise L'art de dictier, Deschamps describes the chanson royale as a ballade with a grafted (enté) envoy: see the edition and translation by D. M. Sinnreich-Levi (East Lansing, Mich., 1994). It is perhaps significant, then, that the chanson royale is omitted from Machaut's list of compositional types given in the Prologue. However, Gilbert Reaney understood Machaut's use of the term ballade entée to refer to ballade poems containing citations (‘The Poetic Forms of Machaut's Musical Works, i', Musica Disciplina, 13 (1959), pp. 25–6)Google Scholar. Given that this is the only type of ballade that Machaut lists in the Prologue, Reaney suggested that we might infer that Machaut wrote only ballades entées. I think, however, that we can allow for some poetic licence on Machaut's part – after all, he had to find something to rhyme with chanson balladée, and ‘ballade entée’ does nicely. Nevertheless, the mention of the ballade entée alongside the other main forms employed by Machaut testifies to the popularity of this genre at the time.

³ In a good number of poems from the Loange des dames, Machaut engages in self-quotation or cites popular refrains or lines from works by other poets. Lawrence Earp lists some (but not all) of the connections of this kind to be found between poems from the Loange des dames in Guillaume de Machaut: A Guide to Research (New York, 1996), pp. 258–65Google Scholar. For some case studies, see Plumley, Y., ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson: Crossing Borderlines and Borders’, in Kügle, K. and Welker, L., eds, Borderline Areas in Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Music, Musicological Studies and Documents (Neuhausen, in press)Google Scholar. Citation in lyric poetry appears to have reached a particularly high point later in the century, especially in the Trésor amoureux; see Günther, U., ‘Zitate in französischen Liedsätzen der Ars Nova und Ars Subtilior’, Musica Disciplina, 26 (1972), pp. 58–9Google Scholar.

⁴ Karl, Kügle suggests that Se je chant mains dates from the 1320s: see The Manuscript hrea, Biblioleca Capitolare 115: Studies in the Transmission and Composition of Ars Nova Polyphony, Musicological Studies 69 (Ottawa, 1997), p. 162Google Scholar. For a detailed discussion of the handling of citation in Machaut's Ballade 12, see Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

⁵ Günther, ‘Zitate in französischen Liedsätzen’.

⁶ Ibid., p. 59.

⁷ See the discussion in Günther, ‘Zitate in französischen Liedsätzen’, pp. 62–8. For more recent evaluation of Ciconia's Sus une fontayne and its intertextual relations with Philippus de Caserta's songs, see A. Stone, ‘A Composer at the Fountain: Homage and Irony in Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’ (forthcoming; I am grateful to Anne Stone for showing me this article prior to its publication), and Plumley, Y., ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne and the Legacy of Philippus de Caserta’, in Vendrix, P., ed., Johannes Ciconia, musicien de la transition (Paris, in press)Google Scholar.

⁸ These songs can be found in the following editions: Apel, W., French Secular Compositions of the Fourteenth-Century (FSC), Corpus Mensurabilis Musicae 53/i (Rome, 1971)Google Scholar, and Greene, G., ed., The Chantilly Manuscript, Polyphonic Music of the Fourteenth Century (PMFC) (Monaco 1981–1982) 18–19Google Scholar: En attendant, Esperance, FSC 53/i no. 88, PMFC 19 no. 68; En atendant souffiir, FSC 53/i no. 28, PMFC 18 no. 45; En attendant d'amer, FSC 53/i no. 30, PMFC 19 no. 59. Concerning the attribution of all three songs to Galiot in the Chantilly codex, see the discussion below.

⁹ Strohm, R., ‘Filipotto de Caserta, ovvero i francesi in Lombardia’, in Seta, F. della and Piperno, F., eds., Festschrift for Nino Pirrotta on His 80th Birthday (Florence, 1980), pp. 69–70Google Scholar, and idem, The Rise of European Music 1380–1500 (Cambridge, 1993), pp. 59–60.

¹⁰ For detailed discussion of cases of intertextual play in Machaut's Loange des dames, see Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-century Chanson’. An example where Machaut quotes another poet is found in the musical setting On ne porroit penser (Ballade 3), which cites Jean de la Mote (see Reaney, ‘The Poetic Forms’, p. 26 n. 3).

¹¹ Boogard, J., ‘Bridging the Traditions: Machaut's Motet 5 Reconsidered’, paper read at the 23rd Conference for Medieval and Renaissance Music,Southampton,July 1996Google Scholar.

¹² Günther, ‘Zitate in franösischen Liedsätzen’.

¹³ Ibid., p. 55. I have suggested elsewhere that in the case of Ma dame m'a congié donnée the choice of source material may be significant: Machaut's ballade with music Se je me pleing (Ballade 15) shares its Refrain text with one of his unnotated lyrics from the Loange (no. 111) which also refers to singing, and my impression is that this may itself be a quotation from an earlier song – this would explain the tonal mismatch between the musical sections of Ballade 15, a feature also of the later Ma dame m'a congié donée. See Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

¹⁴ See Bent, M., ‘A Note on the Dating of the Trémoïlle Manuscript,’ in Gillingham, B. and Merkley, P., eds., Beyond the Moon: Festschrift Luther Dittmer, Musicological Studies 53 (Ottawa, 1990), pp. 217–42Google Scholar.

¹⁵ Günther found only one example of a virelai with citation from the French repertory; see ‘Zitate in französischen Liedsätzen’, p. 61.

¹⁶ Ibid., p. 56–9. This relationship was first observed by Apel in FSC 53/i, p. xxxiii. Antonello also set a ballade text by Machaut, Biauté parfaite (Loange 140). For other such quotations of Machaut's works (in some cases musical as well as literary) in later fourteenth century chansons, see Earp, , Guillaume de Maehaut, pp. 65–7Google Scholar, and Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

¹⁷ Ibid.; for a detailed discussion of Philippus de Caserta's reference to Machaut lyrics, see Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

¹⁸ See Earp, , Guillaume de Machaut, p. 66Google Scholar; for a discussion of Matteo's handling of citation in Se je me plaing, see Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

¹⁹ For a broader discussion of citation and allusion in the ars subtilior repertory, including detailed commentary on the following two examples, see ibid..

²⁰ Nearly thirty of Machaut's lyric poems, for instance, begin with the word ‘Dame’ and a further sixteen with the words ‘Douce dame’. Other shared openings amongst Machaut's ballades include ‘Hélas! dolens’, ‘Plaisant dame’, ‘Quant vrais amans’, ‘J'aim mieux languir’ and ‘Gentil dame’, to name but a few.

²¹ This is also true of the many familiar catch-phrases that abound in the chanson texts of the fourteenth century, such as ‘tant com vivray’, ‘soit tart tempre’, ‘a vous suppli’, ‘si pri a Dieu’ and so on.

²² Typically, a line from one poem, usually the opening line, is used to form the Refrain of a ballade, and again Machaut offers us several examples in the Loange des dames. In some cases, the idea is taken yet further as two poems share not only their opening two lines but also much of their thematic material and vocabulary. Where allusion is added to exact citation, a more extended network of poems may be formed. See Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

²³ For a detailed discussion of Philippus's references to Machaut and other texts in three of his ballades, see Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

²⁴ There are a number of lyrics without musical settings beginning in this way that have been preserved in poetry sources: several such poems can be found in F-Pn fr. 1719 (late fifteenth century), the Jardin de plaisance (early sixteenth century), and GB-BL, Add. 15224. The latter is translated and edited by Wallis, N. Hardy in Anonymous French Verse (London, 1929)Google Scholar. As David Fallows has recently emphasised, this collection is considerably earlier than was previously thought, since many of the poems refer to the devices of Giangaleazzo Visconti, who ruled Milan from 1378 to 1402; see ‘[Review of] The Lucca Codex (Codice Mancini). Facsimile with introductory study by John, Nádas and Agostino, Ziino (Lucca, 1990)’, Early Music, 19 (1991), p. 121Google Scholar.

²⁵ In the case of En atendant souffrir m'estuet, moreover, the authorship of Philippus de Caserta is confirmed by Ciconia's Sus unefontayne, which cites the opening of this and two others of his known songs. Reinhard Strohm has speculated that the ascription ‘Jo. Galiot’ may indicate the patron rather than the composer of the songs. As we shall see, Philippus's song cites the motto of Bernabò Visconti, ruler of Milan: Strohm suggests that ‘Galiot’ may be a reference to Bernabò's nephew and co-ruler, Giangaleazzo, or ‘Jean-Galéas’ as he is referred to in French writings of the period. Like his mother, Blanche of Savoy, Giangaleazzo was a keen patron of French culture; for evidence of French manuscripts in the Visconti library, see Kirsch, E. W., Five Illuminated Manuscripts of Giangaleazzo Visconti (University Park, Pa., and London, 1991)Google Scholar, and Gallo, F. A., Music in the Castle. Troubadours, Books and Orators in Italian Courts of the Thirteenth, Fourteenth and Fifteenth Centuries, trans. Herklotz, A. and Krug, K., (Chicago and London, 1995), chapter 2Google Scholar. Attractive though the idea may be for reasons elaborated below, it seems unlikely that the songs originated in Giangaleazzo's court. Alternative thoughts concerning the provenance of the songs will be explored in Part Two.

²⁶ See note 9 above.

²⁷ This was first noted by Thibault, G., ‘Emblèmes et devises des Visconti dans les oeuvres musicales du Trecento’, in L'ars nova italiana del Trecento, iii, ed. Gallo, F. A. (Certaldo, 1970), pp. 131–60Google Scholar. Thibault noted that En atendant souffrir is one of several songs by Italian composers that cite Bernabò's motto. Of the others, the songs by Niccolò da Perugia (ed. W. T. Marrocco, PMFC 8 no. 20) and Bartolino da Padova (idem, PMFC 9 no. 12) set the same poem, La fiera testa, which features the motto in its ritornello. This text is attributed to Petrarch, who was also responsible for inventing Giangaleazzo's personal heraldic devices. The third song, the virelai Souffrir m'estuet by Paolo Tenorista (Apel, FSC 53/i no. 77), alternates French and Italian in its text. Thibault proposed that in each case the motto is accompanied by a recognisable melodic motif, but I fail to see any clear musical connections between the works.

²⁸ In the textual variant found in Mod A the allusion to Machaut's baladelle is lost, since ‘d'avoir’ replaces ‘d'amer’ in the opening line of the rondeau.

²⁹ The Flemish source is B-Gr 133, fols l^v–2^r, recently discovered by Strohm and discussed in ‘The Ars Nova Fragments of Gent’, Tijdschrift van de Vereniging voor Nederlandse Muziekgeschiedenis, 34 (1984), pp. 109–31CrossRefGoogle Scholar. GB-Cu 5943 (fol. 165) also transmits the Refrain text but in what is clearly a corrupt version: ‘Esperance ki en mon cuer s'embath/Sentyr me fayt demours la vie’. The rondeau is also found in the following sources with just the text incipit: F-Pn 568, fols. 6^v–7; A-V 380, fol. 87^v; CS-Pu XI E 9, fol. 247^r; F-Sm 222, fol. 72^r (lost); an intabulated version is found in NL-GRu 70, flyleaf^t–v. Two new sources have recently come to light. B-TOs 490 carries the text and tenor of Esperance; see Kügle, ‘Fourteenth-and Fifteenth-Century Music Fragments in Tongeren, 1. The Fourteenth-Century Music Fragment’, in Haggh, B., Daelemans, F. and Vanrie, A., eds., Musicology and Archival Research (Brussels, 1994), pp. 473–87Google Scholar. The other source is a fifteenth- century manuscript from Helmond which transmits the tenor in stroke notation; see Haggh, B., ‘New Publications in Dutch on Music before 1700 and a Newly Discovered 15th-Century Dutch Manuscript with Songs’, Early Music, 35 (1997), pp. 127–8Google Scholar. For editions of Esperance see Apel, FSC 53/iii no. 245, Greene, PFMC 22 (Monaco and Paris, 1989) nos. 33a and 33b (instrumental version), and Rastall, R, Four French Songs from an English Song-Book (Newton Abbot, 1976)Google Scholar.

³⁰ Strohm, ‘Filipotto de Caserta’, p. 70.

³¹ For details about the Tongeren fragment, see note 29 above. For an inventory and commentary on the Pennsylvania manuscript, US-PHu MS French 15, see Wimsatt, J. I., Chaucer and the Poems of ‘Ch’ (Woodbridge, 1982)Google Scholar. It is surprising that neither Apel nor Greene provided the full text of the rondeau in their respective editions, especially since Penn is listed amongst the sources consulted for the editions as a whole. The presence of the full text of Esperance in Penn has also been noted by David Fallows; see Kügle, ‘Fourteenth- and Fifteenth-Century Music Fragments from Tongeren’, p. 476 n. 7.

³² Some aspects of Senleches's poem suggest that the poet may also have drawn his inspiration from the Remede de Fortune. As in the Remede, in Senleches's text the character Esperance comforts the despairing man protagonist (the first-person narrator) and mediates between him and the object of his desire (‘perfeccion’). In particular, Senleches's poem seems to take direct inspiration from the passage in the Remede where l'Amant offers a prayer in which he praises Esperance and lists the various ways in which she has aided him; in both poems, the enumeration of Hope's virtues is followed by reference to Fair Welcome (Bel accueil). See Wimsatt, J. I. and Kibler, W. W., eds., Guillaume de Machaut: Le jugement du roy de Behaigne and Remede de Fortune (Athens, Georgia, and London, 1988), lines 3205–345, pp. 347–55Google Scholar. As in Senleches's text, the Lover in the Remede describes how Esperance has given him ‘aligance’ (relief) and provided him with sweet comfort (‘doulz confort’), and he begs her to lead him to the threshold where he shall behold his lady's Sweet Welcome (Vous pri…// Que vous me menez jusqu'au sueil/Oil je verray le Douls Accueil/De ma dame…) This follows the basic outline of the story in the Roman de la Rose, where the lover learns first about the pains of love (lines 2265–2580) and then the remedies (lines 2581–2764), where the God of Love describes how Hope can advance the lover's cause and where Fair Welcome also encourages the lover. See Guillaume de Lorris and Jean de Meun, The Romance of the Rose, ed. Dunn, C. W. and trans. Robbins, H. W. (New York, 1962), pp. 55, 58–9Google Scholar. Through these textual allusions, the narrator of En attendant, Esperance conforte likens his plight to that of the main protagonist (the Lover) of both the Remede and the Roman de la Rose.

³³ The theme of the fountain in En atendant souffrir m'estuet, however, recalls the passage in the Remede (itself inspired by the Roman de la Rose) where the lover enters the garden of Hesdin and sits by a fountain which is surrounded by a hedge of wild roses (see Wimsatt, and Kibler, , Remede de Fortune, lines 783–840, pp. 211–15)Google Scholar. The fountain was a common symbol in medieval literature, with religious connotations, and the emphasis on the inherent virtue and noble power of the fountain in En atendant souffrir recalls this association. See, for instance, de Meun's description of the Fount of Life in Romance of the Rose, chapter 94 (lines 20279–682) and in Machaut's Lai de la fonteinne (ed. L. Schrade, PMFC 3, Lai 11). A particularly detailed description of the type of fountain implied in Philippus's text can be found in Boccaccio's Decamaron, trans. McWilliam, G. H., 2nd edn. (Harmondsworth, 1995), pp. 190–1Google Scholar. The possible significance of Philippus's fountain is discussed below.

³⁴ See note 29 above.

³⁵ See Strohm, ‘The Ars Nova Fragments of Gent’.

³⁶ Strohm, , The Rise of European Music, p. 74Google Scholar.

³⁷ See the numerous references inWright, C., Music at the Court of Burgundy 1364–1419. A Documentary History (Henryville, Ottawa, and Binningen, 1979)Google Scholar, and Gómez-Muntané, M. C.,La música en la casa real Catalano–Aragonesa 1336–1442, i (Barcelona, 1979)Google Scholar.

³⁸ See note 29 above.

³⁹ The intabulated version of Esperance transmitted in the Groningen source (NL-GRu 70) is also in g (the tonal type one-flat g), but in its original chanson form the song is notated in the natural gamut with its final on d (i.e., the tonal type natural-d) in each of the extant sources.

⁴⁰ Plumley, Y., The Grammar of Fourteenth Century Melody: Tonal Organization and Compositional Process in the Chansons of Guillaume de Machaut and the Ars Subtilior (London and New York, 1996)Google Scholar. Odonian letter-names are used in the present discussion.

⁴¹ Black stemmed notes indicate structural pitches, and void stemmed notes indicate the most stable cadential closure, that is, onto the principal pitch centre, g; the inconclusive nature of half-closure on aa or e is indicated by arrowheads, the eventual resolutions by reversed arrowheads.

⁴² The cantus goals can be supported contrapuntally in different ways; pitch letters (the tenor pitch is given in brackets in Example 3) indicate the sonorities created by cantus and tenor at the cadences. The varying of the contrapuntal context into which the cantus goals are set helps to control the dynamic unfolding of the work. For instance, the inconclusive nature of closure on e is highlighted by the contrapuntal support of G (Section A (iii)) or c (Section B (iii)), creating imperfect consonance; the tenor introduces a G anchor early in the work by supporting closure on d (a potential final at the opening of the song) with this pitch in Section A (i) and again in Section B (i). For an exploration of the role of counterpoint in the shaping of the tonal argument of chansons, see ibid., chapters 4–8.

⁴³ It is not uncommon for chansons of this period to begin with such descents; see ibid., pp. 251–2.

⁴⁴ Apel, FSC 53/ii no. 152, and Greene, PMFC 20 no. 48. This song shares two sources with the Esperance rondeau (CS-Pu XI E 9 and -F-Sm 222) and is another work that Strohm assigns to his ‘international’ repertory (see ‘The Ars Nova Fragments of Gent’). Another song contained in these two sources which may allude to the Esperance theme at its opening is the rondeau Soiz liés (Apel, FSC 53/iii no. 279, and Greene, PMFC 22 no. 73).

⁴⁵ In Ch the passage is notated in red, while Reina uses black void notation. Anne Stone remarks that ‘Notationally, there is nothing wrong with the reading; conceptually however, it is a bit odd. It is easy to see why measures 12–13 are notated with coloration, as they contain a hemiola proportion at the level of the semibreve. Measures 14–15 contain the iambic rhythms paradigmatic to major prolation, and have no need of coloration’ (‘Writing Rhythm in Late Medieval Italy: Notation and Musical Style in the Manuscript Modena, Biblioteca Estense, Alpha M. 5. 24’, Ph.D. dissertation, Harvard University, 1994, p. 150). Stone goes on to describe how the scribe of Mod A re-edits this anomaly, using coloration for only the first two bars. For a summary of the different uses of coloration in the fourteenth century, see ibid., pp. 139–40.

⁴⁶ For a summary of the use of coloration in these two works to signal large-scale structures, see ibid., pp. 140–2.

⁴⁷ See Apel., FSC 53/i no. 92, and Greene, PMFC 19 no. 69.

⁴⁸ Cantus I moves in perfect tempus and minor prolation, using red notation to indicate perfect semibreves (contrary to its usual meaning), while cantus II, which enters second, is notated in imperfect tempus with major prolation, with void notation (rather than the usual red) indicating imperfect semibreves. A. Stone proposes that the irony expressed in the text is reflected in the notation of cantus II, which she suggests is deliberately incorrect (‘Poetic Identity in the Ars Subtilior Song: A Context for Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’, in Vendrix, ed., Johannes Ciconia, musicien de la transition).

⁴⁹ This reading may be supported by the Ch version fo this work, where the initial letter of the word ‘Esperance’ (in its appearance in Senleches's Refrain) is capitalised.Could it be that the scribe was aware that this was a citation? In Mod A lowercase is used; but, interestingly, in the same source the citations in Ciconia's Sus une fontayne are highlighted in this same way.

⁵⁰ Strohm gives a similar interpretation of these three songs by Senleches in The Rise of European Music, pp. 56–7.

⁵¹ Apel, FSC 53/i no. 73; Greene, PMFC 19 no. 94. Disparaging remarks about singers can also be found in the motet Are post libamina from the Old Hall Manuscript, which may also be by Matheus de Sancto Johanne (see note 91 below). A similar theme can be found in two further songs from Ch: Pictagoras Jabol by Suzoy (FSC 53/i no. 105; PMFC 18 no. 39) and the anonymous Plus ne puet musique (FSC /ii no. 168; PMFC 18 no. 44); Guido's Or voit tout (FSC 53/i no. 39; PMFC 18 no. 28) complains about new notational practices.

⁵² Other works from the fourteenth-century chanson repertory that feature such texted imitation include the ballade J'ay grant desespoir and the virelais Alareme, alarme by Grimace and the anonymous Ne celle amour. For a discussion of the use of imitation in this period, see Newes, V., ‘Imitation in the Ars Nova and Ars Subtilior’ Revue Belge de Musicologie, 31 (1977), pp. 38–59CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵³ See note 128 below.

⁵⁴ Adler, I., Hebrew Writings Concerning Music, RISM B/IX/2 (Munich, 1975), pp. 55–67Google Scholar.

⁵⁵ Günther has suggested that Senleches originated in Saint-Luc near Evreux in Normandy (‘de Senleches', Jacob, New Grove Dictionary, ix, p. 443)Google Scholar. A. Tomasello has argued that it is more likely that he came from Senleches or Salesches in the diocese of Cambrai, deaconate of Haspre; see Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon 1309–1403, UMI Studies in Musicology 75 (Ann Arbor, 1983), p. 167 n. 193Google Scholar.

⁵⁶ Anglès, H., História de la música medieval en Navarra (Pamplona, 1970), p. 225Google Scholar.

⁵⁷ See Pirrotta, N., ‘Scuole polifoniche italiane il sec. XIV: Di una pretesa scuola napoletana’, in Collectanea historiae musicae, i (Florence, 1953), pp. 11–18;Google ScholarWilkins, N., ‘Some Notes on Philipoctus de Caserta’ Nottingham Medieval Studies, 8 (1964), p. 84;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Reaney, G., ‘Philippus de Casterta’, New Grove Dictionary, xiii, p. 653Google Scholar.

⁵⁸ Günther, U., ‘Zur Biographie einiger Komponisten der Ars Subtilior’, Archiv für Musikwissenschaft, 21 (1964), p. 182 n. 68CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁵⁹ Strohm, , The Rise of European Music, p. 60Google Scholar. The francophile tendencies of Giangaleazzo's court have been well documented in recent years, and Strohm proposed that it may have represented the centre for the cultivation and transmission of the ars subtilior style in Italy (ibid., p. 59, and ‘Filipotto de Caserta’, pp. 65–74).

⁶⁰ Anglès, , História de la musica medieval en Navarra, p. 225Google Scholar. Giangaleazzo had inherited the small country of Vertus in ortheastern France when he married Isabelle, daughter of Jean II of France, in 1360.

⁶¹ It seems likely that Jaquet de Noyon was the ‘juglar de la viola et de la rota del conde de Vertus’ who appears in the Navarre records of 1382. ‘Jaquet de Noyon, ministril de cuerda, del conde de Vertus’, returned to Navarre once more in April 1388, and again the following 12, when he brought the news of the birth of Giangaleazzo's son. Jaquet de Noyon ‘ministril de viola’ reappears in the Navarre records in 1391 (ibid., pp. 225 and 289).

⁶² The attribution in the manuscript reads as follows: ‘Jo. Simon de Haspre composuit dictum. Ja. de Noyon’. It has generally been assumed that Hasprois was the composer and that Jaquet wrote the text rather than the reverse, since Hasprois's name was also added by a later hand at the top of the page.

⁶³ A record of payment dated 28 October 1374 made in Nîmes identifies Jaquet de Noyon as a minstrel of Louis of Anjou. He is rewarded for entertaining the duke and is awarded 60 gold francs to buy a harp and to travel to the minstrel schols (F-Pn collection Clairambault 131, no. 134). A further document of payment made the same day identifies Jehan de Pountoyse as another of Anjou's minstrels; this minstrel, like Matheus de Sancto Johanne, had previously served in England (see note 91 below). Attempts have been made to identify Senleches with various minstrels associated with the Aragonese court in the 1370s and 80s, including Johani de Sent Luch, Jacomi Capeta and Jacomi lo Bègue, but no firm conclusions can be drawn. Gómez-Muntané has discounted all three of these contenders; see La música en la casa real Catalano-Aragonesa, pp. 40–1. Jaquet de Noyon is mentioned in a document of payment from the court of Aragon dated December 1377; in March 1378 he formed part of an ensemble of musicians that included Johani de Sent Luch and that travelled to the minstrel schools in Bruges; in July 1379 Jaquet again attended the minstrel schools, this time accompanied by Jacomi lo Begue. After working for Giangaleazzo in the 1380s, Jaquet returned once more to serve Juan of Aragon in 1393 (ibid., pp. 55, 141 and 145–6).

⁶⁴ That Senleches's songs were well disseminated in northern Italy is suggested by their presence in sources like Reina and Mod A. A more direct connection with the Visconti court may be implied by the presence of the famous – possibly autograph – copy of Senleches's canonic virelai La harpe de melodie in a manuscript copied in Pavia in 1391 (US-Cn 54) that also contains a treatise on note shapes attributed in this source to Philippus de Caserta (see Schreurs, P., Tractatus figurarum (Lincoln, Nebraska, and London), pp. 3–9)Google Scholar. That La harpe was well known in Italy is demonstrated in the Liber Saporecti (c. 1415) by Simon de Prudenziani, which lists ‘la arpa de melodia’ as one of the works performed by the jester Solazzo on the organ (see Debenedetti, S., ed., ‘Il “Solazzo” com altre rime de Simone Prudenziani’, Giornale Storico della Letteratura Italiana, supplement no. 15 (Turin, 1913), pp. 106–7)Google Scholar

⁶⁵ See Günther, ‘Zitate in franzosischen Liedsätzen’, pp. 62–5.

⁶⁶ Ibid., p. 65, and Strohm, , The Rise of European Music, p. 59Google Scholar.

⁶⁷ Strohm, , The Rise of European Music, p. 60Google Scholar. For other works by Ciconia and other Italian composers whose texts may refer to Giangaleazzo's court, see Nádas, J. and Ziino, A., The Lucca Codex, Codice Mancini. Introductory Study and Facsimile Edition (Lucca, 1990), pp. 34–49Google Scholar. Recent research by Nádas and Di Bacco has filled in some of the details of Ciconia's biography: see ‘Verso un “stile internazionale” della musice nelle capelle papale e cardinalizie durante il Grande Scisma (1378–1417): Il caso di Johannes Ciconia da Liege’, Capellae Apostolicae Sistinaeque Ada Monumenta, 3 (Vatican City, 1993)Google Scholar. They suggest that Ciconia may have visited the Visconti court for a time between 1397 and 1401. However, there is no hard archival evidence to support this; moreover, since some twelve years separate these dates from the most plausible time of composition for En atendant souffrir (i.e. before Bernabó's death in 1385) it seems unlikely that Ciconia and Philippus overlapped at the Visconti court, assuming that Philippus was ever there. The presence of En atendant souffrir in the fragment I-Gr 197 confirms, at least, that this song was well circulated in Italy, though it is now believed that the fragment originated not in Milanese/Paduan circles but from within the Roman orbit (see Nádas, and Di Bacco, ‘The Papal Chapels and Italian Sources of Polyphony during the Great Schism’, in Sherr, R., ed., Papal Music and Musicians in Medieval and Renaissance Rome (Oxford, 1998), pp. 61–5)Google Scholar. Ciconia may therefore have encountered Philippus's works in Rome; but equally, as I argue elsewhere, they may represent part of a musical heritage (along with the citation tradition) that Ciconia brought with him from the north: see Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

⁶⁸ See Thiébaux, M., The Stag of Love. The Chase in Medieval Literature (Ithaca and London, 1974)Google Scholar.

⁶⁹ This song is found in Reina and Trém. The refrain of this ballade relates to a poem by Machaut (Loange 80), while its opening line is also that of another song from the fifteenth century; see Christian Berger's contribution in Kügle and Welker, eds., Borderline Areas in Fourteenth-and Fifteenth-Century Music.

⁷⁰ On the origins and dating of Trém, see M. Bent, ‘A Note on the Dating of the Trémoïlle Manuscript’.

⁷¹ This source was recently rediscovered by Reinhard Strohm; see ‘The Ars Nova Fragments of Gent’.

⁷² Wimsatt and Earp have observed a close relationship between Penn and Machaut Manuscript E; see Wimsatt, , Chaucer and the Poems of ‘Ch’, pp. 49–50Google Scholar and Earp, , Guillaume de Machaut, p. 115–16Google Scholar. Little is known about the origins of the Westminster Abbey manuscript, but it contains works by poets active at the French court, including Pisan, Chartier, Granson and Machaut (see ibid., pp. 110–11) and has several concordances with Penn. This source contains another two poems using the image of the fountain, one of which is discussed below.

⁷³ FSC 53/i no. 18; PMFC 19 no. 63. See Günther, , ‘Cuvelier’, New Grove Dictionary, iii, p. 107Google Scholar.

⁷⁴ The connection between these two songs was also noted by Strohm; see ‘The Ars Nova Fragments of Gent’, p. 115.

⁷⁵ In addition to the Jardin de plaisance (JP), this poem survives in GB-Lwa 21 (We), GB-Cth 12,F-Pn fr.1719, and I-Ta J.b.IX.10.

⁷⁶ For a discussion of this poem, its relation to the ‘concours de Blois’ and one of its sources (GB-Cth 12, copied 1406), see Dwyer, R.A., ‘Je meurs de soif a la fontaine’, French Studies, 23 (1969), pp. 225–9CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

⁷⁷ As I have shown elsewhere, the pairing of lyrics within a larger network in the manner seen here was common practice with Machaut. See Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’; and idem, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

⁷⁸ Colette, Beaune, ‘Costume et pouvoir en France á la fin du Moyen Age: Les devises royales vers 1400’, in Revue des Sciences Humaines, 183 (1981), pp. 128–30Google Scholar. According to Beaune, while it was customary for princes to bear the mottoes of their king, the reverse was rare.

⁷⁹ Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

⁸⁰ For a discussion of songs by Matteo that cite text and /or music by Machaut, see Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’.

⁸¹ Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’.

⁸² For arguments that the poem was composed for Bonne, see Wimsatt, and Kibler, , Guillaume de Machaut … Remede de Fortune, pp. 33–6Google Scholar. They defend Hoepffner's dating of the poem over Poirion's suggestion of c. 1350, though they concede that the poem was probably revised when Manuscript C was compiled between 1350–55 (ibid., p. 33). Machaut makes a veiled allusion to Bonne's name early on in the text (ibid., p. 33). A more explicit connection with the Valois is revealed by the reference to the garden at Hesdin, a favourite resort for the French royal household in the 1330s–60s. As Froissart recounts, Jean le Bon stayed there in December 1364 on his return from captivity in England (ibid., p. 36).

⁸³ For a list of works which are modelled on Machaut's poem see ibid., pp. 39–40.

⁸⁴ The baladelle was copied into Pit, I-Fn Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale, MS Panciatichi 26 (FP), and Reina (for a list of all the sources for this work, see Earp, Guillaume de Machaut, p. 317).

⁸⁵ See note 32 above.

⁸⁶ Louis II of Bourbon was a first cousin of King Jean II. He was raised alongside the dauphin Charles, who married Louis's sister, Jeanne, in 1350. Louis's father, Pierre I of Bourbon, had fought and been killed at the Battle of Poitiers in 1356. Louis spent most of the ensuing eight years in England as hostage for Jean's ransom and did not return permanently to France until October 1366; see D'Boulton, A. J., Knights of the Crown: The Monarchical Orders of Knighthood in Later Medieval Europe, 1325–1520 (Woodbridge and New York, 1987), pp. 271–2Google Scholar.

⁸⁷ Wimsatt, and Kibler, , Remede de Fortune, p. 53Google Scholar, where it is suggested that the manuscript may have provided Chaucer's first point of contact with the poem.

⁸⁸ The story behind Louis's adoption of the motto is as follows. After his return to the Bourbonnais in 1366, Louis gathered together his barons on Christmas Day, concluding his address to them by saying: ‘Et pour le bon espoir que j'ai en vous, aprés Dieu, d'ores en avant je porterai pour devise une seinture ou il aura escript ung joyeulx mot: Esperance’ (‘And because of the great hope that I have in you, after God, from this time forth I will wear as my device a belt on which will be written a joyful word: Esperance’) (Boulton, , Knights of the Crown, p. 272)Google Scholar. This episode is recounted by the chronicler d'Orronville, Jean Cabaret, Chronique du bon due Loys de Bourbon, ed. Chazaud, A.-M. (Paris, 1876), p. 8Google Scholar. The adoption of such devices became increasingly popular through the late Middle Ages. See Boulton, Knights of the Crown, and idem, ‘The Insignia of Power: The Use of Heraldic and Paraheraldic Devices by Italian Princes, c. 1350–1500’, in Rosenberg, C. M., ed., Art and Politics in Late Medieval and Early Renaissance Italy 1250–1500, pp. 103–27Google Scholar.

⁸⁹ GB-Cu 5943. For a facsimile and a discussion of the manuscript, its provenance and probable dating (1395–1401), see Rastall, R., Two Fifteenth-Century Song Books (Aberystwyth, 1990). This source also contains a version of a song from Reina, Le gai plaisirGoogle Scholar.

⁹⁰ Froissart, , Chronicles, ed. Thomas, Johnes (London 1839), i, Book 1, chapter 249, p. 397Google Scholar.

⁹¹ For the identification of Mayheut de Joan and Mayshuet with Matheus de Sancto Johanne, see Güinther, , ‘Matheus de Sancto Johanne’, New Grove Dictionary, xi, p. 820Google Scholar and the corroborating evidence put forward by Wathey, A., ‘The Peace of 1360–1369 and Anglo-French Musical Relations’, Early Music History, 9 (1989), pp. 147–50Google Scholar. Wathey casts doubt on the suggestion that the clerk Mathieu de monastere Saint Jehan who enjoyed preferments from Queen Joanna of Sicily in 1363 was the same man (ibid., p. 148). Another musician of northern French origin working in England at this time, the minstrel Jean de Pountoyse, was subsequently employed, like Matheus, by the Duke of Anjou (ibid., p. 148, and see below).

⁹² Bacco, G. Di and Nádas, J., paper read as part of the Study Session ‘The History of the Papal Chapel’ at the International Music Society Conference,London,19 August 1997.Google Scholar

⁹³ Enguerrand Coucy was among the French hostages taken to England in 1360 following the Treaty of Bretigny. At the end of 1365 Coucy was given leave to return to his lands in France with his new wife. At the time of the supplications, Enguerrand (presumably with Matheus as a member of his household) was at his castle in Coucy (near Laon); the following month Coucy travelled with his wife and new-born daughter back to England, returning to France once more in July 1367. For details of Enguerrand de Coucy's biography in this period, see Tuchman, B. W., A Distant Mirror: The Calamitous Fourteenth Century (Harmondsworth, 1979), pp. 219–21Google Scholar.

⁹⁴ Matheus is listed in a supplication to the Pope dated this year: see Hanquet, K., Documents relatifs au Grande Schisme, i: Suppliques de Clement VII (1378–1379), Analecta Vaticano-Belgica 8 (Rome, 1924), p. 109, no. 347Google Scholar. By the autumn of 1382, Matheus had moved to the Papal chapel. See Günther, ‘Matheus de Sancto Johanne’, p. 820, and Tomasello, , Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, pp. 252–3Google Scholar.

⁹⁵ Wathey, ‘The Peace of 1360–1369 ’, p. 156.

⁹⁶ Shortly after Louis proclaimed the adoption of this emblem, he founded the Order of the Golden Shield (Ordre de l'Escu), which bore a different motto, ‘Allen’ (Bourbonnais dialect for ‘allons’). In so doing, Bourbon became one of the first princes to establish a knightly order, and it seems likely that in this he took his inspiration from the newly created Order of the Collar founded in 1364 by his brother-in-law, Amadeus VI of Savoy. (For details about these and other monarchical orders of chivalry in the Middle Ages, see Boulton, Knights of the Crown). The Order of the Golden Shield does not seem to have survived beyond 1370; Bourbon's original device of the belt and ‘Esperance’ motto, on the other hand, not only continued to be used by the duke but was distributed by him to others, suggesting that this had itself become a pseudo-order of chivalry. The practice of joining devices (consisting of a ‘badge’ and a ‘motto’, in this case the belt and ‘Esperance’ respectively) to the heraldic arms and crest became increasingly common from the mid fourteenth-century. As Boulton points out, unlike heraldic arms ‘such devices were not characterised by exclusiveness, stability, or even a single pattern of use’. Thus, while someone would usually use a single shield of arms and a single crest throughout his life, several devices might be used concurrently, some just for brief periods and others for longer. Bourbon's device belongs to the stable category, though it is unclear whether it represented what Boulton terms an ‘ordinal device’, reflecting membership of a formally constituted chivalric order, or a ‘pseudo-ordinal device’, where membership did not entail strict adherence to corporate statutes. (See Boulton, , Tnsigna of Power’, pp. 107–9, and Knights of the Crown, pp. 273–4)Google Scholar.

⁹⁷ The duke is said to have given Du Guesclin ‘ung bel hanap d'or, esmaille de ses armes … et lui donna aussi une belle seincture d'or, tres-riche, de son ordre d'Esperance, laquelle il lui mit au col, dont le conestable le mercia, et en fut moult joyeux’ (‘a beautiful gold goblet, enamelled with his arms… and he gave him also a fine gold belt, very rich, of his order of Esperance, which he placed around his neck, for which the Constable thanked him and was most delighted’ (Jean, Cabaret d'Orronville, Chronique, p. 116)Google Scholar.

⁹⁸ ‘un escusson de ses armes, et des riches vestures de drap d'or et sa devise’ (ibid., p. 106). Bourbon sent the gifts via Trastamara's herald, who came to tender an invitation for Bourbon to visit Castille, which Louis did later that year. Bourbon travelled to see Henry in Castille that year, accompanied by a hundred gentlemen knights and squires, stopping first in Aragon, where he met the future King, Juan, Duke of Gerona, ‘qui moult aimoit les menestrels’. According to d'Orronville, Bourbon was received in Barcelona ‘si grandement que c'estoit merveilles’ (ibid., 108). After attending the wedding of the younger son of the Aragonese king and three days of festivities, Bourbon left for Castille to meet Henry. During his ten-day stay in Castille, Bourbon attended two further weddings: that of Henry's daughter to Charles, the future King of Navarre, and that of Henry's son (the future King of Castille) to Leonora, the daughter of the King of Aragon (pp. 106–8). It was for Leonora, by then Queen of Castille, that Senleches was working in 1382: his ballade Fuions de ci laments her death, which occurred in September of that year (see above). It is tempting to imagine that the occasion of Bourbon's visit to Castille, or perhaps Aragon, furnished the point of contact between Senleches and the Esperance rondeau, but about this we can only speculate. If Senleches was indeed active at the Aragonese court in the 1380s, he would have had occasion to meet some of Bourbon's musicians, since visits are recorded in 1384 and 1387 (see Gómez, , La música en la casa real Catalana-Aragonesa, pp. 69, 72)Google Scholar. The musicians visiting Aragon in 1384 included Estrumant, Marti de Sart and, perhaps significantly, a minstrel called Jacomi. Estrumant may be the same as the minstrel of that name employed in 1378–1379 by Juan of Aragon and one of a group of musicians, including Johani de Sent Luch and Jaquet de Noyon, who set off in March 1378 to attend the minstrel schools, travelling from Perpignan to Montpellier and Paris (ibid., p. 141). In 1390 ‘Stroman, menesterel de monseigneur le due de Bourbon’ is again mentioned in the records of payment of the court of Burgundy, for playing before Bourbon in Bruges (see Wright, C., Music at the Court of Burgundy, p. 193)Google Scholar. Records show that Bourbon was accompanied by four minstrels and a trumpeter when he visited Navarre in 1387 (Anglès, , História de la musica medieval en Navarra, p. 289)Google Scholar.

⁹⁹ Colette Beaune, ‘Costume et pouvoir en France’, p. 143 n. 73. A fourteenth-century houppelande bearing the motto ‘Esperance’ and Charles VI's personal emblem of the broom can be found at the Musée Historique des Tissus in Lyon; see reproduction in Piponnier, F., Costume et vie sociale a la cour d'Anjou XIV^e et XV^e siècles (Paris and The Hague, 1970), p. 346, pl. 8bGoogle Scholar.

¹⁰⁰ The story attached to the picture implies that Charles VI himself founded the Order of Esperance. Finding himself lost while out hunting in the forest near Toulouse in 1389, the king made a vow to the Virgin, addressed especially to the chapel of Notre Dame de Bonne Esperance in the Eglise des Carmes. Soon afterwards, he heard the hunting horns that enabled him to rejoin his companions; he then distributed to the princes and nobles accompanying him a gold belt bearing the word ‘Esperance’. Represented in the picture with the king were the following lords: Charles's younger brother Louis, Duke of Touraine; Louis, Duke of Bourbon; Pierre de Navarre, Court of Evreux; Henri de Bar; Philippe d'Artois, Count of Eu; Olivier de Clisson (who had succeeded Bertran du Guesclin as Constable of France); and Enguerrand, Sire of Coucy. Their names and coats of arms were indicated below, while at the top of the picture there was a sort of frieze with two angles carrying a banner on which was thrice written the word ‘Esperance’. See Pouy, F., Peinture et gravure représentant le roi Charles VI et les chevaliers de l'Ordre d'Esperance, Philippe d'Artois, Enguerrand de Coucy etc., dans l'Eglise des Carmes à Toulouse (Amiens, 1888)Google Scholar.

¹⁰¹ Louis of Anjou's attentions, however, had long focused on his own ambitions; in the 1370s he had opposed Aragon in an attempt to gain sovereignty over the kingdom of Majorca and thus to reclaim Roussillon. As royal lieutenant of the Languedoc in the 1360s and 1370s, Louis of Anjou already controlled much of the land south of the Dordogne, including the sénéchausées of Nîmes, Beaucaire and Carcassone. For an account of Louis of Anjou's conflict with Aragon over Majorca, see Coville, A., La vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d'Anjou-Provence de 1380 à 1435 (Paris, 1941), pp. 51–64Google Scholar.

¹⁰² As Joanna's heir, Louis of Anjou stood to inherit the kingdom of Naples and Sicily and the counties of Provence, Folcalquier and Piedmont. Urban VI had declared Queen Joanna a ‘schismatic, heretic and blasphemer’ (Valois, N., La France et le Grand Schisme d'Occident, ii (Paris, 1896), p. 8)Google Scholar.

¹⁰³ In January 1382, the Duke of Anjou swore before Charles VI, the Dukes of Burgundy and Bourbon, the king's counsellor and the papal ambassadors that he would set off by 1 May. According to Valois (ibid., pp. 20–3), part of the cause of the delay in Anjou's response was because he was waiting for assurances of allegiance and support from Provence.

¹⁰⁴ Amadeus of Savoy, who was closed related by marriage to the Valois (he was married to the sister of Louis of Bourbon), agreed to allow the Angevin army to cross his lands and to accompany Anjou at the head of 1, 200 troops. Ibid., p. 34.

¹⁰⁵ Bernabò was to finance these troops for six months; as part of the marriage agreement, he was also to provide a dowry of 20, 000 florins. For an account of the negotiations, see ibid, pp. 32–3, and Cognasso, F. et al. , Storia di Milano, V (Milan, 1955), pp. 511–13Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁶ Bernabò had married his offspring into some of the most powerful ruling families of Europe, including Austria, Bavaria, Württemberg, Cyprus, Mantua and Armagnac; see Bueno, D. M. de Mesquita, Giangaleazzo Visconti (Cambridge, 1941), p. 25Google Scholar. The other side of the Visconti family already had close marital links with France: Bernabò's nephew and co-ruler Giangaleazzo had married Isabelle, the daughter of Jean II of France (sister of Louis of Anjou), in 1360. Romano has suggested that Giangaleazzo overthrew Bernabò because he feared that the marriage arrangement would have rendered Bernabò all too powerful, see ‘Il primo matrimomo di Lucia Visconu e la Rovina di Bernabò’. Archivio Storico Lombardo, 20 (1893), pp. 606–7Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁷ For an account of Anjou's reception in Milan, see Mirot, L., ‘Un document inédit sur la recontre de Valentine Visconti et des seigneurs de Milan avec Louis d'Anjou en juillet 1382’, Bollettino Storico-Bibliografico, 17Google Scholar. Froissart gives a short account in which he emphasises the regal treatment given to Anjou by the Visconti and their subjects (Raynaud, Gaston, ed., Chroniques, x (Paris, 1897), p. 172)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁸ Valois, , La France et le Grand Schisme, p. 70Google Scholar. By the time of the ceremony Anjou was in Naples, soon to meet his demise. He was represented at the ceremony in Milan by the Bishop of Beauvais, his chamberlain Regnauld Bréssile, and Enguerrand of Coucy, by then one of the most important figures in France. It is perhaps no coincidence that, as we have seen, Coucy was one of the knights represented on the mural at the Eglise des Carmes said to depict the knights of the Order of Esperance (see above). A further occasion might have been when Bernabò's ambassadors visited Louis of Anjou's widow in November 1384 to communicate Bernabò's pledge of continued support for the campaign. The ambassadors went on to Paris to obtain the royal assent to the plan, which was granted in February 1385 (Cognasso, , Storia di Milano, p. 514)Google Scholar.

¹⁰⁹ See Wilkins, ‘Some Notes on Philipoctus de Caserta’, pp. 84–6. Strohm followed Pirrotta in suggesting that Philippus might have composed Par les bons Gedéon in Italy in response to the election of Clement VII, which took place in September 1378 at Fondi, near Caserta (‘Filipotto de Caserta’, p. 69). He suggested that Par le grant sens may have been composed in Milan in connection with the Angevin visit in 1382 (The Rise of European Music, p. 59). Given the details of the text, Par le grant sens must date from after July 1381, when Durazzo ousted Joanna and took control of Naples; it seems likely that it was composed between January 1382, when Louis of Anjou formally undertook to organise the campaign, and September 1382, when news of Joanna's death finally reached the Duke of Anjou.

¹¹⁰ On hearing of Clement's election in 1378, Louis of Anjou immediately declared his support and ordered his subjects to do likewise. His brother Charles V was more reticent and did not make a proclamation until weeks later. Louis sent embassies to various Italian courts, including that of Giangaleazzo Visconti, to rally support for the Avignon pope. See N. Valois, ‘Louis I^er due d'Anjou et le Grand Schisme d'Occident, 1378–1380’, Revue des Questions Historiques, January 1892, pp. 115–58. Louis of Anjou was declared a heretic by Urban VI on 13 May 1384.

¹¹¹ Romano, ‘Il primo matrimonio’.

¹¹² As Valois, N. has suggested, ‘Giangaleazzo secretly purported to support Avignon (La France et le Grand Schisme, i, p. 155)Google Scholar, and Bernabò, who has been represented as a staunch Urbanist, was also clearly on good terms with Clement (ibid., ii, pp. 32–3). The dispensation for Giangaleazzo's marriage in 1380 to his cousin Catherine (daughter of Bernabò), however, was granted by Urban VI (Bueno de Mesquita, Giangaleazzo Visconti, p. 24 n. 2). Giangaleazzo's support of Clement VII became more overt after Bernabò's death in 1385 as a result of Giangaleazzo's desire to ally himself more closely to the Valois, which was fulfilled when his daughter Valentina married Louis of Touraine. In late 1385 and again in 1386, papal emissaries from Avignon visited Milan; at Valentina's marriage Giangaleazzo is said to have given the king great hope that he would declare his support for Clement and make his subjects do likewise (Valois, , La France et le Grand Schisme, ii, pp. 136–7)Google Scholar.

¹¹³ The two main themes represented in Philippus's texts (courtly love and praise of patrons) cut across what Reaney and Strohm identify as the two contrasting compositional styles found in Philippus's chansons: the major-prolation works (which Strohm suggests are in a style reminiscent of Cuvelier and Egidius) including En remirant, De ma dolour and Enatendant souffrir (the three songs cited by Ciconia), and the predominately minor-prolation works Par les bons Gedéon, Il n 'est nulz horns and Par le grant sens d'Adriane la sage. Strohm suggests that the latter group, which he describes as featuring more angular melodies, leaping contratenors and the use of untransposed mode one, may represent a slightly earlier style (The Rise of European Music, p. 59). These criteria are not entirely convincing as arguments for chronology. In fact, Par le grant sens shares the same mode as En remirant (one-flat g); as I have shown elsewhere, Philippus is consistent in his use of the common minor tonal type, and his use of it in the untransposed (natural) gamut rather than the twice-transposed (two-flat) gamut may reflect considerations of tessitura rather than chronology (see Plumley, , The Grammar of Fourteenth-Century Melody, pp. 85–6)Google Scholar. A characteristic leaping motif is present at the beginning of the contratenor parts of Il n'est nulz horns, Par le grant sens and En remirant.

¹¹⁴ See note 91 above.

¹¹⁵ This follows Tomasello's interpretation in Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, p. 41. Amadeus VI of Savoy was known as the Green Count because of the green livery that he adopted for himself and his household. Nádas and Di Bacco, in contrast, argue that Indite flos may date from as early as 1378 on the grounds that there is documentary evidence (unfortunately not cited) that Clement had French and Spanish support right from the start of Schism: see ‘The Papal Chapels and Italian Sources of Polyphony’, p. 47 n. 7. They suggest that the work may have been written by Matheus from a position within Clement VII's chapel, where he is documented between 1382 and 1387; their proposal that Matheus may have been with Clement in Italy at the time of the latter's election seems unlikely, given that in November 1378 the musician belonged to Louis of Anjou's household – Matheus probably transferred to the papal chapel some time in early 1382 in anticipation of Louis of Anjou's imminent departure to Italy.

¹¹⁶ Tomasello, , Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, p. 42Google Scholar. For contemporary accounts of the procession that took place on 29 May 1382, see that given in Le Petit Thalamus de Montpellier, cited in Lehoux, F., Jean de France, Due de Berri. Sa vie, son action polilique 1340–1416, ii (Paris, 1966), p. 64 n. 3;Google Scholar and Froissart, , Chroniques, x, p. 171. Present were the Dukes of Savoy and Berry, the Pope, cardinals and ‘motz autres grans senhors’Google Scholar.

¹¹⁷ Ibid., p. 157.

¹¹⁸ Coville, , La vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d'Anjou-Provence, p. 395Google Scholar. Coville emphasised that from 1379 to 1410 nearly all the figures of any political, juridical or religious significance passed through Avignon and the Angevin domains. Louis of Anjou's chancellor Jean Le Fèvre, Bishop of Chartes, was a frequent visitor to Avignon, and Louis himself had a residence nearby at Pont-des-Sorgues (ibid., pp. 22–3).

¹¹⁹ In his chronicle, the Monk of St Denis emphasised the devout nature of Louis of Anjou and suggested that, more than any other prince, Louis loved to maintain a large number of clerks to sing God's praises, rewarding them with rich clothes and considerable financial sums. See Chronique du Religieux de Saint-Denys, contenant le règne de Charles VI, de 1380 à 1422, i, ed. Bellaguet, M. L., Collection de Documents Inédits sur l'Histoire de France (Paris, 1839–1852), p. 326Google Scholar. We know that Louis kept a sizable chapel from the 1370s onwards and that he employed a number of minstrels in the 1360s and 1370s. FPn fonds fr. 27509 (P.O. 1025) ‘dossier de Douxmesnil’ (23456) no. 4 indicates that in 1377 the chapel comprised the master chaplain, Robert de Douxmesnil, nine other chaplains and four clerks. One of these clerks must have been Matheus de Sancto Johanne, who is described as a clerk from the duke's chapel in the supplication made to Clement VII the following year, 1378. Alist of minstrels employed by Anjou in the period 1368−81 and corresponding sources are given in Prost, B., Inventaires mobiliers et extraits des comptes des dues de Bourgogne de la maison de Valois, i (Paris, 1902), pp. 240–1 n. 7Google Scholar.

¹²⁰ One such man was Antoine de la Ratta, Count of Caserta and procurator of Joanna I, who played a key role in the organisation of the Naples campaign and became Louis of Anjou's counsellor in April 1382. Antoine de la Ratta was present at the festivities held in May 1382 near Avignon to celebrate the impending campaign with which I suggest Inclite flos and Philippus de Caserta's three songs may have been connected; see Coville, , La vie intellectuelle dans les domaines d'Anjou-Provence, p. 358Google Scholar. In February 1382 Antoine de la Ratta, accompanied by certain Italian cardinals, met with the Pope to discuss Anjou's plans for the campaign and the prospective alliances with Savoy and Milan (see Le Fevre, Jean, Evêque de chartres, Journal, ed. Moranvillé, H. (Paris, 1887), pp. 16, 33, 35)Google Scholar.

¹²¹ As mentioned earlier, Günther has tentatively identified our composer with the papal chaplain Philippus Roberti. Documents reveal that this singer was with Clement VII in Fondi in 1379 and that, along with fellow papal chaplain Thomas la Caille, he had previously been a member of Cardinal Robert of Geneva's household before his election to the papacy. In a document dated 1373, Roberti is described as chaplain, commensual and longtime familiar of Robert of Geneva. At this time the singer held chaplaincies at St-Paul-de-Léon and Laon, and was waiting for canonicates in Paris and Thérouanne (Tomasello, , Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, p. 257)Google Scholar. Perhaps significantly, neither Philippus Roberti nor Thomas la Caille features in the list of papal chaplains dated 1382 that includes Matheus de Sancto Johanne. In August 1384 Matheus obtained a prebend in Seclin (Tournai) that had been vacated by la Caille's death, and we know that Philippus Roberti had died outside the curia by January of the same year, since one of his benefices fell vacant at that time. At present it is not possible to establish a definite connection between Philippus Roberti and the composer Philippus de Caserta. However, if nothing else, the evidence from this man's career confirms that French chaplains were present in Italy with Popes Gregory XI and Clement VII during the papacy's return there from 1376 to 1379, a further reminder of the significance of the papal court as aninterface between French and Italian culture in this period.

¹²² For an account of musicians employed in the papal chapel, see ibid., and for Clement VII's patronage of secular musicians, see ibid., p. 40 and p. 166 n. 180.

¹²³ Guiliano Di Bacco has recently shown that, in fact, there were two musicians by the name of Johannes Rogerii working in the papal chapel in 1394: see ‘Documenti Vaticani per la storia della musica durante il grande scisma (1378–1417)’, Quaderni Storici, 32 (1997), p. 369–70Google Scholar (I am grateful to Guiliano Di Bacco for showing me this article prior to its publication). The one that concerns us here carried the alias ‘de Wattignies’. Wattignies's career provides fascinating insight into the career possibilities for such musicians: he spent much of his career serving the Pope and the Duke of Burgundy in alternation. Tomasello has cast doubt, however, on whether the musician Johannes Rogerii working for the King of Aragon in 1394 was the same man (see Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, p. 246–7). For details on the career of Johannes Fabri, see ibid., p. 240–1.

¹²⁴ Such mobility between employers appears to have been quite typical at this time; it remains quite possible, therefore, that Senleches was in Avignon in the spring of 1382, the date proposed here for the composition of the En attendant songs. Senleches may have travelled southwards when the cardinal went to plead Clement VII's case at the meetings held in 1380–1 at Medina del Campo concerning Castille's position in the Schism. For details regarding the discussions held at Medina del Campo, see Valois, , La France et le Grand Schisme, ii, pp. 201–6Google Scholar. The French sent legal advisors, including an envoy of Louis of Anjou, the lawyer Jean d'Aramon (ibid., p. 206). But even if Senleches was already based in Spain in the first half of 1382, like so many other minstrels he would surely have travelled to other courts and probably to the minstrel schools, and, if so, it is very likely that he would have had occasion to visit Avignon and also the court of Anjou. Instead, following the positive outcome of the discussions at Medina del Campo, relations between Anjou and Castille grew closer, the two leaders forming a political alliance in November 1381; see Le, Fèvre, Journal, p. 6Google Scholar. Castilian ambassadors travelled to Paris to renew an existing alliance between France and Castille in April 1381 (Valois, , La France et le Grand Schisme, ii, p. 205)Google Scholar. As we have seen, Louis of Anjou's clerk Matheus de Sancto Johanne celebrated the Castilian support of the Clementist cause in the ballade Indite flos. There seem also to have been musical contacts between Castille and Anjou prior to this: a document of payment records a visit by the minstrels of the King of Castille's brother to Anjou's court in Roquemaine in November 1374 (F-Pn fonds fr. collection Clairambault 215 no. 84).

¹²⁵ See note 91 above.

¹²⁶ A chaplain of this name was working for the King of Portugal in 1378, as a petit vicaire at Cambrai in 1384 and at the papal chapel at Avignon in 1394 (see Günther, , ‘Hasprois, Johannes Symonis’, New Grove Dictionary, viii, pp. 276–7)Google Scholar. Güinther suggests that Hasprois may be identified with the vielle-player of King Charles V, Jehan Simon, who visited the court of Anjou in 1370 (‘Simon le menesterel de vielle du roy’: F-Pn, fonds fr. 1863 f. 25v) and that of Aragon in 1370 (described in the records as ‘maestre Simo, ministril del rey de Francia’: Gómez, , La música en la casa real Catalano-Aragonesa, p. 69)Google Scholar, 1371 (ibid., p. 179), and possibly 1379. In 1381 a ‘maestre Simon’ was working for the King of Navarre (ibid., p. 52). Tomasello is more cautious about identifying the papal singer Johannes Hasprois with this minstrel, since the name Jean Simon is a common one (Music and Ritual at Papal Avignon, pp. 248–9). Di Bacco has recently uncovered a document that names this papal chaplain ‘Johanni Simonis alias Hasprois’ confirming the identification of this singer with the Chantilly composer (‘Documenti Vaticani’, p. 363).

¹²⁷ These are the Ch song Fumeux fume by Solage, who is thought to have served the Duke of Berry (Louis of Anjou's brother), and a series of ‘fumeur’ poems by Deschamps, a poet active at the court of Louis of Orléans (brother of Charles VI and Louis of Anjou's nephew). See Plumley, ‘Intertextuality in the Fourteenth-Century Chanson’; also idem, ‘Solage’, in the revised New Grove Dictionary (London, forthcoming). It may be that Jaquet returned to work for Louis of Anjou for some time between 1379 and 1383, but even if he had remained in Aragon the improvement in the political relations between Anjou and Aragon after 1381 may have enabled him to visit his former place of employment. In November 1381 attempts were being made to mend the political rift between Anjou and Aragon, in the form of negotiations to marry Louis's two sons to Juan's two daughters, a political strategy that was soon superseded as Anjou saw the expediency of allying himself in this way to Bernabò Visconti (Le, Fèvre, Journal, p. 6)Google Scholar. Whether or not this was the case, the frequent passage of Juan of Aragon's musicians through Avignon and the constant contact between the papal court and that of Louis of Anjou implies that musical contact between the courts of Anjou and Aragon never ceased entirely.

¹²⁸ Like Matheus de Sancto Johanne (Je chante ung chant) and Galiot (En attendant d'amer), Altacuria (Haucourt) composed an isorhythmic rondeau (Se doit il plus) that has survived in Chantilly. A personal relationship between Matheus and Altacuria is further hinted at in Matheus's rondeau, which appears to cite from a virelai by Altacuria. For this and a summary of Altacuria's career, see Y. Plumley, ‘Haucourt’, in the revised New Grove Dictionary (forthcoming). Like his fellow papal chaplain Wattignies, Altacuria worked as a canon at Laon, remaining there until at least 1413.

¹²⁹ Since completing this article I have discovered further evidence that suggests a tangible connection between Philippus de Caserta and Matheus Sanctojohanne: the latter's ballade Sans vous ne puis shares textual material with Philippus's En remirant. For a full discussion, see Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’. To this group of composers one might add Vaillant, also represented in Ch. Vaillant may provide a further link with the court of the Duke of Berry if he can be identified with the clerk or secretary of that name who held high office there between 1377 and 1387 (see Günther, ‘Vaillant’, New Grove Dictionary, xix, p. 487). Like Senleches, Vaillant also wrote a realistic virelai, the much-copied Par maintes fois. One of the sources for this song is I-GR 197, a fragment that also contains Philippus de Caserta's En atendant souffrir. A further connection with the En attendant songs is that, like Galiot's En attendant d'amer and the two rondeaux by Matheus and Altacuria mentioned above, Vaillant's rondeau Pour ce que is isorhythmic.

¹³⁰ See Plumley, ‘Ciconia's Sus une fontayne’. Each of the songs cited by Ciconia contains a quotation: in En remirant and Da ma dolour the citations are textual, while in En atendant souffrir, as we have seen, there is a hidden musical allusion. It is interesting to note that a possible reference to the ‘Esperance’ theme in Sus une fontayne occurs immediately after the quotation of the opening phrases of En atendant souffrir.