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A Case of Attempted Segmental Modernization: Rampur State, 1930–1939

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  03 June 2009

Lance Brennan
Affiliation:
The Flinders University of South Australia

Extract

The last major bastions of dynastic rule exist among the Muslim states of the Middle East. In the last thirty years, as they have emerged from under the “protective” umbrella of European domination, the rulers of Iran, Saudi Arabia, and the Gulf States have attempted to maintain their personal control while coping with problems, on the one hand of unstable external conditions, and on the other of the pursuit of economic and administrative modernization. Their successes and, more recently, their failures, have held the attention of the world. In some ways their predicament represents a more acute aspect of the problem confronting some of the Indian princes in the 1930s when, as British dominance in the subcontinent was increasingly challenged by the Indian National Congress, they attempted to lead their states on the first halting steps towards modernity.

Type
The Autonomy of the Dependent
Copyright
Copyright © Society for the Comparative Study of Society and History 1981

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References

An earlier version of this article was presented at a conference on “Modernization in South Asia” convened by the University of Rajasthan in 1978. I would like to express my appreciation to my colleagues at Jaipur, and also to Riaz Hassan and Robin Jeffrey for their criticism and assistance.

1 The Indian princely states were so varied that there was no single pattern of social, economic, or political development. See Jeffrey, Robin, ed., People, Princes and Paramount Power (New Delhi, 1978).Google Scholar For a discussion of the process in Hyderabad, see Elliott, Carolyn M., “Decline of a Patrimonial Regime: The Telengana Rebellion in India, 1946–1951,” Journal of Asian Studies 34(1974), 2748.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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4 The prime example of this kind of change has been Iran under Mohammed Reza Shah Pahlavi. For an interesting insight into the ideas of this ruler, see Bayne, E. A., Persian Kingship in Transition: Conversations with a Monarch Whose Office is Traditional and Whose Goal is Modernization (New York, 1968)Google Scholar; see also Madhavy, H., “The Coming Crisis in Iran,” Foreign Affairs 44 (1965), 134–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Chapman, Richard A., “Administrative Reform in Saudi Arabia,” Journal of Administration Overseas, 13 (1974), 332–47.Google Scholar

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12 Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur State [probably compiled by K. B. Abu Mohammed, revenue minister Rampur, and given by B. H. Zaidi, acting chief minister, to political secretary, Government of India] July 1933, in Government of India, Foreign and Political Department [hereafter cited as For. Pol.] 419–P/33, National Archives of India [hereafter cited as NAI], New Delhi.

13 Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur, State, July 1933Google Scholar, in Government of India, For. Pol. 419–P/33, NAI. See, for comparison, Brennan, L., Land Policy and Social Change in Northern India: Rohilkhand, 1800–1911 (Nedlands, Western Australia, 1978), 105–21Google Scholar; and Brennan, L., “Political Change in Rohilkhand” (D. Phil, thesis. University of Sussex, 1972), 2142.Google Scholar For a description of contemporary agrarian conflict in the United Provinces, see Pandey, Gyanendra, The Ascendancy of the Congress in Uttar Pradesh 1926–34 (Delhi, 1978).Google Scholar

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15 Meston, to Nawab, , 12 November 1917Google Scholar, Meston Papers, MSS. Eur. F 136/4, India Office Records [hereafter cited as IOR], London. For the Nawab's efforts to put down the Khilafat agitation in Rampur, see RMR file 4, temporary basta 247, RRO. For a similar case involving the Sikh rulers of the Punjab states, see Ramuzak, Barbara, “Punjab States: Maharajahs and Gurdwaras: Patiala and the Sikh Community,”Google Scholar in Jeffrey, , People, Princes, pp. 183–93.Google Scholar

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22 A list of non-Rampuris employed between 1930 and early 1934 includes ministers on Rs 1,000 per month, and an office stationery keeper on Rs 8 per month. The degrees held by the young graduates were an M.A. (Aligarh), an M.A. (Allahabad), a B.A. (Agra), a B.Com. (Lucknow), and a B.Sc. (Agra). Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 29, 123–58, 205Google Scholar. For an assessmem of the motivation behind the nawab's recruitment policy, see Symons, R. S., I.C.S., “Memoir,’ MSS. Eur. F 180/82, IOR.Google Scholar

23 Symons, “Memoir,” characterizes Saiyid Abu Muhammad Khan, the minister most disliked by the Rohillas, as “a bull-necked man with an obsessive respect for rules and regulations.” It is relatively easy to see why Rohilla officers, used to the more relaxed ways of his (Abu Muhammad's) predecessors, would fall afoul of his concern for the letter of the law.

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25 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 125, 147–48.Google Scholar The hostility to the Bahais in Iran because of their suspected influence with the shah bears some similarity to the Sunni antagonism to the Shias in Rampur, though the shah, in spite of his secular leanings was a Shia himself. See Binder, , Iran, 161–63.Google Scholar

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27 In Iran the land was supposed to be transferred from the landlords and religious trusts (waqf) to the cultivators, whereas in Rampur the cultivators came into direct contact with the state, and therefore there was less opportunity for the avoidance of the reforms. Notes on the Revenue System in Rampur, For. Pol. 419–P/33, NAI; Binder, , Iran. 305, 312Google Scholar; Halliday, . Iran: Dictatorship and Development, 103–37.Google Scholar

28 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 39Google Scholar. The motivation for this restriction was laudable: the nawab was anxious to reduce violent crime among the hot-blooded Rohillas.

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32 Military advisor, Punjab State Forces, to staff officer, military advisor-in-chief, 5 January and 3 July 1931, For. Pol. 107–1/1930, NAI.

33 Special Report on Rampur State Forces at Conclusion of Training Year 1931–2, For. Pol. 107–1/1930, NAI.

34 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 8185.Google Scholar

35 Stubbs, to Nawab, , 2 November 1931Google Scholar, RMR file 2, temporary basta 341, RRO. It is not clear why Stubbs did not bring greater pressure to bear, but he may well have been more concerned about nationalist agitation and the disastrously low grain prices at the time. In common with other rulers, the nawab used his great hospitality to blunt the perception of the British about state affairs. The above file also contains details of the sumptuous Christmas party given in 1933 by the nawab for numerous British guests.

36 Ali, Asaf to Zaidi, B. H., 3 June 1933Google Scholar, RMR file 30, temporary basta 382, RRO.

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38 Clay, J. M. (chief secretary, United Provinces) to political agent, Rampur, 17 February 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR; Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 5657.Google Scholar

39 Williamson, R. H. (commissioner of Rohilkhand and political agent), Notes on Events in Rampur, 10 October 1933, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI.Google Scholar

40 Wahab, Maulvi Abdul was principal of the Jamait ul-marif madrassa.Google Scholar

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42 Memo by Pierce, A., 20 October 1933, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI.Google Scholar

43 Note by Sir Hailey, Malcolm, 8 November 1933, L/P/13/1455, IOR. “Khan, Truth about Rampur, 102–3.Google Scholar

45 Khan, Saulat Ali attended Colvin Taluqdars School, Lucknow. Interview with Saulat Ali's son, Rabat Ali Khan, Karachi, 24 January 1979.Google Scholar

46 Interviews with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 and 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

47 Compare Williamson, R. H., Notes on Events in Rampur (10 October 1933Google Scholar, For. Pol. 731–P(Secret)/1933, NAI) with Note by Sir Hailey, Malcolm (8 November 1933, 17 P/13/1455, IOR).Google Scholar

48 Interviews with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 and 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

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50 In 1960 Iranian oil income was US$285 million; in 1976, US$20,488 million. Halliday, , Iran, Dictatorship and Development, 26, 101, 143Google Scholar; Mansfield, , The Arabs, 528–29.Google Scholar

51 Williamson made marginal notes in a copy of Khan's book, The Truth about Rampur, indicating which specific adjustments would have to be made. Interview with Khan, Khadim Ali, 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

52 Saulat Ali Khan resigned as chairman six months later when the chief minister asked the Municipal Council to pass a resolution in favor of the minister responsible for local self-government. Interview with Khan, Khadim Ali, Karachi, 24 January 1979.Google Scholar

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54 J. M. Clay (chief secretary, United Provinces) to Wingate, W. E. L. (officiating political secretary, Government of India) 21 June 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159 IOR; interviews with Khadim Ali Khan, Rabat Ali Khan, Zakur Ali Khan (son-in-law of Saulat Ali Khan), Karachi, , 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

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56 Clay, to Wingate, , 21 June 1934Google Scholar; Minute by Wingate, , 16 August 1934Google Scholar, on Report, Committee Investigating Riot and Shooting, both CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

57 He would have preferred confederation rather than federation, and he doubted the benefits of political reform in India: “… the Indian Princes should remember that plans and systems particular to Western genius cannot thrive in the East, which is so different from the West.” Civil & Military Gazette (Lahore), 13 June 1931, RMR temporary basta 333, RRO.Google Scholar

58 For example, in 1936 Khadim AH Khan returned to a position in the administration. The Legislative Committee now included six nonofficials, three elected by the Municipal Council, three rural members nominated by the Government, and eight official members.

59 Zaidi, Bashir Husain to Khan, Saulat Ali, 18 February 1937Google Scholar, quoted in memorial of Saulat Ali Khan et al. to Jinnah, Mohammad Ali, circa March 1939Google Scholar, in Rampur file, All-India Muslim League Papers [hereafter cited as AIML Papers], Archives of the Freedom Movement [hereafter cited as AFM], University of Karachi.

60 Zaidi, to Khan, Saulat Ali, memorial, 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers; Fortnightly Report on the Political Situation in Gwalior, Rampur, and Banaras, States [hereafter cited as FR] 2 June 1937Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1542 IOR; Hindustan Times, 20 September 1937, p. 3.Google Scholar

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65 FR 15 January 1938Google Scholar, L/P/13/1455, IOR; Report of the Commission on Unemployment and Industrial Development in Rampur, , January 1938, CRR R/2/802/31, IOR.Google Scholar

66 Saulat Ali Khan refused to serve on the Unemployment Commission and later went to live in Bareilly. Khan, Saulat Ali et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM; Aziz Ahmad Khan, by then Muslim League M.L.A. for Bareilly in the United Provinces Legislative Assembly, had attempted to regain some prestige in Rampur by raising the agitation for discussion in the Legislative Assembly but had been refused permission to do so by the Governor, Sir Haig, Harry. Leader, 19 September 1937, p. 10.Google Scholar

67 A league had been formed in June 1937 from the various groups in Rampur. Saulat Ali Khan was included but, though he accompanied a National League delegation to see Jinnah, in March 1939Google Scholar, he claimed he was not a member of the National League. Ali Khan, Saulat et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM.

68 FR 16 April 1938, CRR R/l/29/1680, IOR. One of the advantages for industrialists setting up factories in Rampur had been the laxity of the labor regulations.

69 See Jeffrey, , People, Princes, 2224.Google Scholar The Indian National Congress joined coalition governments in two other provinces.

70 FR 16 June 1938 and 17 August 1938, CRR R/l/29/1680, IOR.

71 Extract FR for second half August 1939, L/P/13/1455, IOR.

72 “Aims and Objectives of the National League, Rampur State (U.P.),” circa late 1938Google Scholar, Rampur file, AIML Papers, AFM.

73 Fisher (resident at Gwalior and political agent to Rampur) to Herbert, C. G. (joint secretary, Political Department), 18 January 1940Google Scholar, CRR R/2/802/32, IOR.

74 FR 14 July 1937, L/P/13/1456, IOR; see also Symons's description of his largely successful efforts to implement financial control and to work as a triumvirate with the nawab and Zaidi to institute agricultural development, in his “Memoir,” MSS. Eur. F 180/82, IOR.

75 FR 22 September 1937, CRR R/l/29/1542, IOR. His lack of interest in Rampur is clear because he was “on tour”—that is, outside Gwalior—for only nineteen days in 1939.1. Copland, “The Other Guardians: Ideology and Performance in the Indian Political Service,” in Jeffrey, , People, Princes, 279.Google Scholar

76 Haig, to Brabourne, Lord (acting governor general of India), 21 October 1938Google Scholar, CRR R/ 1/29/1934, IOR.

77 Fisherto, Glancy, B. (political adviser to viceroy), 25 January 1939,Google Scholar and extract FR for second half March 1939, both in CRR R/l/29/1918, lOR; Fisher, to Herbert, , 18 January 1940Google Scholar, CRR R/2/802/32, IOR; Ali Khan, Saulat et al. to Ali Jinnah, Mohammed, circa March 1939,Google Scholar Rampur file, AIML Papers. AFM.

78 Fisher, to Glancy, , 25 January 1939,Google Scholar CRR R/l/29/1918, IOR.

79 Fisher, to Herbert, , 7 March 1939Google Scholar and Saloway, R. H. (revenue minister, Rampur) to Fisher, 28 February 1939Google Scholar, both in Political Department (Political Branch) 11 (3)-P/39, NAI; extracts, Gwalior Residency Situation Report, second half October 1939, and second half November 1939, both in L/P/13/1455, IOR.

80 National Herald (Lucknow), 12 March 1940, p. 1Google Scholar; cf. ibid., 2 February 1940, p. 3, for an incisive attack on the constitution by a Congress party leader from Moradabad.

81 Khan, , Truth about Rampur, 37Google Scholar; Hailey, to Mieville, , 10 May 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR; interviews with Khadim Ali Khan and Ali Khan, Rabat, Karachi, 26 January 1979.Google Scholar

82 See, for example, Hailey's comments on the nawab's reprimand of the jail authorities who had given hospital diet to an old man after he had been awarded “twenty-four stripes for failing to fulfil his full task of grinding corn.” Hailey, to Mieville, , 12 April 1934Google Scholar, CRR R/l/29/1159, IOR.

83 Compare the image of the shah in Bayne, , Persian Kingship,Google Scholar with that conveyed ten years later in Karanuja, R. K., The Mind of a Monarch (London, 1977).Google Scholar

84 For example, as a student in Allahabad, Khadim Ali Khan had resided in the center of advanced political thinking in the United Provinces and had been addressed by Jawaharlal Nehru on the topic of Soviet Russia. Interview 24 January 1979.

85 See, for example, Binder, , Iran, 319–43.Google Scholar

86 Halliday, , Iran, Dictatorship and Development, 290.Google Scholar