The author, who takes full responsibility for the views expressed herein, would like to thank Ken Lockridge, Steve Webster, Tony Spalinger. Rick Halpern, John Saville, Eric Hobsbawm, Dorothy and Edward Thompson and the anonymous readers of this journal for commenting on earlier drafts.

¹ Genovese, Eugene and Genovese, Elisabeth-Fox, “The Political Crisis of Social History: Class Struggle as Subject and Object,” in Fruits of Merchant Capital: Slavery and Bourgeois Property in the Rise and Expansion of Capitalism (New York, 1983), 179–212Google Scholar; Judt, Tony, “A Crown in Regal Purple: Social History and the Historians,” History Workshop, 7 (1979), 66–94CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and Eley, Geoff and Wield, Keith, “Why Does Social History Ignore Politics?,” Social History, 5 (1980), 249–71CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁸ E.g., Stearns, Peter, Revolutionary Syndicalism and French Labor: A Cause without Rebels (New York, 1971)Google Scholar.

⁹ In addition to the books reviewed below, we had the monumental contribution of Montgomery, David, The Fall of the House of Labor: The Workplace, the State and American Labor Activism, 1865–1925 (Cambridge, 1987)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Ollsen, Eric, The Red Feds: Revolutionary Industrial Unionism and the New Zealand Federation of Labour, 1908–14 (Auckland, New Zealand, 1988)Google Scholar.

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¹² See especially Tomlins, Christopher, The State and the Unions: Labor Relations, Law and the Organized Labor Movement in America, 1880–1960 (Cambridge, 1985)Google Scholar, and Friedman, Gerald, “The State and the Making of the Working Class, France and the United States, 1880- 1914,” Theory and Society, 17 (1988), 401–30Google Scholar. Fink, Leon criticized culturalism in Workingmen's Democracy: The Knights of Labor and American Politics (Urbana, III., 1983)Google Scholar. For a synthesis of the “new” and the new “old,” see Nelson, Bruce, Workers on the Waterfront: Seamen, Longshoremen and Unionism in the 1930s (Urbana, III., 1988)Google Scholar.

¹³ This concept was first developed in my The Origins of the French Labor Movement: The Socialism of Skilled Workers, 1830–1914 (Berkeley, 1976)Google Scholar, which was also inspired by the Making.

¹⁴ Wilentz, Sean, ℌAgainst Exceptionalism: Class Consciousness and the American Labor Movement, 1790–1920,” International Labor and Working Class History, 26 (1984), 1–24CrossRefGoogle Scholar, questions the contrast. The point is not that socialism succeeded but that it struck deeper roots among organized workers in France than in the United States.

¹⁵ For a critique from another branch of the British New Left, see Nairn, Tom, “The English Working Class,” New Left Review, 24 (03–04 1964), 43–57Google Scholar, and Anderson, Perry, Arguments within English Marxism (London, 1980)Google Scholar. ch. 2. The Making has strangely, perhaps because of its monumental scope and power, never been subjected to thorough scholarly review. The critique contained in this article is ancillary to its larger comparative purpose.

¹⁶ The term culturalist was first used polemically by Johnson, R., “Thompson, Genovese and Socialist-Humanist History,” History Workshop Journal, 6 (1978), 79–100CrossRefGoogle Scholar, to designate a history of consciousness that neglected underlying social and economic processes. It is employed more specifically in this paper to identify historians deploying an hypostasized anthropological view of culture. Ian McKay argues against the use of the abstraction, culture, in historical discourse in, “Historians, Anthropology and the Concept of Culture, Labour/Le Travailleur, 8/9 (1981–1982), 185–241Google Scholar. While I find it convenient to use the term to describe something less formal than ideology, a system of values, I agree that culture compared to relations of production, wages, work process, and propensity to organize is what workers have the least in common.

¹⁷ See Geertz's, The Interpretation of Cultures (New York, 1973)Google Scholar, and Walters, Ronald, “Signs of the Times: Clifford Geertz and Historians,” Social Research, 47 (1980), 537–56Google Scholar. For a critique, see Schneider, Mark, “Culture-as-Text in the Work of Clifford Geertz,ℍ Theory and Society, 16 (1987), 809–39CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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¹⁹ Marx clearly exaggerated this backwardness, which was linked with the political immaturity of the working class, in Class Struggles in France. See my “Marx and Engels on French Social Democracy: Historians or Revolutionaries?,” Journal of the History of Ideas, 46 (1985), 539–58CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Also, Aldrich, Robert, “Latecomers or Early Starters? New Views on French Economic History,” Journal of European Economic History, 16 (1987), 89–100Google Scholar.

²⁰ Revisionist findings of aristocratic initiative in the outbreak of the Revolution are consistent with the dynamic Marxist model outlined by Soboul, Albert in the early 1950s, “Classes and Class Struggle during the French Revolution,” Science and Society, 17 (1953), 238–51Google Scholar, which was unfortunately obscured by the Annaliste structuralism of the 1960s.

²¹ Marx shifted his attitude toward republican socialism in the course of the revolution, regarding it first as a spur and later as an obstacle (see Moss, “Marx and Engels on French Social Democracy”). Maurice Agulhon emphasizes the role of bourgeois republicans in transmitting socialist ideas, La République au village: les populations du Var de la Revolution à la IIème République (Paris, 1979)Google Scholar, and his Une Ville ouvrière au temps du socialisme utopique: Toulon de 1800 à 1851 (Paris, 1970)Google Scholar.

²² Cf. Magraw, Roger, “Popular Anti-Clericalism in Nineteenth-Century Rural France,” in Obelkevich, J. et al. , eds., Disciplines of Faith: Studies in Religion, Politics and Patriarchy (London, 1987), 351–71Google Scholar, with Berenson, Edward, Populist Religion and Left-wing Politics in France, 1830–1852 (Princeton, 1984)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, who inflates the Catholic dimension of republican socialism, confusing propaganda forms with substance and Rousseauistic moralism with religion.

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²⁴ The best survey by Kaye, Harvey J., The British Marxist Historians: An Introductory Analysis (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar, is not very discriminating. See also Johnson, Richard, “Three Problematics: Elements of a Theory of Working-Class Culture,” in Working Class Culture: Studies in History and Theory, Clarke, J., Critcher, C. and Johnson, R., eds. (London, 1979), 214Google Scholar.

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²⁶ (Manchester, 1959). Kaplan, Temma, Anarchists of Andalusia, 1868–1903 (Princeton, 1977)Google Scholar, showed that the anarchists were more modern than Hobsbawm thought.

²⁷ Both the lingering ambivalence and ultimate rupture are displayed in Poverty of Theory and Other Essays (London, 1978)Google Scholar.

²⁸ Thompson shifts from a descriptive use of the term in Making, 59; and ℌTime, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism,” Past and Present, 38 (1967), 56–97CrossRefGoogle Scholar; to a holistic one in ℌThe Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century,” Past and Present, 50 (1971), 76–136CrossRefGoogle Scholar; “Patrician Society, Plebian Culture,” Journal of Social History, 7 (1974), 382–405CrossRefGoogle Scholar; and “Eighteenth-Century English Society: Class Struggle without Class?,” Social History, 3 (1978), 133–65CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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³⁰ Many a historian has been driven to distraction or deconstruction by his cryptic formulation.

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³³ “The Long Revolution, I,” New Left Review, 9 (1961), 33Google Scholar. Despite criticism of Geertz he persists in asserting the ideological coherence of plebian culture, Customs in Common, 151, 154–5, and 340.

³⁴ Thompson's argument about plebian culture is circular and runs counter to the weight of the evidence: The plebians were not an economic class, but their customary culture of resistance gave them a unity based upon class identity (Customs in Common, 144–64).

³⁵ Thompson, 's only response to this criticism, Customs in Common, 91–95, is that the “crowd was highly volatile”Google Scholar.

³⁶ This is the theme of Calhoun, Craig, The Question of Class Struggle: Social Foundations of Popular Radicalism during the Industrial Revolution (Oxford, 1982)Google Scholar.

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³⁸ Ibid., 51–54.

³⁹ Ibid., 380–81.

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⁴⁴ “Re-thinking Chartism,” in his Languages of Class: Studies in English Working-Class History, 1832–1982 (Cambridge, 1983), 90–178Google Scholar. See also Thompson, N. W., The People's Science: The Popular Economy of Exploitation and Crisis, 1816–34 (Cambridge, 1984)Google Scholar, and Kirk, Neville, “In Defense of Class: A Critique of Recent Revisionist Writing upon the Nineteenth-Century English Working Class,” International Review of Social History, 32 (1987), 2–47CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

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⁴⁷ Thompson, , Making, 808Google Scholar. Claeys, Gregory, Citizens and Saints: Politics and Anti-Politics in Early British Socialism (Cambridge, 1989), esp. ch. 5CrossRefGoogle Scholar. Tilly, Charles in a quantitative study, As Sociology Meets History (New York, 1981)Google Scholar, ch. 7, confirms the politicization of popular protest in Britain around the Reform Act.

⁴⁸ Vol. 1, ch. 15.

⁴⁹ Charles Tilly and Edward Shorter, Jr. related the proletarianization of skilled labor to strikes in Strikes in France (Cambridge, 1974)Google Scholar; Joan Scott to socialism in The Glassworkers ofCarmaux (Cambridge, Mass., 1974)Google Scholar; Bernard Moss, Origins of the French Labor Movement, to forms of socialist ideology; Hanagan, Michael, The Logic of Solidarity: Artisans and Industrial Workers in Three French Towns, 1871–1914 (Chicago, 1980)Google Scholar, to industrial organization; and Gordon, David, Edwards, Richard, and Reich, Michael, Segmented Work, Divided Workers: The Historical Transformation of Labor in the United States (Cambridge, 1982)Google Scholar, to long cycles of economic growth.

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⁵⁰ They may have been proven correct, but for the persistence of working-class Communism in France during the 1970s, see my “Workers and the Common Program.”

⁵¹ This much-abused notion, a modern version of moral economy, warrants separate treat- See Montgomery, David's Workers Control in America: Studies in the History of Work, Technology and Labor Struggles (Cambridge, 1979)Google Scholar.

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⁶⁵ Ibid, 209.

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