No CrossRef data available.
Article contents
THE SETTING OF GRATTIUS’ CYNEGETICA
Published online by Cambridge University Press: 27 March 2023
Abstract
Nothing is known of the poet Grattius except that he was a contemporary of Ovid. However, certain peculiarities in the text of his Cynegetica suggest that he wrote for public performance, that the poem was presented at ludi scaenici where dancers and singers were performing too, that the Palatine temple of Apollo was probably where the event took place, and that the most likely occasion for it was one of the ‘quinquennial’ games celebrating the defeat of Cleopatra.
- Type
- Research Article
- Information
- Copyright
- Copyright © The Author(s), 2023. Published by Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical Association
References
1 Hes. Theog. 1 Μουσάων Ἑλικωνιάδων ἀρχώμεθ’ ἀείδειν, Aratus, Phaen. 1 ἐκ Διὸς ἀρχώμεσθα. Cf. Hes. Op. 1 (Muses), Xen. Cyn. 1.1 (Apollo and Artemis), Lucr. 1.1 (Venus), Verg. G. 2.2 (Bacchus), 3.1 (Pales).
2 With two exceptions (the punctuation of lines 1 and 17) I follow the Loeb text: Duff, J.W. and Duff, A.M. (edd.), Minor Latin Poets (Cambridge, MA, 1934), 151–3Google Scholar; the translation, which is my own, owes much to the suggestions of Tony Woodman, who very kindly commented on the first draft of this article (but should not be assumed to accept its conclusions).
3 Lucr. 5.1250–1, 5.1452–7; see Gale, M.R., ‘“te sociam, Ratio…”: hunting as paradigm in the Cynegetica’, in Green, S.J. (ed.), Grattius: Hunting an Augustan Poet (Oxford, 2018), 77–95Google Scholar, at 80–2.
4 Plaut. Amph. 196 (cf. 192 imperio atque auspicio, 657 auspicio atque ductu); CIL 12 626 = ILLRP 122 ductu auspicio imperioque, Livy 40.52.5 auspicio imperio felicitate ductuque.
5 In a Roman legion's headquarters the auguratorium was set up opposite the tribunal in the praetorium, ‘so that when the augury has been taken the commander can mount the tribunal and address the army under favourable auspices’ (Hyg. De munitionibus castrorum 11: M. Lenoir [ed.], Pseudo-Hygin: Des fortifications du camp [Paris, 1979], 6).
6 Grattius 2 in armis, 6 rebus … gerendis, sociam, 13 bello, 15 auxiliis.
7 There is also some textual uncertainty: centum in line 17 is no more than an early copyist's emendation of the meaningless centem in the only authoritative manuscript (A); and of course the supplements in the defective line 18 can only be conjectural.
8 For the first option, cf. Green, S.J. (ed.), Grattius: Hunting an Augustan Poet (Oxford, 2018), 7CrossRefGoogle Scholar; for the second, Duff and Duff (n. 2), 153.
9 Silvanus is often portrayed carrying the branch of a tree: Dorcey, P.F., The Cult of Silvanus: A Study in Roman Folk Religion (Leiden, 1992), 17–19CrossRefGoogle Scholar, with illustrations 1–4 and 6. For his association with Faunus and Pan, see Verg. Ecl. 10.24–7, G. 1.16–20, 2.494, Ov. Met. 1.192–3.
10 Duff and Duff (n. 2), 153 and Green (n. 8), 17 both prefer the first option; the second, suggested by Tony Woodman (pers. comm.), makes carmine in line 22 respond closely to carmine in line 23 (as it were, ‘bidden to defend with song, it is with song that I shall supply …’).
11 As at lines 124–5: for the nymphs as comites of Diana, see, for instance, Ov. Fast. 2.160, Met. 2.426, 3.186. The successive verbs imply two stages, first the call-up of the comites (Dryads and Naiads) and then the arrival of Faunus, the satyrs, Pan, Magna Mater and Silvanus.
12 rustica numina: Ov. Met. 1.192–3 nymphae, | Faunique satyrique et monticolae Siluani, Fast. 6.323 (satyrs and nymphs); cf. Met. 6.392–4 (Fauns, satyrs and nymphs as ruricolae, siluarum numina), Fast. 2.307 (nymphs as montana numina), 3.292 (Faunus and Picus as Romani numina soli). For local Latin nymphs, analogous to Grattius’ Latii <satyri>, see, for instance, Ov. Fast. 2.589–602, Met. 14.326–34, 14.623–4, 14.785–9.
13 P. White, Promised Verse: Poets in the Society of Augustan Rome (Cambridge, MA, 1993), 266–7 (‘Iubere and Literary Requests’).
14 Cic. QFr. 3.6(8).3, Att. 2.4.3, 13.47.
15 Verg. Ecl. 8.11, G. 3.41.
16 Verg. Ecl. 6.9, Ov. Am. 2.1.3.
17 For repetition in Lucretius, see Bailey, C. (ed.), Titi Lucreti Cari De rerum natura libri sex (Oxford, 1947), 1.144–5Google Scholar and Volk, K., The Poetics of Latin Didactic: Lucretius, Virgil, Ovid, Manilius (Oxford, 2002), 176–7CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
18 Green (n. 8), 7–8.
19 Verg. G. 1.101 (addressed to agricolae), 210 (addressed to uiri), 267 (unspecified); Grattius 56, 125, 378 (all unspecified).
20 Green (n. 8), 8. G. Fanti, ‘Grattius’ Cynegetica: a Protean poem at the heart of the Roman didactic tradition’, in S.J. Green (ed.), Grattius: Hunting an Augustan Poet (Oxford, 2018), 61–76, at 72–5, discussing ‘Grattius and the envisaged audience(s)’, refers without distinction to ‘the addressee’, ‘his pupil’, ‘his audience’ and ‘the reader’.
21 For the statistics, see Wiseman, T.P., The Roman Audience: Classical Literature as Social History (Oxford, 2015), 278CrossRefGoogle Scholar: the plural verbs are at Ov. Fast. 3.370, 5.1, 5.347, 6.195 and 6.551.
22 Ov. Am. 1.7.2, 1.8.1–2, 1.12.1, 2.1.3 and 37, 2.11.15–22, 2.14.27–33, 3.2.43 and 73–4, 3.12.44.
23 Ov. Ars am. 2.536, 3.811; cf. Tr. 3.1.77 (there was no turba for him in exile).
24 Ov. Tr. 4.10.57, carmina cum primum populo iuuenalia legi.
25 E.g. Hor. Epod. 7, 16, Carm. 3.1–6 (especially 3.3.57–8 Quiritibus … dico), 3.14, 4.4; Tib. 2.1; Prop. 3.4, 4.1a (especially 4.1.67, address to Roma and the ciues); on writing for the approval of the populus or the turba, cf. Cic. Off. 1.147, Hor. Epist. 2.2.103, Prop. 2.13.13–14, 3.1.21, [Verg.] Ciris 2, Pers. 1.15, 1.42, 1.63.
26 Also at Hor. Sat. 2.2.1–7, Carm. 3.4.5, Tib. 2.3.79, Prop. 2.1.1, 3.13.1.
27 Cf. N. Holzberg, Die römische Liebeselegie: Eine Einführung (Darmstadt, 20012), 3: ‘Texte vom Autor zunächst für einen relativ kleinen Kreis von Zuhöreren bei Rezitationen bestimmt waren.’ The evidence is collected and discussed by Parker, H.N., ‘Books and reading Latin poetry’, in Johnson, W.A. and Parker, H.N. (edd.), Ancient Literacies: The Culture of Reading in Greece and Rome (New York, 2009), 186–229Google Scholar, at 199–206.
28 Street (triuium or compitum): Hor. Sat. 1.4.33–8, Verg. Ecl. 3.26–7, Calp. Ecl. 1.28, Juv. 7.55, Mart. 7.97.12. Forum: Hor. Sat. 1.4.74–5, Mart. 7.97.11. Portico: Petron. Sat. 90.1, Mart. 7.97.12.
29 See in general F. Bernstein, Ludi publici: Untersuchungen zur Entstehung und Entwicklung der öffentlichen Spiele im republikanischen Rom (Stuttgart, 1998); for the audience at the games as populus Romanus (or populus Romanus uniuersus), see Plaut. Rud. 1251, Cic. Sest. 106, 116–23, Pis. 65, Att. 2.19.3, 14.3.2, Har. resp. 22–5, Phil. 1.36, Plin. HN 6.119–20. See Ov. Am. 3.10.1 and 47 for a poem set at the Cerialia (19 April), therefore during the ludi Ceriales.
30 Hor. Sat. 1.10.37–9, Ars P. 387 (Maecius Tarpa as iudex); Cornelius Gallus 2.9 Courtney, Furius Bibaculus 6 Courtney (Valerius Cato as iudex); Phaedrus 3.prol.62–3 (Eutychus’ iudicium); the process is presupposed by Hor. Epist. 1.19.35–49 (Wiseman [n. 21], 142–6).
31 Hor. Sat. 1.10.36–9: turgidus Alpinus iugulat dum Memnona dumque | defingit Rheni luteum caput, haec ego ludo, | quae neque in aede sonent certantia iudice Tarpa, | nec redeant iterum atque iterum spectanda theatris.
32 ‘I don't recite to anyone except friends, and then only when forced to—not just anywhere or to just anybody’ (Hor. Sat. 1.4.73–4); cf. Epist. 1.19.41–5 (‘you keep your stuff for the ears of Jupiter’); for Maecenas’ Esquiline residence, which seems to have had a private stage, see Wiseman, T.P., ‘Maecenas and the stage’, PBSR 84 (2016), 131–55Google Scholar.
33 Brink, C.O., Horace on Poetry: Prolegomena to the Literary Epistles (Cambridge, 1963), 170Google Scholar: ‘He declines his responsibility as an author and jealously guards his freedom of “play”’; Gowers, E. (ed.), Horace Satires Book I (Cambridge, 2012), 324Google Scholar: ‘experimentation with literary personae is the point here’.
34 Varro, Sat. Men. 218 Astbury, Hor. Sat. 2.1.71, Epist. 1.19.41–2, Strabo 1.2.8 C20, Petron. Sat. 90.5, Stat. Silu. 5.2.160–3, Tac. Ann. 11.13.1.
35 For the calendar evidence, see A. Degrassi (ed.), Inscriptiones Italiae, XIII Fasti et elogia, fasc. 2 Fasti anni Numani et Iuliani (Rome, 1963), 435–7, 439–40, 449–52.
36 Ov. Fast. 4.179–372, 4.393–620, 5.183–378; Wiseman (n. 21), 160.
37 Ov. Fast. 4.187 scaena sonat, ludique fremunt: spectate, Quirites.
38 Ov. Fast. 4.417 exigit ipse locus raptus ut uirginis edam. No doubt the games were held at the site of the temple of Ceres, Liber and Libera, identified as Demeter, Dionysus and ‘the virgin’ Persephone (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6.17.2, 6.94.3 Δήμητρος καὶ Διονύσου καὶ Κόρης); the temple itself was burned down in 31 b.c. (Dio Cass. 50.10.3) and not replaced until a.d. 17 (Tac. Ann. 2.49.1), but the cult-site and the altar must still have been in place.
39 Ov. Fast. 5.190 hoc quoque cum Circi munere carmen eat. The temple of Flora was next to that of Ceres (Tac. Ann. 2.49.1), above the starting-gates of the Circus Maximus (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 6.94.3).
40 Ov. Fast. 5.347–8 (n. 21 above) non est, mihi credite, non est | illa cothurnatas inter habenda deas.
41 For which, see Sear, F., Roman Theatres: An Architectural Study (Oxford, 2006), 134–5Google Scholar: stages respectively c.100 and c.88 metres wide.
42 Tradition: Varro apud Serv. on Verg. G. 3.24, Tac. Ann. 14.20.2. Late Republic: Dio Cass. 37.58.3–4 (60 b.c.), Cic. Att. 4.1.6 (57 b.c.). Augustan Age and after: Vitr. De arch. 5.5.7 (multa theatra quotannis Romae facta), CIL 6.32323.108, 156–7, 161 (17 b.c.), Joseph. AJ 19.75, 60 (a.d. 41).
43 Tiro apud Gell. NA 10.1.7, Tert. De spect. 10.5; cf. Cic. Leg. Man. 44, Att. 4.1.5. See Goldberg, S.M., ‘Plautus on the Palatine’, JRS 88 (1998), 1–20Google Scholar, for the steps of the temple of Magna Mater.
44 See, for instance, Varro, Men. Sat. 513 Astbury saltatores in theatro, Gell. NA 1.3.3 with Cic. Rosc. Com. 23 on Dionysia, notissima saltatricula, Lucr. 4.978–83 saltantes et mollia membra mouentes, Prop. 2.22.4–6 in molli diducit candida gestu bracchia, Ov. Rem. am. 753–4 citharae lotosque lyraeque | et uox et bracchia mota. ‘From the seventies b.c. to the turn of the millennium, these passages offer a consistent picture of what theatre meant in Rome: it meant song, dance and music’: T.P. Wiseman, Catullan Questions Revisited (Cambridge, 2023), 113.
45 Fabius Pictor, FRHist 1 F 15.10 = Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 7.72.10 οἱ τῶν σατυριστῶν ἐπόμπευον χοροὶ τὴν Ἑλληνικὴν εἰδοφοροῦντες σίκιννιν. … οὗτοι κατέσκωπτόν τε καὶ κατεμιμοῦντο τὰς σπουδαίας κινήσεις ἐπὶ τὰ γελοιότερα μεταφέροντες, discussed by Wiseman (n. 21), 43–5.
46 Ath. Deipn. 1.20D, with Hall, E. and Wyles, R., New Directions in Ancient Pantomime (Oxford, 2008), 396CrossRefGoogle Scholar; cf. Lucian, Salt. 26 (sikinnis, etc.), 34 (Augustan date). Pylades is dated to 22–21 b.c. by Jer. Chron. on Ol. 189.3.
47 Pers. 5.123 satyrum Bathylli, Plut. Mor. 711F (Hall and Wyles [n. 46], 384).
48 Ov. Met. 3.357 uocalis nymphe, 402–3 sic hanc, sic alias undis aut montibus ortas … nymphas; Grattius 16–18.
49 E.g. Hor. Carm. 1.1.31, 1.4.5, 3.4.25, 4.7.6; Verg. G. 4.460, 4.533, Aen. 5.240, 9.112, 10.219; [Verg.] Culex 116–17; Prop. 1.17.26, 1.20.46; Ov. Fast. 1.512, 2.156, 2.590, Met. 2.441; Stat. Silu. 1.3.77, Theb. 2.521.
50 E.g. Hom. Hymn 19.19–21, Ap. Rhod. Argon. 1.1222–5; the best known singing nymph was a local girl, born on the Capitol (Ov. Met. 14.326–40 on Canens).
51 E.g. Soph. Ichneutai 224–8, Eur. Cyc. 63–72, Verg. Ecl. 5.73, Hor. Ars. P. 231–3.
52 E.g. [Verg.] Culex 115–16; Hor. Carm. 1.1.31; Prop. 2.3.18, 2.32.38, 3.17.22; Ov. Fast. 3.764, 6.510, Met. 11.86; Stat. Theb. 4.379, 9.479.
53 Varro, Ant. diu. frr. 7 and 10 Cardauns (August. De ciu. D. 6.5.2 and 7).
54 Suda Φ 762 (TGF 3 T1) for Phrynichus’ Aktaion and his date (511–508 b.c.); Plut. Mor. 732F and Ath. Deipn. 1.22A (TGF 1 T11, 3 T13) for dance as his main medium.
55 Varro, Sat. Men. 513 Astbury quod si Actaeon occupasset et ipse prius suos canes comedisset, non nugas saltatoribus in theatro fieret.
56 Lucian, Salt. 41; cf. Wiseman (n. 21), 177–8 for the story on a sarcophagus of about a.d. 130 (Paris, Louvre, inv. MA 459) which also features closed-mouth pantomimus masks.
57 Joseph. AJ 19.75–101 (cf. n. 42 above); the games were the ludi Palatini, instituted by Livia in a.d. 14 in honour of the deified Augustus (Suet. Calig. 56.2, Dio Cass. 56.46.5, Tac. Ann. 1.73.3).
58 Joseph. AJ 19.75 πρὸ τοῦ βασιλείου, 90 (next to the entrance portico).
59 Attested in the Constantinian Notitia and Curiosum (R. Valentini and G. Zucchetti [edd.], Codice topografico della città di Roma, vol. 1 [Rome, 1940], 1.128–32, 177–8); cf. Joseph. AJ 19.223 ἐν εὐρυχωρίᾳ δὲ τοῦ Παλατίου; see Wiseman, T.P., The House of Augustus: A Historical Detective Story (Princeton, 2019), 90–3Google Scholar, with 142–3 fig. 67 for a ‘conjectural plan’.
60 AE 1956.67.14 (c.a.d. 200).
61 Verg. Ecl. 10.26 Pan deus Arcadiae, cf. Hdt. 6.105.1–2. Maenalus and Lycaeus: Verg. Ecl. 8.21–4, G. 1.16–17, Ov. Met. 1.698–9; cf. also Verg. Ecl. 10.14–15, Ov. Met. 1.216–17 for the juxtaposition.
62 Founded by the Arcadian Evander: Eratosth. apud schol. Pl. Phdr. 244b Εὔανδρος, ὁ τὸ ἐν Ῥώμῃ τοῦ Πανὸς ἱερόν, τὸ καλούμενον Λούπερκον, κτίσας, cf. Clem. Al. Strom. 1.108.3; Just. Epit. 43.1.6–7, Livy 1.5.1–2, Ov. Fast. 2.267–82. For the likely historical context, see Wiseman (n. 21), 207–11 with fig. 5 (satyr-mask antefixes, c.500 b.c.).
63 Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.79.8 τὸ δὲ ἄντρον … τῷ Παλλαντίῳ προσῳκοδομημένον, Just. Epit. 43.1.7 in huius [sc. Palatii] radicibus, Serv. on Verg. Aen. 8.343 sub monte Palatino; cf. Livy 1.5.1 in Palatio, Verg. Aen. 8.343 gelida sub rupe Lupercal.
64 Livy 1.5.2, Just. Epit. 43.1.7, Verg. Aen. 8.344, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.32.3.
65 Ovid, who identifies Faunus as the Pan of the Lupercal cult, calls him both Lycaeus (Fast. 2.424) and Maenalius (Fast. 4.650, cf. 3.84); for Antipater of Thessalonica (75.5 Gow–Page = Anth. Plan. 305.5), Pan is ὁ Μαινάλιος κερόεις θεός.
66 Livy 29.10.4–11.8, 29.14.5–14, 29.37.2, 36.36.3–4 (dedicated 191 b.c.); she is referred to as mater Idaea (29.10.5, 29.14.5), mater deum (29.11.7), mater magna (29.37.2) and mater magna Idaea (36.36.3). The temple was next to that of Victoria (cf. Livy 29.14.14), which was directly above the Lupercal (Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 1.32.3–5 ὑπὸ τῷ λόφῳ … ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ κορυφῇ τοῦ λόφου).
67 Varro, Sat. Men. 131–2, 149–50 Astbury, Lucr. 2.618–20, Ov. Fast. 4.179–90, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 2.19.3–5.
68 Prop. 3.17.34–6 capripedes calamo Panes hiante canent, | uertice turrigero iuxta dea magna Cybebe | tundet ad Idaeos cymbala rauca choros.
69 Ov. Fast. 6.321–3 turrigera frontem Cybele redimita corona | conuocat aeternos ad sua festa deos. | conuocat et satyros et rustica numina nymphas.
70 Ov. Fast. 6.327 (Ida), 6.331–6 (Vesta), 4.949–54, Met. 15.864–5 (Palatine).
71 Grattius 2, 13, 99, 105 nemorum dea, 124, 252, 483–96, 497.
72 Verg. Aen. 6.69–70 tum Phoebo et Triuiae solido de marmore templum | instituam, Vitr. De arch. 3.3.4 Apollinis et Dianae aedis, CIL 6.32323.146 eisdem uerbis Dianae (17 b.c.), Hor. Carm. saec. 1 Phoebe siluarumque potens Diana, 75–6 Phoebi … et Dianae | dicere laudes; Wiseman (n. 59), 112–21 on Apollo, Diana and Latona. Date of dedication: Degrassi (n. 35), 209 (Fasti Antiates ministrorum).
73 Prop. 4.6.71 molli … luco, Solin. 1.18 silua quae est in area Apollinis; for Diana as domina siluarum and nemorum custos, see, for instance, Catull. 34.9–10, Hor. Carm. 3.22.1, Verg. Aen. 9.405. Endowment: cf. Grattius 251–2 dum carmina dumque manebunt | siluarum dotes atque arma Diania terris.
74 Hom. Hymn 27.11–15 (transl. H.G. Evelyn-White): αὐτὰρ ἐπὴν τερφθῇ θηροσκόπος ἰοχέαιρα, | εὐφρήνῃ δὲ νόον, χαλάσασ’ εὐκαμπέα τόξα | ἔρχεται ἐς μέγα δῶμα κασιγνήτοιο φίλοιο | Φοίβου Ἀπόλλωνος Δελφῶν ἐς πίονα δήμον, | Μουσῶν καὶ Χαρίτων καλὸν χορὸν ἀρτενέουσα.
75 Tib. 2.5.1–3, Prop. 2.31.5–6 and 15–16, 4.6.69–70; RIC 12 Aug. 170–1, 179–80, 365; Villa Albani relief (inv. 1014) illustrated at Zanker, P., The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus (Ann Arbor, 1988), 64CrossRefGoogle Scholar fig. 50, Galinsky, K., Augustan Culture: An Interpretive Introduction (Princeton, 1996), 217Google Scholar fig. 122, and Wiseman (n. 59), 115 fig. 54. For Apollo in his Palatine context, see Miller, J.F., Apollo, Augustus, and the Poets (Cambridge, 2009), 185–252Google Scholar.
76 E.g. Hom. Il. 1.603–4, Hom. Hymn 3.182–93, Hes. [Sc.] 201–6, Pind. Nem. 5.22–5, Verg. Ecl. 6.66 Phoebi chorus.
77 Hor. Carm. saec. 61–2 (cf. CIL 6.32323.139–49): augur et fulgente decorus arcu | Phoebus acceptusque nouem Camenis. For Camenae = Musae, see Paul. Fest 38L, Serv. on Verg. Ecl. 3.59.
78 As may be suggested by their prominence in Horace's public poetry (Carm. 3.1.3, 3.3.70, 3.4.1–4, 3.4.21–42); cf. Wiseman (n. 59), 141–3 for possible Palatine references in the great Alcaic sequence traditionally known as the ‘Roman odes’ (but wrongly: see A.J. Woodman, ‘Horace's “Roman Odes”’, CJ 115 [2020], 276–82).
79 Grattius 99 (transl. Green [n. 8], 25): dic age Pierio (fas est), Diana, ministro.
80 Grattius 312–16, 321–5 (transl. Green [n. 8], 29–31).
81 Prop. 4.6.57–68 uincit Roma fide Phoebi: dat femina poenas (57) … Actius hinc traxit Phoebus monumenta (67).
82 Pharios (312): cf. Prop. 2.1.30–2. Mareotica (313): cf. Hor. Carm. 1.37.14. Gangen (314): cf. Verg. G. 2.137, Aen. 9.31. Lydia, Cyro (315): cf. Verg. G. 4.211, Hor. Carm. 2.2.17, 3.29.27. Camilli (321): cf. Hor. Carm. 1.12.42–4, Verg. Aen. 6.825, Prop. 3.9.33. Serrane (322): cf. Verg. Aen. 6.844, Manil. 4.148–9. orbi Romam caput: cf. Livy 1.16.7, 21.30.10, Ov. Am. 1.15.26, Fast. 5.93, Met. 15.435.
83 Cf. Hor. Carm. 1.2.45 serus in caelum redeas, Ov. Met. 15.869–70 quem temperat orbe relicto | accedat caelo, Trist. 2.57 peteres caelestia sidera tarde, Manilius 1.799–800 descendit caelo caelumque replebit, | quod reget, Augustus, 4.935 maius et Augusto crescet sub principe caelum, Vell. Pat. 2.123.2 animam caelestem caelo reddidit. See Hor. Carm. 3.2.17–22 for the collocation of uirtus, caelum and honoribus (Grattius 325).
84 Green (n. 8), 6: not a straightforward task, since neither Augustus nor any other contemporary person is mentioned in the text.
85 Hor. Epist. 2.1.2–3 moribus ornes, | legibus emendes, cf. Carm. 3.24.25–30, 4.5.20–4, 4.15.9–14, Carm. saec. 57–60; Ov. Met. 15.834 exemploque suo mores reget, Tr. 2.233–4 legum … tutela tuarum | et morum; Aug. Res gestae 6.
86 Fanti (n. 20), 75. The underlying assumption is that ‘the Augustan audience for poetry was coextensive with the social and cultural elite of Rome’, to use the succinct formulation of Cairns, F., ‘The mistress's midnight summons: Propertius 3.16’, Hermes 138 (2010), 70–91CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 72.
87 Ov. Pont. 4.16.34, cf. 4.16.38 carmina uulgus habet; Grattius is no. 28 in a list of thirty.
88 In each case the setting is explicit: Hor. Carm. saec. 65, Tib. 2.5.1–6, Prop. 4.6.1–14; Wiseman (n. 59), 120–1, 145–7.
89 Ov. Fast. 4.951–4, Met. 15.864–5; cf. Met. 1.563–4 and Trist. 3.1.39–46 for the laurels.
90 Dio Cass. 51.19.2 (vote in 31 b.c.), 53.1.3–5 (temple and games).
91 Aug. Res gestae 9.1 qu[in]to qu[oque anno] / καθ’ ἑκάστην πεντετηρίδα; Dio Cass. 51.19.2 πανήγυριν πεντετηρίδα; similarly, Suet. Ner. 12.3 more Graeco, Tac. Ann. 14.20.1 ad morem Graeci certaminis on the ‘quinquennial’ Neronia introduced in a.d. 60; see S. Weinstock, Divus Julius (Oxford, 1971), 314–16.
92 Dio Cass. 53.1.5 (the colleges of pontifices, augures, VIIuiri epulonum and XVuiri sacris faciundis), 54.19.8 (XVuiri in charge in 16 b.c.); Aug. Res gestae 9.1 [sacerdotu]m quattuor amplissima colle[gia]; cf. Suet. Aug. 44.3 for athletic competitions at the games of the pontifices.
93 Aug. Res gestae 9.1 τοτὲ δὲ ὑπὸ τῶν ὑπάτων, cf. Dio Cass. 54.2.3–4.
94 Aug. Res gestae 9.1 uota p[ro salute mea susc]ipi p[er con]sules et sacerdotes.
95 They seem not to be mentioned in CAH 102 (1996). There is a notable contrast between the comments on Prop. 4.6 by Cairns in 1984 and Hutchinson in 2006: F. Cairns, ‘Propertius and the Battle of Actium (4.6)’, in T. Woodman and D. West (edd.), Poetry and Politics in the Age of Augustus (Cambridge, 1984), 129–68, at 149: ‘Commentators have rightly wished to associate Propertius 4.6 with a specific sacral occasion, generally suggesting the ludi quinquennales’; G. Hutchinson (ed.), Propertius Elegies Book IV (Cambridge, 2006), 153, 15: ‘The poem does not present itself as written for an occasion … This is a metaphorical rite’ (with no mention of the ludi).
96 Degrassi (n. 35), 32–3, 150–1, 192–3 (fasti Arualium, Vallenses, Amiternini).
97 RIC 12 Aug. 170–3, 179–83, 190–7, 273; Wiseman (n. 59), 117–18.
98 As recommended by the Sibyl for the ludi saeculares: Phlegon, FGrHist 257 F 37.166 σπουδὴ δὲ γέλωτι μεμίχθω.
99 P.Herc. 817; Courtney, E. (ed.), The Fragmentary Latin Poets (Oxford, 1993), 334–40CrossRefGoogle Scholar.
100 See Nisbet, R.G.M. (ed.), Cicero: In L. Calpurnium Pisonem oratio (Oxford, 1961), 186–8Google Scholar; Sider, D., The Epigrams of Philodemos: Introduction, Text, and Commentary (New York, 1997), 12–24Google Scholar.
101 Tac. Ann. 6.10.3, cf. Vell. Pat. 2.98.1–3, Sen. Ep. 83.14, Plut. Mor. 208A; for his career, see Syme, R., The Augustan Aristocracy (Oxford, 1986), 329–45Google Scholar, with the frontispiece (a bronze bust of Piso from Herculaneum, now in the Museo Nazionale at Naples, identified by a copy at Veleia, cf. CIL 11.1182 = ILS 900).
102 On whom, see Cic. Pis. 68–70 with Asc. 16C, Philodemus 27 Sider (Anth. Pal. 11.44).
103 For Piso's patronage of poets, cf. Antipater of Thessalonica 43 Gow–Page (Anth. Pal. 6.241), with Syme (n. 101), 332–3.
104 Green (n. 8), 257: ‘on the grounds that a general commendation of hunting fits more naturally in a proem’.
105 Empedocles apud Diog. Laert. 8.54 = Anth. Pal. 9.569.3–5.
106 Ar. Au. 904–6. For a poet (perhaps Stesichorus) flattering his audience at Sparta, see P.Oxy. 2735.1.15–41, with West, M.L., ‘Epic, lyric, and lyric epic’, in Finglass, P.J. and Kelly, A. (edd.), Stesichorus in Context (Cambridge, 2015), 63–80CrossRefGoogle Scholar, at 70–4.
107 Men. Rhet. 346–51 πῶς χρὴ πόλιν ἐπαινεῖν, cf. 344.6–7 (instructing ποιητὰς καὶ συγγραφέας καὶ ῥήτορας); Russell, D.A. and Wilson, N.G. (edd.), Menander Rhetor (Oxford, 1981), 32–43Google Scholar.
108 See above, nn. 36–40; also Ov. Fast. 5.545–98 on the ludi circenses for Mars on 12 May (Degrassi [n. 35], 456–7).
109 Nemes. Cyn. 298–302, cf. Xen. Cyn. 2.3; Green (n. 8), 257.
110 Grattius 42–5 uix operata suo sacra ad Bubastia lino | uelatur sonipes aestiui turba Canopi: | ipse in materia damnosus candor inerti | ostendit longe fraudem atque exterruit hostes.
111 Strabo 17.1.16–17 C800–1, Sen. Ep. 51.3, Luc. 8.542, Juv. 15.46; Canopus was on the coast about ten miles east of Alexandria.
112 Hdt. 2.60, cf. Ov. Met. 9.691. Wearing fine linen was required also at the cult of Isis (Tib. 1.3.30, Ov. Am. 2.2.25, Ars am. 1.77, Met. 1.747).
113 Prop. 3.11.30 (debauched), 39 incesti meretrix regina Canopi, 45 foedaque Tarpeio conopia tendere saxo, 56 (drunken); for the conopia, cf. Hor. Epod. 9.16, with Porph. ad loc. retis genus.
114 See n. 6 above, and add 23 arma, 24 armorum, 30 hostem, 45 hostes, 48 armamenta, 51 in armis.
115 Grattius 35–6 bonus Aeolia de ualle Sibyllae | fetus. It is not clear why Italian Cumae should be derived from Aeolian Kyme in north-west Asia Minor rather than from Euboean Kyme as in Virgil (Aen. 6.2, 6.42, 9.710) and practically all the rest of the tradition: details in Oakley, S.P., A Commentary on Livy Books VI–X, Volume II: Books VII and VIII (Oxford, 1998), 631–2Google Scholar.
116 Varro, Ant. diu. frr. 56, 60 Cardauns (Lactant. Diu. inst. 1.6.10–11, Serv. on Verg. Aen. 6.36, Dion. Hal. Ant. Rom. 4.62.5–6); Verg. Aen. 6.65–74, Tib. 2.5.1–8, Suet. Aug. 31.1 (misdated to 12 b.c.), Tac. Ann. 6.12. Diana's involvement is emphasized by Virgil (Aen. 6.35, 6.69 Triuiae).