1. West, W. M. S., “A Study of John Hooper with Special Reference to His Contact with Henry Bullinger,” unpublished thesis submitted to the Theological Faculty of the University of Zurich, Switzerland, 1953Google Scholar. Before he or I knew of West's thesis, Dr. James C. Spalding, of the University of Iowa School of Religion, had raised the issue in my mind. Though raising no question in regard to it, T. H. L. Parker recognized it as a problem in his editing of Hooper, 's A Declaration of Christe and of his offyce for the volume English Reformers (Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1966), pp. 185ffGoogle Scholar. Parker found the importance of A Declaracson of Christe and of his offyce in its being the first and only English book on the doctrine. The problem is that this book, written in 1547, treats Christ's office as twofold, while A briefe and clear confession of the Christian faith, supposedly written in 1550, expresses a threefold office: “Hooper moved very quickly from the twofold office which he held in 1547 to the threefold which he propounds with complete clarity in A briefe and clear confession of the Christian faith in 1550… We must suppose that in the meanwhile he had read Calvin's 1545 Institutio,” p. 188. Such a supposition should have some basis in evidence that Hooper was dependent on Calvin, which evidence Parker does not endeavor to establish.

2. West, p. 21.

3. Ibid., p. 22.

4. Ibid., pp. 22–25.

5. Ibid., p. 25.

6. Ibid., p. 26.

7. Ibid., p. 26.

8. The Parker Society, Later Writings of Bishop Hooper, ed. Nevinson, Charles (Cambridge: The University Press, 1852), p. 20.Google Scholar

9. Ibid., p. 26.

10. Ibid.

11. Tanner, Thomas, Bibliotheca Britannica-Hibernica (Tucson: Audax Press, 1963 [reprint of 1748 edition]), p. 411Google Scholar. Tanner's list of Hooper, 's works is also given in The Parker Society, Early Writings of John Hooper, ed. Carr, Samuel (Cambridge: The University Press, 1843), pp. v–viii.Google Scholar

12. Early Writings, p. V.

13. Wood, Anthony A, Athenae Oxonienses, ed. Bliss, Philip (London: Rivingtons, 1813), I, 225.Google Scholar

14. Ibid.

15. British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London: The Trustees of the British Museum, 1961), CVI, 575.Google Scholar

16. Supra. cf. Bliss' preface to the 1813 edition of Athenae Oxonienses, p. 12, for confirmation that this entry is unaltered from Wood's first edition of 1691–1692.

17. A Wood, p. 225.

18. Either A Wood was unsure about John Baker, who is not listed in the Dictionary of National Biography, or he was confused as to whether Baker or Hooper or both wrote lectures on the creed, published in 1581 in octavo. The confusion continues to Canon Perry, G. G.'s article on Hooper in the Dictionary of National Biography (London: 1891), XXVIII, 306Google Scholar. Perry ascribes “'Twelve Lectures on the Creed,” London, 1581, 8vo” to Hooper, and then lists “'Confession of the Christian Faith, containing 100 Articles according to the order of the Creed of the Apostles,' London, 1583 and 1584, 8vo.” Perry seems to have found the easiest answer in simply overlooking the 1581 edition of the confession.

19. Later Writings, pp. 65 ff.

20. Early Writings, pp. 432 ff., Hooper also made a few additions to the 1550 reprint of his Declaration of the Ten Holy Commandments, first printed in 1548; cf. Early Writings, pp. 251, 253, 379–385.

21. The Parker Society, Original Letters Relative to the English Reformation, ed. Robinson, Hastings (Cambridge: The University Press, 1846), p. 75.Google Scholar

22. Ibid., p. 79.

23. Ibid., p. 91; cf. also p. 563, in which Micronius tells Bullinger that Hooper has no time for lecturing in public and much less for writing letters.

24. Ibid., p. 107.

25. Ibid., p. 75.

26. These take up 125 pages of the Early Writings in the Parker Society publication.

27. Later Writings, pp. 66–92.

28. Ibid., pp. 22–63.

29. Ibid., p. 65.

30. Ames, Joseph, Herbert, William, Dibdin, Thomas, Typographical Antiquities of Great Britain (London: Longman, 1819), IV, 62–63.Google Scholar

31. Ibid., p. 62.

32. Later Writings, pp. 69 and 92. The British Museum Catalogue, CVI, 575Google Scholar, lists both editions. Pollard, A. W. and Redgrave, G. R., A Short-Title Catalogue of Books Printed in England, Scotland, and Ireland And of English Books Printed Abroad 1475–1640 (London: Bernard Quaritch, 1926), p. 306Google Scholar, also lists both editions but places the date as 1551, in brackets with a question mark after it. The question mark indicates uncertainty as to the date, but it must be noted that until 1752 the year commenced from March 25; ef. The Parker Society, Zurich Letters, ed. Robinson, Hastings, 1st Series (Cambridge: University Press, 1842), p. 152Google Scholar, n. 1. If one or both editions were printed early in 01, the year would still be 1550, by reckoning of the time, or 1551, by modern dating. The terminal date for publication would have to be 01 13, because on this date Hooper was brought before the Council and accused of having printed his book; Acts of the Privy Council of England, ed. Dasent, John R., New Series (London, 1890), III, 191Google Scholar. In any case, Hooper's confession appeared either at the very end of 1550 or at the very beginning of 1551, by modern dating, and in two editions.

33. Lowndes, William T. and Bohn, Henry G., The Bibliographer's Manual of English Literature (London: Henry G. Bohn, 1864), II, 1109.Google Scholar

34. Pollard and Redgrave, Short-Title Catalogue (cited hereafter as STC), number 11621.

35. Ibid., p. 7.

36. Ibid., pp. 2–3.

37. Ibid., p. 6. Robert Dunlop's article on Malby, Nicholas, in the Dictionary of National Bwgrapliy (London, 1893), XXXV 395Google Scholar, is helpful: “On 6 August 1562 he was found guilty of coining, and, with three of his associates, was condemned to death (Machyn, Diary, p. 290). He was, however, reprieved on consenting to serve under Ambrose Dudley, earl of Warwick, in France (State Papers, Dom. Eliz. xxiv. 41Google Scholar). His letters show him to have been a man of education and intelligence, and in April 1563, he is described as Warwick's secretary (Cal. State Papers, For. viii. 294.)” This supports what is found above, that Nicholas Malby was in France shortly after August 6, 1562, and would be likely to dedicate something to Ambrose Dudley.

38. STC 1219. Also, Later Writings, pp. 22 ff.

39. STC 1219. The date given by John Baker in his dedicatory epistle is 1579, but the imprinting date by Christopher Barker is 1581.

40. STC 1219.

41. STC 11621.

42. The number of missing sheets is deduced by comparison with another document yet to be introduced, STC 11565.

43. These are the 1581, 1583, 1584, and 1613 editions, all octavo, which are now in the British Museum Library.

44. STC 11621, The prologue, pp. 6–7.

45. Ibid., The conclusion, pp. 3–4.

46. Letters, pp. 538, 649. cf. p. 550, where Bucer says that only the French minister wished him well in leaving, and p. 344, where Bucer helped England reject the Interimistic doctrine.

47. Eugene, and Haag, Emil, La France Protestante (Paris: Joel Cherbuliez, 1855), V, 219.Google Scholar

48. Ibid., p. 220. According to this, Garnier wrote his confession when the Interim was a burning issue for him. The 1562 English translation would have been made while Garnier was still living, as Gamier died in 1574; cf. p. 219.

49. Catalogue Générat des Livres Imprimés de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Paris: Imprimerie Nationale, 1914), LVII, 515–516.Google Scholar

50. Brunet, Jacques-Charles, Manuel du Libraire et de l'Amateur de Livres (Paris: Firmin Didot, n.d.), II, 1489Google Scholar. Brunet also lists a 1552 French edition “sans lieu d'impression.”

51. Cioranesco, Alexandre, Bibliographic de La Litterature Francaise du Seizieme Siecle (Paris: Librairie C. Klinchsicek, 1959), p. 331Google Scholar. Another entry follows the first: “Briefve et claire confession… des apostres, faicte et declairée l'an 1549 par J. G. s.1., 1552, 8g.” This entry indicates a French reprint, sans lieu, in 1652.

52. British Museum General Catalogue of Printed Books (London, 1961), LXXXII, 55.Google Scholar

53. STC 11565

54. STC 11565, The epistle dedicatory, pp. 1–2.

55. Ibid., prologue, p. 1.

56. STC 11621, prologue, p. 1.

57. Brooke, who made his translation after Gamier's death, was known primarily as a translator of French works into English: cf. Ames, Joseph and Herbert, William, Typographical Antiquities (London, 1785-1790), pp. 662, 867, 1010, 1011, 1060Google Scholar. It does not appear that he was in France during Garnier's lifetime: cf. Hunt, William, “Brooke, John,” Dictionary of National Biography (London, 1886), VI, 430.Google Scholar

58. Reaney, P. H., A Dictionary of British Surnames (London: Routlege and Kegan Paul, 1958), p. 130Google Scholar. The names “Garnier” and “Gardiner” are not too far apart in spelling, anyway, and in view of the many differences in spelling between the two works, it is not difficult to see them as variant spellings of the same name. A most intriguing example is found in both the prologue and conclusion. It has already been mentioned that, according to Malby's translation, Gamier denounced the Interim in both prologue and conclusion. In Brooke's translation, it is the “Luiterim” that is denounced. In the prologue, Brooke's translates: “And I have taken nothing from the sinke, puddle and lakes of Luiterim, nor from other such like papisticall doctrines …” In the conclusion it is given: “Also I reiecte alwayes the doctryne of Luiterim, with whome I wyll have neyther parte nor portion …” Apparently, Brooke has taken the liberty of coining a word by combining Lutheran with Interim; cf. La France Protestante, p. 219, where the result of the Interim was that “the tolerant Bucer and his colleagues were replaced by some Lutheran fanatics. …” Hardy's, Thomas DuffusA Description of the Close Rolls in the Tower of London (London, 1833), p. 17Google Scholar, is also appropriate: “Great ambiguity prevails in the proper names of persons and places which occur on the Close Rolls; for these were either Latinized or Gallicized, whenever it was possible to do so, according to the fancy of the scribe, or the degree of knowledge which he happened to possess.”

59. STC 11565, conclusion, p. 8.

60. Ibid., prologue, p. 12.

61. Cf. Later Writings, p. 20; the 1581 edition differs only in spelling from the 1584 edition.

62. STC 11565, pp. 1–2.

63. Letters, p. 64.

64. Ibid., p. 251.

65. La France Protestante, p. 219.

66. Letters, p. 112. Peter Martyr also knew this Garner; cf. p. 492.

67. “Garner” is a form of “Garnier” or “Gardiner”; cf. Reaney, p. 130.

68. Letters, p. 110.

69. STC 11565, prologue, p. 2.

70. Ibid., p. 4.

71. Ibid., p. 12.

72. One of Hooper's last requests was that one of his books should be published before the fair of 1555. His wife sent it to Peter Martyr to have it done at Strassburg, but he excused himself and sent it back to her; cf. Letters, p. 114.

73. An interesting postscript may be added as to the possibility of Garnier's work coming to England by means of Hooper 's wife and, thus, later being erroneously identified as Hooper's by the printer. Hooper's wife was the former Anne de Tserclas, whom Gilbert Burnet, the seventeenth century historian, thought was a German; cf. Burnet, Gilbert, History of the Reformation of the Church of England, ed. Pocock, Nicholas (Oxford, 1865, first published 1683), III, 418Google Scholar; cf. also The Parker Society, The Zurich Letters, Second Series (Cambridge, 1846), p. 47Google Scholar: John Fore, in a letter of June 17, 1559, to Buflinger, asked: “I wish to know whether Hooper married a wife from among you yonder, or here at Basle. By her own admission, however, she was not familiar with the German language (cf. Letters, pp. 107, 109); yet, she readily attached herself to the French church at Frankfort (Letters, pp. 110–112) after her flight from England, even to the extent of writing an account of its opening on April 19, 1554; cf. A Brief Discourse of the Troubles at Frankfort 1554–1558 A. D., attributed to William Whittingham, c. 1575 (London: Elliot Stock, 1908), p. 18.Google Scholar

74. Bale, John, Scriptorum Illustriü maioris Brytannie (Basil: Oporini, 1557), pp. 679–680.Google Scholar

75. Dix, Gregory, The Shape of the Liturgy (London: Dacre Press, 1945), pp. 640 ff.Google Scholar

76. Timms, G. B., “Dixit Cranmer,” Church Quarterly Review (01, 1947), pp 217–234Google Scholar; (April, 1947), pp. 33–51.

77. Dix, Gregory, “Dixit Cranmer et non Timuit,” Church Quarterly Review (01, 1948), pp. 145–176Google Scholar; (April, 1948), p. 44–60.

78. “Dixit Cranmer et non Timuit,” p. 150.

79. Ibid., pp. 156–58.

80. Richardson, Cyril C., Zwingli and Cranmer on the Eucharist (Evanston, Illinois: Seabury-Western Theological Seminary, 1949), p. 16.Google Scholar

81. “Dixit Cranmer et non Timuit,” pp. 156–57.

82. Ibid., p. 157.

83. Ibid., p. 158.

84. Ibid.

85. Ibid.

86. Ibid., p. 171.