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3. Ibid., 135–36.

4. n“Codpiece,” def. l.b., Oxford English Dictionary, http://www.oed.com. The OED recognizes the term “codpiece breast,” but I have been unable to find any costume historians who mention it.

5. It is difficult to determine precisely what George meant here in his description of Thomasine's “codpiece breast”—whether he referred to her stomacher or her actual breasts. Late-sixteenth-century female fashion tended to deemphasize the bust, which was “pressed flat inside an unyielding, elongated tube [stomacher and bodice],” but it was also “often exposed by a low-cut neckline” and “pushed up.” Fashionable women whitened the exposed portions of the breasts with cosmetics. Hollander, Anne, Seeing Through Clothes (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975/1993), 100, 98Google Scholar; Vincent, Susan, Dressing the Elite: Clothes in Early Modern England (Oxford: Berg, 2003), 33CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Ribeiro, Aileen, Dress and Morality (London: B. T. Batsford, 1986), 73.Google Scholar

6. Discourse, 137, 127.

7. Trunkhose were the same as “round hose” (see n. 8). The (possibly vulgar) origins of the term “trunkhose” are unclear, Oxford English Dictionary. If “trunk sleeves” is the term George was too ashamed to name, perhaps it was because, as for “codpiece breasts,” it was a term borrowed from male fashion.

8. Round hose referred to men's trunkhose, or breeches, which extended from waist to upper thighs and were padded to produce a very full, “round” silhouette at the hips. While coarse cloth aprons were worn by men and women of the laboring classes as an essential part of their work dress, upper-class women began to wear decorative versions of working-class aprons over their outer skirts in the late 1500s. Ashelford, Jane, A Visual History of Costume: The Sixteenth Century (London: B. T. Batsford, 1983/1986), 142–44.Google Scholar

9. The doublet was the outer garment covering the male torso, like a close-fitting, stiff, well-padded, waist-length jacket with detachable or permanently attached sleeves. It was attached at the waist to the “upper hose,” or breeches, with points; likewise, points sometimes attached the breeches to the “nether hose,” or stockings. Vincent, , Dressing the Elite, 13–14.Google Scholar

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11. Discourse, 157, 126.

12. Ashelford, Jane, The Art of Dress: Clothes and Society, 1500–1914 (London: National Trust Enterprises, 1996), 35.Google Scholar

13. Discourse, 157. On the uses of musk, see Classen, Constance, Howes, David, and Synnott, Anthony, Aroma: The Cultural History of Smell (London: Routledge, 1994), 71.Google Scholar

14. Discourse, 97.

15. Ibid., 128–31, 136, 140. Upon hearing her testimony against his wife, Francis “upbraided” Colper and “called her wicked, ungodly woman,” which caused her “to falter in her wordes”; when George asked “that witnesses might not so be used,… the Pastor (as his maner was) waxed very hote.” Francis later apologized privately to Colper's husband, although George told him he should have apologized publicly, since he had berated her in a public meeting.

16. Ibid., 128–29, 131, 136–37.

17. Studies of English separatism are primarily institutional and intellectual histories, rather than social or cultural histories. See, for example, Arber, Edward, The Story of the Pilgrim Fathers, 1606–1623 A.D. (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1897)Google Scholar; Martyn Dexter, Henry, The England and Holland of the Pilgrims (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1905)Google Scholar; Burrage, Champlin, The Early English Dissenters in the Light of Recent Research (1550–1641) (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912)Google Scholar; White, B. R., The English Separatist Tradition: From the Marian Martyrs to the Pilgrim Fathers (London: Oxford University Press, 1971)Google Scholar; Sprunger, Keith L., Dutch Puritanism: A History of English and Scottish Churches of the Netherlands in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1982)Google Scholar; Martin, J. W., Religious Radicals in Tudor England (Ronceverte, W.Va.: Hambledon, 1989)Google Scholar; Acheson, R. J., Radical Puritans in England, 1550–1660 (London: Longman, 1990)Google Scholar; Robert Coggins, James, Smyth's, JohnCongregation: English Separatism, Mennonite Influence, and the Elect Nation (Scottdale, Perm.: Herald, 1991)Google Scholar; Pearse, Meic, The Great Restoration: The Religious Radicals of the 16th and 17th Centuries (Cumbria, U.K.: Pater-noster, 1998).Google Scholar

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19. Forty years ago Morgan, Edmund S. wrote about the now familiar English puritan concept of “visible saints”—“those who appeared to be saved,… those who could demonstrate by their lives, their beliefs, and their religious experiences that they apparently (to a charitable judgment) had received saving faith”—and its contribution to separatist principles of church formation. Visible Saints: The History of a Puritan Idea (reprint, Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1965), 34–35.Google Scholar

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22. Discussing the role of women in separatism, Crawford, Patricia has noted, “Any woman who tried to challenge male power was … acting contrary to God's order in a deeply sinful way, endangering the whole society because she might infect others with her disobedience and might also provoke God's wrath against those who permitted such license.” Women and Religion in England, 1500–1720 (London: Routledge, 1993/1996), 127Google Scholar. It is interesting to note the similarities between Thomasine Johnson and Massachusetts's Anne Hutchinson: both argued for the independent nature of personal conscience and self-fashioning and were accused of transgressing proper gender roles. However, the outcomes were very different for each: while Thomasine, willing to compromise and with her husband's help, was able to confront her accuser and see him excommunicated, Hutchinson lost the support of influential men and was, herself, excommunicated.

23. Kibbey, Anne, The Interpretation of Material Shapes in Puritanism: A Study of Rhetoric, Prejudice, and Violence (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1986), 49Google Scholar. Miller, Perry described “the plain style” in his well-known discussion of puritan sermon rhetoric, The New England Mind: The Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap, 1939), 331–62.Google Scholar

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37. Moody, , “Critical Edition,” xxxviiGoogle Scholar; Discourse, 94. George Johnson, the only author who notes her first name, spells it Tomasin and Tomyson, and her last name Boys, Boies, and Bois. Given the notorious inconsistency of spelling in seventeenth-century writing, I have chosen to standardize her name as Thomasine Boyes.

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46. Ibid., 109–13. For a thorough study of the voyage, see Quinn, , “The First Pilgrims,” 359–90.Google Scholar

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48. Ibid., 113.

49. Ibid., 76.

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76. Ibid., 105.

77. Ibid., 56. Another instance of hyperbolic speech occurred when George refused to explain what he meant by accusing Francis of “carnal vanity,” and Francis expostulated he would “do it” six times, even sixty times. Church members asked him to calm down, but Francis became more heated and claimed he would “do it yea 360 times.” ibid., 143.

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84. Ibid., 174, 98, 175.

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