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The Role of Ownership and Property Rights in China's Economic Transition

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  12 February 2009

Extract

The ever-greater roles played by markets and pecuniary incentives, and the increasing decision-making authority of localities, enterprises and individuals, have been central elements of China's economic reforms. Compared with these radical departures from the past, change in the area of property rights has been ambiguous. Depending on one's perspective, China might be seen as on its way to establishing a socialist market economy, in which public and collective ownership forms are predominant, or well along the path to a radical transformation of property rights, including a de facto private agriculture, massive private foreign investment, stock markets and the growth of private enterprise. What role property rights have played in the successes and problems of China's reforming economy is similarly debatable. The view that property rights have remained largely “social” leaves open interpretive possibilities ranging from the conclusion that China offers evidence of the viability of a market socialist option, to arguments that the transformation of property rights remains a major hurdle on the road to an economy that can support sustained growth. The quite different view that sectors experiencing substantial privatization have been the main contributors to the achievements of the reform economy, and that those maintaining public ownership have held back economic growth, is also taken by some.

The nature of the property rights that have characterized China's economy during the years of economic reform, and the influence of property rights and property rights reform on the performance of the economy during that era are the subjects of this article.

Type
China's Transitional Economy
Copyright
Copyright © The China Quarterly 1995

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References

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3 Further details of these trends and associated references are available from the author upon request.

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11 Assuming, that is, that such an interest can be denfined.

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14 Based on data on gross output in current prices in China Statistical Yearbook 1993, p. 301, deflated by the overall farm and sideline products purchasing price index (p. 202). Based on the same series, crop output value fell by – 1.8% a year during 1984–89 but rose by 3.0% a year during 1984–92 as a whole.

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39 Note, however, that references to the “non-state sector” as a whole to explain China's “progress without privatization” are problematic for such arguments, since most of the “non-state sector” is actually controlled by local governments. Treatment of TVEs as “disguised private enterprises” is unwarranted as a generalization, and there is much evidence of dynamism among TVEs controlled by local governments in places like southern Jiangsu and Shandong. The notion that TVEs and other collectives are “co-operatives” and thus “quasi-private” is also largely refuted by this discussion. Finally, while public TVEs may indeed resemble private enterprises because local governments cannot provide soft budget subsidies, this scarcely permits the privatization proponent to redefine them as such.

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42 Thus, Bowles and Dong (“Successes and challenges”) quote enthusiastically Thomas Rawski's reference to “entrepreneurial leaders in hundreds of counties and thousands of production brigades” and Shahid Yusuf s discussion of “the entrepreneurial zeal of local officials.” (See Rawski, “Chinese industrial reform: accomplishments, prospects, and implications,” American Economic Review, Papers and Proceedings, Vol. 84, No. 2 (1994), p. 273, and Yusuf, “China's macroeconomic performance.”)

43 Bell, Michael, Khor, Hoe Ee and Kochhar, Kalpana, “China at the threshold of a market economy,” IMF Occasional Paper No. 107, Washington D.C., September 1993, p. 6.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

44 Of course, even a non-Communist Chinese government may have been unlikely to follow a laissez faire approach. Policies modelled after the export-oriented economies of Japan, South Korea and Taiwan, where a strong state role was combined with private ownership and markets, would perhaps have been more likely, as well as more effective, making the laissez faire benchmark a somewhat unfair standard of comparison. See Amsden, Alice, Asia's New Giant: South Korea and Late Industrialization (New York: Oxford University Press, 1989) andGoogle ScholarWade, Robert, Governing the Market: Economic Theory and the Role of Government in East Asian Industrialization (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990).Google Scholar