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The Social Place of a German Renaissance Artist: Hans Baldung Grien (1484/85–1545) at Strasbourg

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Thomas A. Brady Jr
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Extract

In Jakob Burckhardt's classic vision of the emergence of a new, individualistic consciousness in Renaissance Italy, the artist took his place behind the tyrant as one of the early escapees from the crumbling prisons of medieval corporate institutions. Although the picture of his progress from craftsman to free professional is more nuanced and qualified in the recent literature, the Italian artist continues to enjoy his reputation as one of the few permanent beneficiaries of the Renaissance. As the Wittkowers have written: “But the new day came when artists began to revolt against the hierarchical order of which they were an integral part—a day when they regarded the organization meant to protect their interests as prison rather than shelter.”1 At Florence, where artists first achieved a new self-consciousness as theorists and men of letters, private patronage supplied the wealth for a new level of status, higher than that of the craftsman, and weakened the ties of guild life. Not that Florentine artists of the late fifteenth and sixteenth centuries invariably became either successful businessmen or bohemians—though both types could be found there and elsewhere in Italy—nor did they revolt against corporate institutions altogether. But their new organization, the Accademia del Disegno, resembled the old guild structure only superficially and was, as its name suggests, a professional association uniting the artistic crafts rather than a type of guild.2 If the sixteenth century Italian artist lacked the social prestige of the lawyer, the notary, or the physician, neither was he any longer lumped together with the cobbler, the stonemason, or the apothecary.

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Articles
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Central European History , Volume 8 , Issue 4 , December 1975 , pp. 295 - 315
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Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 1975

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References

Dedicated to the memory of Charles Wittmer (1901–74). My thanks are due The Newberry Library, Chicago, the American Philosophical Society, and the William Stamps Farish Foundation. I owe much to the unflagging generosity of M. F.-J. Fuchs, Director of the Archives de la Ville de Strasbourg, and of M.Jean Rott. Mary Ann Jack gave me several helpful suggestions.

1. Wittkower, Rudolf and Wittkower, Margot, Born under Saturn: The Character and Conduct of Artists; a Documented History from Antiquity to the French Revolution (New York, 1969; 1st ed., 1963), p. 14.Google Scholar

2. Ward, Mary Ann Jack, “The Accademia del Disegno in Sixteenth-Century Florence: A Study of an Artists' Institution” (diss., University of Chicago, 1972),Google Scholar esp. chaps. I and V.

3. Huth, Hans, Künstler und Werkstatt der Spätgotik, 2nd ed. (Darmstadt, 1967; 1st ed., Augsburg, 1925), pp. 71–77;Google Scholar and, in general, Mottek, Hans, Wirtschaftgeschichtc Deutschlands. Ein Grundriss, 1 (5th ed., Berlin, 1968): 207–17.Google Scholar

4. Quoted by Wittkower and Wittkower, Born under Saturn, p. 209.

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9. Rott, Hans, Quellen und Forschungen zur südwestdeutschen und schweizerischen Kunstgeschichte im XV. und XVI. Jahrhundert, pt. 3: Der Oberrhein, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1936–1938); hereafter cited as Rott, Oberrhein.Google Scholar Newer literature to 1964 by Bushart, Bruno, “Literaturbericht: Malerei und Graphik in Südwestdeutschland von 1300–1550: Literatur seit 1945,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 27 (1964): 161–62.CrossRefGoogle Scholar For the Karlsruhe exhibition, see Ausstellungskatalog Hans Baldung Grien, Staatliche Kunsthalle Karlsruhe (Karlsruhe, 1959),Google Scholar and the comments of Möhle, Hans, “Hans Baldung Grien: Zur Karlsruher Baldung-Ausstellung Sommer 1959,” Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschkhte 22 (1959): 124–32.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

10. I borrow the concept of “social place” from Martines, Lauro, The Social World of the Florentine Humanists, 1390–1460 (Princeton, 1963), p. 18.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

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14. Baumgarten, Friedrich, Der Freiburger Hochaltar, Studien zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, no. 49 (Strasbourg, 1904), p. 13.Google Scholar Baldung's total pay, 590 Rhenish florins, compares favorably with the average of 550 Rhenish florins in five contracts (1462–1518) for altarpieces printed by Huth, Künstler und Werkstatt, pp. 112–13,116–17,122–23,124–25, and 134–35, nos. IV, VII, XI, XIII, and XIX.

15. Winckelmann, Otto, Das Fürsorgswesen der Stadt Strassburg vor und nach der Reformation bis zum Ausgang des 16. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols., Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgeschichte, vol. 5 (Leipzig, 1922), 1: 128 n.2;Google Scholaridem, “Neues von Hans Baldung-Grien,” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins 76 (1922): 217–21, here at pp. 220–21;Google ScholarRott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 217,Google Scholar from Archives Municipales de Strasbourg (cited AMS), V 5.

16. AMS, Chambre des Contrats (cited KS) 11, fol. 134 (Sept. 30, 1518), cited by Baumgarten, Friedrich, “Hans Baldungs Stellung zur Reformation,” Zeitschrift für die Geschichte des Oberrheins, N.S. 19 (1904): 263.Google Scholar According to Schmidt, , Histoire litteraire, 1: 330Google Scholar n.206, the Baldungs lived in the Münstergasse for six years.

17. Seyboth, Adolph, Das alte Strassburg vom 13. Jahrhundert bis zum Jahre 1870 (Strasbourg, 1890), pp. 20–23;Google Scholar AMS, KS 33, fols. 76r, 89v; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 219.Google Scholar

18. AMS, Procès-verbaux du sénat et des XXI (cited XXI) 1544, fols. 133V, 159v–60r, 162v–63r; Seyboth, Das alte Strassburg, pp. 27–28; Ficker, Johannes and Winckelmann, Otto, Handschriftproben des 16.Jahrhunderts nach StrassburgerOriginalen, 2 pts. (Strasbourg, 1902–1905), 1: 13Google Scholar (Conrad Joham).

19. Mentioned in a contract (Dec. 21, 1521) about a property “iuxta Johannem Baldung pictorem civem Argentinensem,” this piece was sold on Apr. 21, 1525 (confirmed Nov. 24, 1532), by the Baldungs to the apothecary Frantz Bertsch, and his wife, Ursula Uringer. AMS, KS 12, fol. 258r (cited by Baumgarten, “Hans Baldungs Stellung,” p. 263); AMS, KS 19, fol. 51r; AMS, KS 29, fol. 134r; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 217–18.Google Scholar On Bertsch, see Krebs, Manfred and Rott, Hans Georg, eds., Quellen zur Geschichte der Täufer, vols. 7–8Google Scholar: Elsass: Stadt Strassburg 1525–1535, 2 vols., Quellen und Forschungen zur Reformationsgeschichte, vols. 26–27 (Gütersloh, 1959–60), 1:195, no. 167 n.2. Hereafter cited as Krebs and Rott, Elsass.

20. Wunder, Gerhard, Das Strassburger Landgebiet: Territorialgeschichte der einzelnen Teile des städtischen Herrschaftsbereiches vom 13. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert. Schriften zur Verfassungsgeschichte, vol. 5 (Berlin, 1967), p. 107.Google Scholar This property (“einen garten mit einem husslin … gelegen vsserthalb der statt Strassburg beÿ Sant Helenen vff der gensseweÿd”) was encumbered with a debt of 3s. 5d. per year to the pastor of St. Helena. AMS, KS 21, fol. 186r.

21. AMS, KS 21, fols. 185r–186r, dated Sept. 7, 1528. Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 218Google Scholar, prints the first of these three documents.

22. On the nobles involved in these transactions, see Knobloch, Julius Kindler von, Das goldene Buch von Strassburg (Vienna, 1886), pp. 133–34Google Scholar (Yberg), 140–42 (Kageneck), 277–78 (Röder); idem, Oberbadisches Geschlechterbuch, 3 vols. (Heidelberg, 1898–1919), 2:222–32Google Scholar (Kageneck), and 3: 551–95 (Röder).

23. Sold June 11, 1529, to “Martin Tewbs de Illekirch et Anne Hetzel, eius uxori.” AMS, KS 24, fol. 73r; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 218.Google Scholar

24. AMS, KS 50, at II kal. Augusti (Aug. 31) 1545; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quetlen, 1: 218–19.Google Scholar Baldung sketched the arms of this family about 1534. Koch, Zeichnungen, no. 159; Kindler, , Oberbadisches Geschlechterbuch, 1: 130–36.Google Scholar

25. Abel, Wilhelm, Agrarkrisen und Agrarkonjuntur: Eine Geschichte der Land-und Ernnáhrungswirtschaft Mitteleuropas seit dem hohen Mittelalter, 2nd ed. (Berlin and Hamburg, 1966), p. 124.)Google Scholar

26. AMS, KS 14, at V nonas Octobri (Oct. 3) 1527; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 218Google Scholar (but read “Martino Herlin, civi argent., fratri dicte Margarethe” instead of “patri dicte Margarethe”); and Baumgarten, “Hans Baldungs Stellung,” p. 263. This rent yielded 4 fl. per year against a principal of 100 fl. The second rent, constituted to the Order of St. John on Mar. 13, 1529, mentioned the earlier encumbrance and yielded 7 fl. per year against a principal of 175 fl. Archives Départementales du Bas-Rhin (cited ADBR), H 1630, fol. 1r.

27. The traditional view, that Alsatian townsmen rarely invested in rural land, is quite wrong. See Vogt, Jean, “A propos de la propriété bourgeoise en Alsace (XVIe-XVIIIe siècles),” Revue d' Alsace 100 (1962): 48–66.Google Scholar

28. Dacheux, Léon, ed., Die ältesten Schriften Geilers von Kaysersberg (Freiburg i. Br., 1882), pp. 19–21, 52–57.Google Scholar

29. The volumes of AMS, KS, are filled with rents constituted by peasants to urban creditors. The slick practices of Strasbourg lenders who fleeced the peasants are described by a notary, Fridolin Meyger (d. 1536), in Krebs, and Rott, , Elsass, 2: 218–23, no. 172.Google ScholarSee Vogt, Jean, “Remarques sur les rentes en nature rachetables payées par les campagnards aux prêteurs strasbourgeois (deuxième moitié du XVIe siècle),” Revue d'histoire moderne et contetnporaine 15 (1968): 662–72.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

30. Schnapper, Bernard, Les rentes au XVIe siècle: Histoire d'un instrument de crédit (Paris, 1957). P. 45.Google Scholar

31. AMS, KS 29, fol. 266V, June 13, 1533. Balbronn, a village of the counts of Hanau-Lichtenberg, lies due west of Strasbourg in the foothills of the Vosges, where Strasbourgeois frequently bought commodity rents in wine. Vogt, “Remarques sur les rentes en nature,” p. 668. With certain exceptions (e.g., fief-rentes) true perpetual rentes (redeemable only at the creditor's will) were illegal at Strasbourg since July 14, 1523. AMS, Reglements, formerly MO (cited R) 29, no. 92a; Rott, Jean, “Artisanat et mouvements sociaux à Strasbourg autour de 1525,” Artisans et ouvriers d' Alsace, Publications de la Société Savante d'Alsace et des Régions de l'Est, vol. 9 (Strasbourg, 1965), pp. 150–51.Google Scholar

32. Robert Stiassny, “Wappenzeichnungen Hans Baldung Griens in Coburg: Ein Beitrag zur Biographie des oberrheinischen Meisters,” Jahrbuch der kaiserl.-königl. Heral-disch-genealogischen Gesellschaft “Adler,” N.s. 5–6 (1895): 392–93; Winterberg, Hans, Die Schüler von Ulrich Zasius, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtlïche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg, series B, vol. 18 (Stuttgart, 1961), p. 64 n.Google Scholar

33. Ibid., p. 81; Ficker, and Winckelmann, , Handschriftproben, 1: 15.Google Scholar

34. ADBR, H 1630, fol. 1r (Mar. 13, 1529): “Const. Johannes Baldung pictor civis argentin. et Margaretha herlin eius vxor legitima filia quondam arbogasti herlin civis argentin.” This text settles the long uncertain question of the place of Baldung's wife in the Herlin family. As early as the eighteenth century, genealogists made her the daughter of Martin Herlin, Sr., the well-known Ammeister. See “Collectanea genealogica,” in Bibliotheque Nationale et Universitaire de Strasbourg (cited BNUS), MS. 1058, fol. 75r. Arbogast Herlin died between Oct. 19,1506, and Nov. 7,1507. AMS, KS 8, fols. 1r, 89r.

35. AMS, KS 20, fols. 132r–33v; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 218.Google Scholar

36. On Martin Herlin, Jr., see AMS, KS 26, fol. 121v; AMS, XXI 1558, fol. 617; ADBR, H 2333 (2). In 1526 he married Anna von Krotzingen, an ex-nun of the convent of St. Mark. Archives du Chapître de Saint-Thomas de Strasbourg (cited AST), 35 (a notice of the marriage in a loose sheet in the dossier “S. Marc”) and 36 (her “formula dispensationis”). On Christmann Herlin, who married Kunigunde Münch, see Ficker, and Winckelmann, , Handschriftproben, 2: 80;Google Scholar AMS, KS 11, fol. 30. The notice in BNUS, MS. 1058, fol. 75r, making him the son of a “Johann Herlin,” is false.

37. Ficker, and Winckelmann, , Handschriftproben, 1: 2.Google Scholar

38. ADBR, 3B 580; AMS, KS 13, fols. 2r–3r, 163r–65r; AMS, KS 66/11, fols. 20r–22r; BMS, MS. 1024, fols. 74,117–19; Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 286.Google Scholar She was the daughter of Lamprecht Sebott, Sr. (1468–1519). On the marriage of Margarethe Baldung to Mathis von Gottesheim, see BMS, MS. 1024, fol. 29; and the Gottesheim genealogy in Batt, Franz, Das Eigenthum zu Hagenau im Elsass, 2 vols. (Colmar, 1876–81), vol. 2, appendix, xxxx-xxxxi.Google Scholar

39. BNUS, MS. 1058, fol. 89r; AMS, KS 66/11, fols. 20r–22r.

40. Strum, Jean, Quarti Antipappi teres partespriores (Neustadt an der Hardt, 1580), pp. 5–6; andGoogle ScholarClassicae epistolae, sive Scholar argentinensis restitutae, ed. Rott, Jean (Paris and Strasbourg, 1938), p. 74, no. 12.Google Scholar

41. Ficker, and Winckelmann, , Handschriftproben, 1: 4.Google Scholar On Kniebis and the evangelical party, the studies of Jean Rott are fundamental. See his “La Réforme à Nuremberg et à Strasbourg: Contacts et contrastes (avec des correspondances inédites),” in Hommage à Dürer: Strasbourg et Nuremberg dans la première moitié du XVIe siècle, Publications de la Societé Savante d'Alsace et des Régions de l'Est, Collection “Recherches et Documents,” vol. 12 (Strasbourg, 1972), pp. 91–142, here at pp. 88–100;Google Scholar “Un receuil de correspondances strasbourgeoises du XVIe siecle a la bibliotheque de Copenhague ( MS. Thott 497, 20),” Bulletin philologique et historique (jusqu' à 1610) de la Comité des travaux historiques et scientifiques, année 1968 (1971), pp. 749–818, here at pp. 759–64; and especially “Magistrat et réforme à Strasbourg: Les dirigéants municipaux de 1521 à 1525,” Revue d'histoire et de philosophie religieuses 54 (1974): 103–14.Google Scholar

42. Städtische Mittelschichten, ed. Maschke, Erich and Sydow, Jürgen, Veröffentlichungen der Kommission für geschichtliche Landeskunde in Baden-Württemberg, series B, vol. 69 (Stuttgart, 1972), esp. pp. 1–93.Google Scholar

43. Rott, Oberrhein, Textband, p. 88, and Quellen, 1: 219–22.Google Scholar

44. Maschke, Erich, “Verfassung und soziale Kräfte in der deutschen Stadt des späten Mittelalters, vornehmlich in Oberdeutschland,” Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial-und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 46 (1959): 289–349, 433–76, here at pp. 450–51.Google Scholar

45. AST 75/45, fol. 507 (Schöffen zur Steltz, 1533), of whom all can be identified in Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 214, 281–87.Google Scholar A (complete?) list of the masters of this guild (undated, but probably 1531 or 1532) contains 39 names, of whom 17 were goldsmiths, 4 painters (including “Hanss gryn”), 4 glaziers, and 4 or 5 printers. AMS, IV 102/9.

46. Sources: Hatt, Jacques, Liste des membres du grand sénat de Strasbourg … du XIIIe siècle à 1789 (Strasbourg, 1963), pp. 193–217;Google ScholarRott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 281–87.Google Scholar

47. No member of the guild served in the XIII, 1520–55. XVers were: Lamprecht Sebott, Sr. (1468–1519), 1506–19; Diebold Sebott (d. ca. 1534), 1519–34; Veit Beinheim (d. 1541), ca. 1540–41; Christoph II Städel (1504–54), 1541–54; and Ludwig von Mörssmünster (d. 1560), 1552–60. The last-named man was a glazier, all the others were goldsmiths. Brady, Thomas A. Jr., “The Privy Councils (XV and XIII) of Strasbourg, 1520–1555: A Supplement to Jacques Hatt, Liste des membres du grand sénat de Strasbourg,” Bulletin du cercle généalogique d'Alsace, no. 27 (1974), pp. 73–79.Google Scholar

48. Baumgarten, “Hans Baldungs Stellung.”

49. Ibid., p. 261.

50. Koch, Zeichnungen, introduction.

51. Baumgarten, “Hans Baldungs Stellung,” p.261.

52. Baumgarten (p. 248) refers to the Luther portrait of 1521, but Baldung had also done one in 1520. Oldenbourg, M. Consuelo, Die Buchholzschnitte des Hans Baldung Grien: Ein bibliographies Verzeichnis ihrer Verwendungen, Studien zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, vol. 335 (Baden-Baden and Strasbourg, 1962), nos. 343, 358.Google Scholar A notice (July 13, 1527) of Baldung's work for the bishop of Strasbourg by Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 218Google Scholar (cf. Baumgarten, “Hans Baldungs Stellung,” p. 257 n.i). Baldung sketched the arms of the bishop of Basel about 1530/31 and a donor with a rosary (a Catholic patron?) about the same time. Koch, Zeichnungen, no. 156.

53. Chrisman, Miriam U., Strasbourg and the Reform: A Study in the Process of Change (New Haven and London, 1967), chap. 13.Google Scholar

54. Caspar Hoffmeister (d. 1532), XVer from the guild Zur Blume, permitted sectarian preaching at the hospital for syphilitics (Blatterhaus). Krebs, and Rott, , Elsass, 1: 191, no. 161.Google Scholar Jacob Wetzel von Marsilien (d. after 1555), a patrician XVer in 1536–43, ruined his political career by becoming too interested in the imprisoned Melchior Hofmann. Ibid., 1: 288, no. 234, and 2: 4, 17, nos. 357, 368; AMS, XXI1541, fols. 126V, 173; AMS, XXI 1542, fol. 158v; AMS, XXI 1543, fol. 385.

55. On Apr. 5, 1540, it was reported “das ettlich herren des Regimentss dise kar woch zu Eschaw zum sacrament gangen.…” AMS, XXI 1540, fol. 118.

56. Dollinger, Philippe, “La tolérance à Strasbourg au XVIe siècle,” in Hommage à Lucien Febvre, 2 vols. (Paris, 1953), 2: 241–49.Google Scholar

57. Kohls, Ernst-Wilhelm, “Holzschnitte von Hans Baldung in Martin Bucers ‘kürtzer Catechismus,’ ” Theologische Zeitschrift 23 (1967): 267–84;Google Scholaridem, “Die neu gefundene ‘Leien Bibel’ des Strassburger Druckers Wendelin Rihel vom Jahre 1540 mit 200 unbekannten Holzschnitten Hans Baldung Grien und seiner Schule: Ein Beitrag zur Schule Albrecht Dürers,” Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte 83 (1972): 351–64.Google Scholar

58. For which reason Kohls's remarks about Baldung's religion (“Die neu gefundene ‘Leien Bibel,’ ” p. 363) would seem incautious.

59. Combining Kohls's with Oldenbourg's attributions yields the following picture of Baldung's output of sketches for book illustrations, given for five-year intervals. The first number is the number of separate commissions, the second that of individual woodcuts; and each illustration is placed in the year of its first known publication: 1505–9,6 and 217; 1510–14, 15 and 110; 1515–19, 4 and 13; 1520–24,13 and 26; 1525–29, none; 1530–34, 1 and 2; 1535–39, 3 and 26; 1540–45, 3 and 16 +. Although this is a crude measure of work, the abrupt decline during his Freiburg period is obvious. But what explains the paucity of woodcuts from the decade 1525–1534?

60. Oldenbourg, Buchholzschnitte, p.152. See Chrisman, Strasbourg and the Reform, pp. 98, 118–19, 301–2.

61. Oldenbourg, Buchholzschnitte, p. 155; Krebs, and Rott, , Elsass, passim (Balthasar Beck).Google Scholar

62. Koch, Zeichnungen, p. 162; Bussmann, Georg, Manierismus im Spaátwerk Hans Baldung Griens: Die Gemälde der zweiten Strassburger Zeit, Heidelberger kunstgeschichtliche Abhandlungen, N.S., vol. 9 (Heidelberg, 1966), p. 112.Google Scholar On the Gottesheim, see the reference in n. 38 above. Note, however, that Friedrich VI von Gottesheim left a bequest of 1000 fl. to support “armen pfarrers kinder.” AMS, II 76a/1.

63. Which seems all the more foolish in the light of Ginzburg's, CarloIl nicodemismo: simulazione et dissimulazione religiosa nell'Europa del' 500, Biblioteca di cultura storica, vol. 107 (Turin, 1970).Google Scholar

64. Rott, , Oberrhein, Quellen, 1: 304–5;Google Scholar 2: 263–64; Textband, p. 88. On the entire question of the effect of the Reformation on art in Germany, see Christensen, “The Reformation and the Decline of German Art,” pp. 207–32.

65. Koch, Zeichnungen, nos. 71–72; Parker, K. T., “Un dessin inédit de Hans Baldung-Grien,” Archives alsaciennes d'histoire de l'art 1 (1922): 41–52.Google Scholar

66. Möhle, “Hans Baldung Grien: Zur Karlsruher Baldung-Ausstellung Sommer 1959,” p. 130. The drawing is in private hands and is not in Koch, Zeichnungen. It was probably executed for Hans Bock von Gerstheim (d. Oct. 12, 1542), who, to my knowledge, was the only Bock named “Johann” during this period. The published genealogies of the Bock von Gerstheim and von Bläsheim are quite untrustworthy; for accurate information, see ADBR, G 841–842; ADBR, 12J 2022/15; Rott, Oberrhein, Textband, p. 79.

67. Ausstellungskatalog Hans Baldung Grien, no. 9. Baldung also painted Philipp, Count Palatine, in 1517. Ibid., no. 17. The story of Löwenstein's bungling pursuit of Sophia Böcklin's fortune (said to have been worth 60,000 fl.) is in the Zimmerische Chronik, ed. Barack, K. A., 4 vols. (Tübingen, 1869), 2: 148–51.Google Scholar

68. Ausstellungskatalog Hans Baldung Grien, no. 46; Bussmann, Manierismus, pp. 88–89, 183; Hartfelder, Karl, Zur Geschichte des Bauernkriegs in Südwestdeutschland (Stuttgart, 1884), pp. 63, 72, 113, 147, 177.Google Scholar

69. Ausstellungskatalog Hans Baldung Grien, no. 49; Bussmann, Manierismus, pp. 91–92, 183.

70. Koch, Zeichnungen, pp. 48–61; Rott, Oberrhein, Textband, pp. 63fF.; Haug, Hans, “Notes et documents sur Hans Baldung Grien et son entourage,” Revue d'Alsace 91 (1952): 92–111.Google Scholar

71. Koch, Zeichnungen, nos. 76, 156, 82, 144, 149, 83, 74, 79, 148, 159.

72. Grenser, Alfred, “Hans Baldung gen. Grien und seine heraldische Tätigkeit,” Jahrbuch der kaiserl.-königl. Heraldisch-genealogischen Gesellschaft “Adler” 4 (1877): 1–14;Google Scholar Stiassny, “Wappenzeichnungen Hans Baldung Griens in Coburg,” pp. 331ff.

73. Oil portraits not discussed are those of Adelberg III von Bärenfels (1526), two knights of St. John (1528, 1534), Georg I von Erbach (1533), and Ambrosius Volmar Keller (1538). Ausstellungskatalog Hans Baldung Grien, nos. 48, 53, 65, 66, 72.

74. Koch, Carl, “Über ein verschollenes Gemälde Hans Baldungs: Bildnis des Jacob Sturm,” Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, N.S., 13 (1938/1939): 107–113.Google Scholar

75. Koch, Zeichnungen, no. 246; Skizzenbuch des Hans Baldung Grien. “Karlsruher Skizzenbuch,” ed. Martin, Kurt (Basel, 1950), fol. 57r and p. 70.Google Scholar The reproduction by Koch is much the better of the two.

76. Koch, Zeichnungen, p. 184; Ficker, and Winckelmann, , Handschriftproben, 1: 11 (Mattheus Geiger).Google Scholar

77. Moeder, Marcel, “Les ex-libris alsaciens du XVIe siècle,” Archives alsaciennes d'histoire de l'art 1 (1922): 53–64.Google Scholar

78. Panofsky, Erwin, Albrecht Dürer, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1943), 1: 120.Google Scholar There, too, the phrase quoted in the next sentence. See Bussmann, Manierismus, pp. 11–13, 166–80. The failure of the classical elements in Baldung's style to become influential locally is discussed by Levy-Coblentz, Françoise, L'art du meuble en Alsace, vol. 1: Du gothique au baroque, 1480–1698 (Strasbourg, 1975), p. 39.Google Scholar