1. Kaufmann, T. DaC., Drawings from the Holy Roman Empire, 1540–1680 (Princeton, 1982), 3–30Google Scholar. Several of the themes are further developed in Kaufmann's study of Rudolfine art, L'Ecole de Prague: La Peinture à la Cour de Rodolphe II (Paris, 1985).Google Scholar

2. See Evans, R. J. W., “Rantzau and Welser: Aspects of Later German Humanism,” History of European Ideas 5 (1984): 257–72Google Scholar, for some reflections on this subject. The legacy of humanism to seventeenth-century Germany is now the theme of a weighty and important analysis by Kühlmann, W., Gelehrtenrepublik und Fürstenstaat: Entwicklung und Kritik des deutschen Späthumanismus in der Literatur des Barockzeitalters (Tübingen, 1982).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

3. The best evidence for neglect lies in the very absence of works on intellectual culture in this period. Tholuck, A., Das akademische Leben des 17. Jahrhunderts, 2 vols. (Halle, 1853–1854)Google Scholar, and idem, Das kirchliche Leben des 17.Jahrhunderts, 2 vols (Berlin, 1861–1862)Google Scholar, still represent an earlier, more neutral, but also more antiquarian tradition. Freytag, G., Bilder aus der deutschen Vergangenheit, 5 vols., first published 1859–1867Google Scholar, with numerous reprints, founded a broader approach to Kultur, especially popular culture, which yields little for present purposes; Zeeden, E. W., Deutsche Kultur in der frühen Neuzeit (Frankfurt a.M., 1967)Google Scholar, in fact mainly on the sixteenth century, is an honorable recent contribution to it; cf. earlier Haendcke, B., Deutsche Kultur im Zeitalter des Dreissigjährigen Krieges (Leipzig, 1906)Google Scholar. Janssen's, J.Geschichte des deutschen Volkes seit dem Ausgang des Mittelalters, 8 vols. (Freiburg i. Br., 1876–1894)Google Scholar, once a highly influential Catholic diatribe against the achievements of the German Reformation which also appeared in English (in 16 vols., between 1896 and 1910), carries the story only to 1618. The standard interpretation has survived from (say) Paulsen, F., Geschichte des gelehrten Unterrichts auf den deutschen Schulen und Universitäten, pt. 1, 2 vols. (2d ed., Leipzig, 1896–1897)Google Scholar, a magisterial view of higher education, and remains the opinion of scholars of the Aufklärung like Hammerstein, N., Jus und Historie (Göttingen, 1972)Google Scholar. Literary study of the German Baroque falls outside the purview of this essay. Suffice it to say that a long-standing unconcern has gradually been repaired since the 1940s and a major step forward on a broader front taken with the activities of the Internationaler Arbeitskreis für deutsche Barockliteratur since 1973, which publishes Dokumente, subsequently renamed Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung.

4. Evans, R. J. W., The Wechel Presses: Humanism and Calvinism in Central Europe, 1572–1627 (Oxford, 1975)Google Scholar. Other studies for the sixteenth century include Schilling, H., Niederländische Exulanten im 16. Jahrhundert (Gütersloh, 1972)Google Scholar, on émigrés, and Chrisman, M. U., Lay Culture, Learned Culture: Books and Social Change in Strasbourg 1480–1599 (London, 1982)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, on publishers and readers.

5. 1837 ed., 1:542. On Augsburg: Lenk, L., Augsburger Bürgertum im Späthumanistmus und Frühbarock (Augsburg, 1968), esp. 153ff.Google Scholar, and the exhibition catalogue Welt im Umbruch: Augsburg zwischen Renaissance und Barock (ibid., 1980).

6. Evans, R. J. W., “German Universities after the Thirty Years' War,” History of Universities 1 (1981): 169–90Google Scholar, for the public stance and intellectual preoccupations of universities. Cf., for the rise and decline of Calvinist universities in the Reich, Menk, G., Die Hohe Schule Herborn in ihrer Frühzeit, 1584–1660 (Wiesbaden, 1981)Google Scholar, an important study.

7. Zophy, J. W., ed., The Holy Roman Empire, a Dictionary Handbook (Westport, Conn., 1980), 225f.Google Scholar, otherwise an uneven but very useful compendium.

8. For Augsburg: Lenk, op. cit.; and Evans, “Rantzau and Welser.” For Prague: Evans, R. J. W., Rudolf II and His World (Oxford, 1973Google Scholar; ibid., 1984, with new bibliography), esp. chap. 4. The whole phenomenon of the religious middle-way and the problems of heterodoxy are ventilated in an ambitious, fascinating, difficult, and diffuse book by Neveux, J. B., Vie spirituelle et vie sociale entre Rhin et Baltique au 17^e siècle (Paris, 1967)Google Scholar with much information passim on other cultural themes treated here.

9. See Vocelka, K., Die politische Propaganda Kaiser Rudolfs II (Vienna, 1981)Google Scholar, with detailed catalogue; cf. Kaufmann, Drawings, cat. no. 54. A thorough study of Aachen is awaited from Dr. E. Fučíková (Prague).

10. Discussion for the Empire, especially the Habsburg court, in Evans, Rudolf II, chap. 7. Cf. Klaniczay, T., “La crise de la Renaissance et le maniérisme,” Acta Litteraria Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 13 (1971): 269–314Google Scholar; Neumann, J., “Rudolfinské umění,” Umění 25 (1977): 400–48Google Scholar; and the contributions by Boschloo, A. W. A. and Kaufmann, T. DaC. to Leids Kunsthistorisch Jaarboek 1 (1982): 35–42 and 119–48.Google Scholar

11. Yates, F. A., The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London, 1972)CrossRefGoogle Scholar, foreshadowed in ead., Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (ibid., 1964), 403ff., and subjected to biting criticism, some of it rather too destructive, by Vickers, B., “Frances Yates and the Writing of History,” Journal of Modern History 51 (1979): 287–316CrossRefGoogle Scholar, and by others (convenient citations ibid., n. 25); cf. my review in Historical Journal 16 (1973): 865–68CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also Hutin, S., Robert Fludd, alchimiste et philosophe rosicrucien (Paris, 1971 [rectè 1972]).Google Scholar

12. The publishing house of Zetzner issued, for example, various works by Paracelsus, including his Opera Omnia, 2 vols. (Strasbourg, 1603 and again 1616)Google Scholar; the largest of all alchemical collections, Theatrum Chemicum praecipuos selectorum auctorum tractatus de chimiae et lapidis philosophici antiquitate (etc.) continens, 4 vols. (Ober-Ursel, 1602), again 5 vols. (Strasbourg, 1613–22), again 6 vols.Google Scholar (ibid., 1659–61); the Thesaurus exorcismorum atque conjurationum terribilium (Cologne, 1608 and again 1626)Google Scholar; important editions of Ramon Lull and Giovanni della Porta; and the Chymische Hochzeit by J. V. Andreae, of which more below (and cf. Montgomery [below, n. 20], 2:257–63).

13. Convenient modern summary in Zeeden, E. W., Hegemonialkriege und Glubenskämpfe 1556–1648 (Frankfurt a.M., 1977)Google Scholar; but Ritter, M., Deutsche Geschichte im Zeitalter der Gegenreformation und des Dreissigjährigen Krieges, 3 vols. (Stuttgart, 1889–1908)Google Scholar, remains unsurpassed as a political narrative.

14. Best on Altdorf is Kunstmann, H., Die Nürnberger Universität Altdorf und Böhmen (Cologne–Graz, 1963)Google Scholar. For Taurellus, the first real Lutheran (though not a very orthodox Lutheran) metaphysician: Schmid, X., Nicolaus Taurellus aus den Quellen dargestellt (Erlangen, 1860)Google Scholar; Mayer, H.-C., “Ein Altdorfer Philosophenporträt,” Zeitschrift für Bayrische Kirchengeschichte 29 (1960): 145–66Google Scholar; Homann, H., Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts (Utrecht, 1971), 105–22Google Scholar. For the Soner-affair: Zeltner, G. G., Historia Crypto–Socinismi Altorfinae quondam academiae infesti arcana (Leipzig, 1729)Google Scholar; Braun, K., “Der Socinianismus in Altdorf 1616,” Zeitschrift für Bayrische Kirchengeschichte 8 (1933): 65–81, 129–50Google Scholar; Mühlpfordt, G., “Deutsche und polnische Arianer” in Deutsch-slawische Wechselseitigkeit in sieben jahrhunderten, Festschrift E. Winter (Berlin, 1956), 74–98Google Scholar. Ley, H., “Antikirchliche Aufklärung im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert” in Festschrift E. BlochGoogle Scholar (ibid., 1955), 155–79, takes a crudely progressive view of Soner.

15. Johann, Historia von D.Fausten dem weit beschreyten Zauberer unnd Schwartzkünstler… (Frankfurt, 1587)Google Scholar. The major expansion, printed in Hamburg in 1599, by Georg Widmann, bears the title Die wahrhaftigen Historien von den greulichen und abscheulichen Sünden und Lastern, auch von viel wunderlichen und seltsamen Abenteuern, so Doktor Johann Faustus… hat getrieben. On the original printer (compiler?), Johann Spiess, see Zarncke, F., Kleine Schriften (Leipzig, 1897), 1: 289–99Google Scholar; Gerber, H. in Nassauische Lebensbilder 4 (Wiesbaden, 1950): 29–35.Google Scholar

16. Burton's copies of the Frankfurt fair catalogues are now in the Bodleian (4^° P 68 Art., 4^° P 70 Art., etc.), along with plenty of other evidence that the Library used Frank-furt as an emporium. Cf. Philip, I. G., The Bodleian Library in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries (Oxford, 1983), 9, 25f.Google Scholar

17. Arnold's definition of culture is in Culture and Anarchy, ed. Super, R. H. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1965), esp. 233ff.Google Scholar Cf. Honan, P., Matthew Arnold, A Life (London, 1981), esp. 93ff., 331ff.Google Scholar, a lively presentation.

18. Peuckert, W.-E., Die Rosenkreutzer: Zur Geschichte einer Reformation (Jena, 1928)Google Scholar, revised ed., op. posth., ed. Zimmermann, R. C., under the title Das Rosenkreutz (Berlin, 1973). esp. 110ff.Google Scholar, and Arnold, P., Histoire des Rose-Croix et les origines de la Franc-Maçonnerie (Paris, 1955), esp. 137ff.Google Scholar, remain the standard treatments of this phenomenon. Cf. Yates, Rosicrucian Enlightenment, 91–102. Cf. also Zeller, W., Die Schriften Valentin Weigels (Berlin, 1940)Google Scholar; idem, Theologie und Frömmigkeit, gesammelte Aufsätze, ed. Jaspert, B. (Marburg, 1971), 39–84Google Scholar; Korn, D., Das Thema des jüngsten Tages in der deutschen Literatur des 17. jahrhunderts (Tübingen, 1957)Google Scholar, for some related issues.

19. English translation of Andreae's Christianopolis, with extensive introduction, by Held, F. E. (New York, 1916)Google Scholar; latest ed. (Latin and German) by R. van Dülmen (Stuttgart, 1972); most recent discussion in Eliav-Feldon, M., Realistic Utopias (Oxford, 1982), passimGoogle Scholar.

20. Montgomery, J. W., Cross and Crucible: J. V. Andreae, Phoenix of the Theologians, 2 vols. (The Hague, 1973)Google Scholar, deploys some valuable and massively detailed arguments in favor of official Lutheranism, yet his approach seems to raise as many difficulties as it solves. To say that apocalyptic, mystical, and alchemical enthusiasms were widely shared among (nominal) Lutherans is not to say that such views were theologically “orthodox.” It was precisely Andreae's troubled enunciation of them which made him a remarkable spokesman for the nervous agitation of the time. Preus, R. D., The Theology of Post-Reformation Lutheranism, 2 vols. (St. Louis, 1970–1972)Google Scholar, seems more judicious on the general issue. van Dülmen's, R. ed. of the Fama Fraternitatis, Confessio Fraternitatis, and Chymische Hochzeit Christiani Rosencreutz (Stuttgart, 1973)Google Scholar, reasserts briefly the traditional ascription; cf. idem., J. V. Andreae, die Utopie einer christlichen Gesellschaft, 1 (ibid., 1978), and Scholtz, H., Evangelischer Utopismus bei J. V. Andreä, ein geistiges Vorspiel zum PietismusGoogle Scholar (ibid., 1957), a thoughtful study.

21. For Alsted see now Menk, op. cit. 274–81 and passim; cf. the argument of Evans, R. J. W., “Alsted és Erdély,” Korunk 32 (1973): 1908–16.Google Scholar Neveux, op. cit., 48–53, 69–76, provides convenient summaries on Ratke and Comenius as educators. Andreae, J. V., Theophilus, ed. Dülmen, R. van (Stuttgart, 1973).Google Scholar

22. Germany saw numerous editions, mostly in Latin, of the writings of Whitaker and Perkins, of the exile theologians Robert Parker and Hugh Broughton, then of Ames, Bayly, Dyke, Joseph Hall, and others. The subject needs a detailed treatment (Lang, A., Puritanismus und Pietismus [Neukirchen, 1941]Google Scholar, offers little on such Anglo-German contacts). There is bibliographical information in the following: Kempius, M., Charismatum Sacrorum Trias, sive bibliotheca Anglorum theologica (Königsberg, 1677), esp. 444–93Google Scholar; Waterhouse, G., The Literary Relations of England and Germany in the Seventeenth Century (Cambridge, 1914)Google Scholar; Leube, H., Die Reformideen in der deutschen lutherischen Kirche zur Zeit der Orthodoxie (Leipzig, 1924), 162ff.Google Scholar; Breward, I., ed., The Work of William Perkins (Abingdon, 1970), 613–32Google Scholar; Wallmann, J., Philipp Jakob Spener und die Anfänge des Pietismus (Tübingen, 1970), 16ff., 46ff.Google Scholar

For the pre-Pietists see Ritschl, A., Geschichte des Pietismus, 3 vols. (Bonn, 1880–1886), 2, pt. 1Google Scholar; Koepp, W., Johann Arndt, eine Untersuchung über die Mystik im Luthertum (Berlin, 1912).Google Scholar The second generation of them included such men as Betke and Hoburg (see Bornemann, M., Der mystische Spiritualist Joachim Betke und seine Theologie [Berlin, 1959]Google Scholar; Kruse, M., Speners Kritik am landesherrlichen Kirchenregiment und ihre Vorgeschichte [Witten, 1971], 141–73Google Scholar ), as well as the Nuremberg minister Johannes Saubert who was much influenced by the Soner-episode (cf. Dülmen, R. van in Zeitschrift für Bayrische Landesge-schichte 33 [1970]: 636–786Google Scholar ).

23. The early phase of Counter-Reformation, while leaning on individual members of the nobility, especially through the cultural weapon of Jesuit education and the economic weapon of posts in the administration, operated above all by means of princely powers over municipalities to coerce the citizenry of the southern German towns, the foremost carriers of late-humanist values. Cf., for Austria, Evans, R. J. W., The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy 1550–1700 (Oxford, 1979), chaps. 2–3.Google Scholar

24. Kaufmann, Drawings, cat. nos. 30–33, 35–36. The larger Jesuit phenomenon, as suggested here, has hardly been treated in its own right, but there are many hints in the short biographical notices in A. and Backer, A. de and Sommervogel, C., Bibliothèque de la Compagnie de Jésus, 10 vols. (Brussels – Paris, 1890–1909)Google Scholar, and in Duhr, B., Geschichte der Jesuiten in den Ländern deutscher Zunge, 3 vols. (Freiburg i.Br. – Regensburg 1902–1921), passimGoogle Scholar. Cf. now Hengst, K., Jesuiten an Universitäten und Jesuitenuniversitäten (Paderborn, 1981).Google Scholar

25. The progress of the war and its effects are revisited in Parker, G. et al. , The Thirty Years'War (London, 1984)Google Scholar, with comprehensive modern bibliography, and in the forth-coming papers, ed. K. Repgen, of a 1984 conference at Munich on the subject. For the patricians see Kaufmann, Drawings, cat. no. 88, and Aubin, H. and Zorn, W., Handbuch der deutschen Wirtschafts- und Sozialgeschichte, 1 (Stuttgart, 1971), 574ff.Google Scholar

26. German influences on English Puritans in the 1640s and 1650s: Weigel, (his Astrologie Theologized and Mercurius Teutonicus [both London, 1649])Google Scholar, Gifftheil, (cf. Eylenstein, , “L. F. Gifftheil, zum mystischen Separatismus des 17. Jahrhunderts in Deutschland,” Zeitschrift fär Kirchengeschichte 61 [1922], 1–62Google Scholar), Frankenberg, (Clavis Apocalyptica [London, 1651])Google Scholar, Boehme, (cf. Hutin, S., Les disciples anglais de Jacob Boehme aux 17⁶ et 18⁶ siècles [Paris, 1960], 37ff.Google Scholar), Alsted, Comenius (a semi-German influence) and numerous others, are mentioned at various points in Webster, C., The Great Instauration: Science, Medicine, and Reform 1626–60 (London, 1975).Google Scholar

How much such enthusiasts contributed to the origins of Pietism has been a matter of dispute: see Holl, K., Gesammelte Aufsätze zur Kirchengeschichte, 3 vols. (Tübingen 1927–1928), 3: 302–47Google Scholar; Stoeffler, F. E., The Rise of Evangelical Pietism (Leiden, 1965), esp. chap. 4, a sober accountGoogle Scholar; Schmidt, M. and Jannasch, W., eds., Das Zeitalter des Pietismus (Bremen, 1965)Google Scholar, intro. (by Schmidt); Wallmann, op. cit.; Kruse, op. cit.

27. Evans, “German Universities,” esp. 174ff. A. Grafton (in this issue) takes a less charitable view of the intellectual pedigree of this enterprise. For many arguments about pedantry versus barbarism, and about Latinate ideals, see Kühlmann, op. cit., passim. See also now Hammerstein, N., “Universitäten des Heiligen Römischen Reiches deutscher Nation als Ort der Philosophie des Barock,” Studia Leibnitiana 13 (1981): 242–66.Google Scholar

28. Evans, R. J. W., “Learned Societies in Germany in the Seventeenth Century,” European Studies Review 7 (1977): 129–51CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hartmann, F. and Vierhaus, R., eds., Der Akademiegedanke im 17.und 18. Jahrhundert (Wolfenbüttel, 1977), esp. 117–37Google Scholar (R. Winau); cf. Arnold, Culture and Anarchy, 90f., on “curiosity.” Kaufmann, Drawings, 13; cf. Adriani, G., Deutsche Malerei im 17. Jahrhundert (Cologne, 1977).Google Scholar

29. Morhof, D. G., Polyhistor literarius, philosophicus et practicus, 3 vols. (Lübeck, 1695–1708)Google Scholar; Arnold, G., Unparteyische Kirchen- und Ketzer-Historie von Anfang des Neuen Testaments biss auff das jahr 1688, 2 vols. (Frankfurt a.M., 1699–1700).Google ScholarSeeberg, E., Gottfried Arnold, die Wissenschaft und die Mystik seiner Zeit (Meerane in Sachsen, 1923)Google Scholar, is a suitably monumental commentary on the latter work.

30. Schüssler, H., Georg Calixt: Theologie und Kirchenpolitik (Wiesbaden, 1961)Google Scholar, shows the influence of humanist tradition on the Helmstedt school. For the Sprachgesellschaften: Evans, , “Learned Societies,” and—most recently— Bircher, M. and Ingen, F. van, eds., Sprachgesellschaften, Sozietäten, Dichtergruppen (Hamburg, 1978).Google Scholar Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 287ff.

31. Ibid., 296f.; König, G., “Peter Lambeck, Bibliothekar Kaiser Leopolds I,” Mitteilungen des Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 87 (1979): 121–66.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

32. Schnur, R., Individualismo е assolutismo (Milan, 1979, a revised version of lndividualismus und Absolutismus [Berlin, 1963])Google Scholar; idem, Der Rheinbund von 1658 in der deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte (Bonn, 1955)Google Scholar; Oestreich, G., Geist und Gestalt des frühmodernen Staates (Berlin, 1969)Google Scholar; idem, Strukturprobleme der frühen Neuzeit (ibid., 1969). The evolution from Reinking's Tractatus de regimine seculari et ecclesiastico to Seckendorff's Teutscher Fürstenstaat and Pufendorf's De Statu Imperii Germanici cannot be entered into here.

33. For example Andreae, Theophilus, 104ff., on the citizens' moral militia; cf. Brecht, M., Kirchenordnung und Kirchenzucht in Württemberg vom 16. bis zum 18. Jahrhundert (Stuttgart, 1967), 53–82Google Scholar; Kruse, op. cit., esp. 15–47 (on Spener), 82–117 (on Andreae). Hinrichs, C., Preussentum und Pietismus, op. posth. (Göttingen, 1971)Google Scholar, is broader, and K. Deppermann, Der Hallesche Pietismus und der preussische Stoat unter Friedrich III (I) (ibid., 1961), is narrower on the important bridge-building between Pietism and the Hohenzollerns in Prussia. That process is conveniently summarized in English by Fulbrook, M., Piety and Politics: Religion and the Rise of Absolutism in England, Württemberg and Prussia (Cambridge, 1983)CrossRefGoogle Scholar

34. The Reichspatriotismus of the 1680s is surveyed in Redlich, O., Weltmacht des Barock: Österreich in der Zeit Kaiser Leopolds I, 4th ed. (Vienna, 1961).Google Scholar For Thomasius, godly apostle of French values: Wolff, H. M., Die Weltanschauung der deutschen Aufklärung in geschichtlicher Entwicklung (Bern, 1949), chap.1Google Scholar; Barnard, F. M., “The Practical Philosophy of Christian Thomasius,” Journal of the History of Ideas 32 (1971): 221–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Hammerstein, op. cit., 43–147. For the most famous band of Catholic free-thinkers: Braubach, M., Geschichte und Abenteuer: Gestalten um den Prinzen Eugen (Munich, 1950).Google Scholar

35. Menk, op. cit., 79–96 and passim. Such Dutch influence as there was is chronicled by Schneppen, H., Niederländische Universitäten und deutsches Geistesleben (Münster, 1960).Google Scholar

36. On Fitzer, who married the daughter of Johann Theodor de Bry: Keynes, G., The Life of William Harvey (Oxford, 1966), 175ff.Google ScholarGalilaei, G., Dialogus de Systemate Mundi (Strasbourg, 1635)Google Scholar, printed at the expense of the Elzeviers, who encouraged Bernegger to translate without seeking Galileo's permission. Latest on Bernegger: Schindling, A., Humanistische Hochschule und freie Reichsstadt: Gymnasium und Akademie in Strassburg 1538–1621 (Wiesbaden, 1977), 279–89Google Scholar; Kühlmann, 43–66. Bacon, F., Opera Omnia, quae extant ed. Schönwetter, J. B. (Frankfurt, 1665, reprinted at Leipzig in 1694).Google Scholar On Jungius see Evans, “Learned Societies,” 135 with n. 10, and Kangro, H. in Neue deutsche Biographie 10 (1974): 686–89Google Scholar; on the equally eclectic and enterprising Sturm see Evans, ibid., 136, and the brief life in Apinus, S. J., Vitae professorum philosophiae (Nuremberg, 1728).Google Scholar

37. The Acta Eruditorum were founded at Leipzig in 1682 and sustained, with complete anonymity, by professors at the university there as a forum for the discussion of new books. Objective, thorough, shrewd, and well informed, these monthly Acta enjoyed a contemporary reputation as high as that of the Philosophical Transactions of the Royal Society and were probably more widely read. Books reviewed in the first year included Grew on the Royal Society's museum, Ludolf on Ethiopia, Reinesius on Roman inscriptions, Simon on the Old Testament, Mabillon on diplomatics, Bernoulli on comets, Balbín on Bohemia, and Leeuwenhoeck on microscopic observations. Celebrated later notices included Leibniz's discussion of Newton's Principia (cf. Cohen, I. B., Introduction to Newton s Principia [Cambridge, 1971], 145–62CrossRefGoogle Scholar).

38. Schöffler, H., Deutsches Geistesleben zwischen Reformation und Aufklärung, 2d ed. (Frankfurt a.M., 1956)Google Scholar, remains the starting point for investigation of the Silesian phenomenon; cf. Zimmermann, H., Caspar Neumann und die Entstehung der Frühaufklärung (Witten, 1969)Google Scholar; Evans, Habsburg Monarchy, 299ff. On the weakness of national sentiments and their link with language in the seventeenth century see Neveux, op. cit., 701ff.

39. On the values of German culture: Arnold, Matthew, Schools and Universities on the Continent, ed. Super, R. H. (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1964), 185–264.Google Scholar