Hostname: page-component-77c89778f8-9q27g Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-07-24T08:31:25.692Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Becoming Austrian: Women, the State, and Citizenship in World War I

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  16 December 2008

Maureen Healy
Affiliation:
Oregon State University
Rights & Permissions [Opens in a new window]

Extract

Core share and HTML view are not available for this content. However, as you have access to this content, a full PDF is available via the ‘Save PDF’ action button.

In late July 1914, upon partial mobilization of the Austro-Hungarian army, an urgent appeal to “Austria's women” circulated widely in the Viennese press. It urged women to “perform service in the time of war” and reminded them that in this moment of state peril, women had to suppress their “differences” and display the “strongest solidarity” among themselves. “Women's unity, women's energy, and women's work” would be crucial for the survival of Austria. The notice was published by one of the women's groups in what would become the Frauenhilfsaktion Wien, an umbrella organization founded in early August, comprising the major women's groups in the city. Together with similar subsequent appeals to duty, service, sacrifice, and an inner bond uniting all women, the notice marked the beginning of World War I as a potential turning point in women's relationships with each other and with the state. Across the political spectrum, noble, bourgeois, and working-class women, Christian and Jewish, German-speaking, and others, were asked to put aside their differences and perform war service as “Austria's women.”

Type
Articles
Copyright
Copyright © Conference Group for Central European History of the American Historical Association 2002

References

1. Reprinted in Helene Granitsch, Kriegsdienstleistung der Frauen (Vienna, 1915), 8.

2. Cott, Nancy F., “Marriage and Women's Citizenship in the United States, 1830–1934,” American Historical Review 103, no. 5 (1998): 1440–74, 1442CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

3. According to the 1910 census—the last before the war—Vienna had a population of 2,004,939. Of these, 1,816,102 (91 percent) had domicile (Heimatberechtigung) in Vienna itself or in another part of Austria. Legally, we can consider this group citizens of Austria, because in order to possess rights of domicile, one needed to be a citizen (Staatsbürger). See law of 3 December 1863, §2 “Nur Staatsbürger können das Heimatrecht in einer Gemeinde enyerben.” Geller, Leo, Allgemeines bürgerliches Gesetzbuch sammt einschlägigen Novellen (Vienna, 1892), 150Google Scholar. Of the remaining population, 148,552 (7 percent) had domicile in Hungary or Bosnia-Herzegovina and 40,315 (2 percent) were citizens of foreign countries. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Wien (Vienna, 1912), 900Google Scholar.

4. Der Sozialdemocrat. Monatsschrift der Organisation Wien (1 01 1919): 3Google Scholar. Cited in Sieder, Reinhard, “Behind the Lines: Working-Class Family Life in Wartime Vienna,” in The Upheaval of War: Family, Work and Welfare in Europe, 1914–1918, ed. Wall, Richard and Winter, Jay (Cambridge, 1988), 132Google Scholar.

5. In her useful essay tracing the evolution of Austrian citizenship since the late eighteenth century, Hannelore Burger broaches, but does not systematically address, gendered aspects of this citizenship. Burger, Hannelore, “Zum Begriff der österreichischen Staatsbürgerschaft: Vom Josephinischen Gesetzbuch zum Staatsgrundgesetz über die allgemeinen Rechte der Staatsbürger,” in Geschichte und Recht: Festschrift für Gerald Stourzh zum 70. Geburtstag, ed. Angerer, Thomas et al. (Vienna, 1999), 207–23Google Scholar.

6. See, for example, Grayzel, Susan R., Women's Identities at War: Gender, Motherhood, and Politics in Britain and France during the First World War (Chapel Hill, 1999)Google Scholar; Domansky, Elisabeth, “Militarization and Reproduction in World War I Germany,” in Society, Culture and the State in Germany, 1870–1930, ed. Eley, Geoff (Ann Arbor, 1996), 427–63Google Scholar; Darrow, Margaret H., “French Volunteer Nursing and the Myth of War Experience in World War I,” American Historical Review 101, no. 1 (1996): 80106CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed.

7. Historians have begun to explore links between national identity and women in the Habsburg lands. See Judson, Pieter M., “The Gendered Politics of German Nationalism in Austria, 1880–1900,” in Austrian Women in the Nineteenth and Twentieth Centuries, ed. Good, David F., Grandner, Margarete, and Maynes, Mary Jo (Providence, 1996), 117Google Scholar; Nolte, Claire, “‘Every Czech a Sokol!” Feminism and Nationalism in the Czech Sokol Movement,” Austrian History Yearbook 24 (1993): 79100CrossRefGoogle Scholar; David, Katherine, “Czech Feminists and Nationalism in the Late Habsburg Monarchy: ‘The First in Austria,’Journal of Women's History 3, no. 2 (Fall, 1991): 2645CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a recent historiographical overview, see Saurer, Edith, “Women's History in Austria: An Almost Critical Assessment,” Austrian History Yearbook 27 (1996): 261–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

8. See Wank, Solomon, “Some Reflections on the Habsburg Empire and Its Legacy in the Nationalities Question,” Austrian History Yearbook 28 (1997): 131–46CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

9. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Wien (1912), 890, 900–2, 915Google Scholar.

10. Frauenvereine, Bund österreichischer, ed., Frauenkriegskalender 1915 (Vienna, 1915), 63Google Scholar.

11. A large literature now exists on World War I women and gender, Higonnet, Margaret, et al. , eds., Behind the Lines: Gender and the Two World Wars (New Haven, 1987)Google Scholar; Daniel, Ute, The War from Within: German Working-Class Women in the First World War, transl. Ries, Margaret (Oxford, 1997)Google Scholar; Davis, Belinda, Home Fires Burning: Food, Politics and Everyday Life in World War I Berlin (Chapel Hill, 2000)Google Scholar; Kent, Susan Kingsley, Making Peace: The Reconstruction of Gender in Intentar Europe (Princeton:, 1993)Google Scholar. For Austria, see Hämmerle, Christa, “‘…wirf ihnen alles hin und schau, dass du fort kommst’: Die Feldpost eines Paares in der Geschlechter(un)ordnung des Ersten Weltkrieges,” Historische Anthropologie 6, no. 3 (1998): 431–58Google Scholar.

12. See Koven, Seth and Michel, Sonya, eds. Mothers of a New World: Maternalist Politics and the Origins of Welfare Slates (New York, 1993)Google Scholar; Pedersen, Susan, Family, Dependence and the Origins of the Welfare State in Britain and France, 1914–1945 (Cambridge, 1993)Google Scholar; Hong, Young-sun, Welfare, Modernity and the Weimar State, 1919–1933 (Princeton, 1998)Google Scholar; Rouette, Susanne, “Mothers and Citizens: Gender and Social Policy in Germany after the First World War,” Central European History 30, no. 1 (1997): 4866CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

13. Anderson, Harriet, Utopian Feminism: Women's Movements in fin-de-siècle Vienna (New Haven, 1992), 124CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

14. On women in prewar politics, see Anderson, Utopian Feminism; Zaar, Birgitta, “Dem Mann die Politik, der Frau die Familie—die Gegner des politischen Frauenstimmrechtes in Österreich, 1848–1918,” Österreichische Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft 16 (1987): 351–62Google Scholar.

15. Frauenkriegskalender 1915, 3.

16. Die Frauen-Hilfsaktion Wien (Vienna, n.d.), 15Google Scholar. From my research it appears that the Allgemeiner österreichischer Frauenverein, a very small but intellectually influential group of women (primarily from Vienna), did not officially join the Frauenhilfsakion Wien, although its members were active in war services. The AöF sent the only Austrian representatives to the 1915 women's international peace conference in the Hague. The group wished to transcend the limits of “Austria's women” and appealed to “women of all classes and all empires.” Friedenshefte des Allgemeinen österr. Frauen-Vereins: Frauen auf zum Kampf für den Frieden (probably 1917).

17. Because membership in some groups overlapped, “double counting” of members is possible here. Membership figures from the following: Granitsch, , Kriegsdienstleistung, 10Google Scholar; Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung 27, no. 8 (9 04 1918), p. 1Google Scholar. The number of Social Democratic women may have been higher in 1914–the women's committee struggled to hold its members during the war; Tätigkeitsbericht der katholischen Frauenorganizationen für Niederösterreich 1917, AdR k.k. Min. soz. Verwaltung 1918, Jugendfürsorge carton 2472, #289; Boyer, John W., Culture and Politicai Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in Power, 1897–1918 (Chicago, 1995), 502 (figures for 1901–1905)Google Scholar; Anderson, , Utopian Feminism, 91Google Scholar.

18. Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung 24, no. 1, 5 01 1915, pp. 34Google Scholar.

19. Oesterreichische Frauen-Zeitung 1, no. 1 (1917), p. 7Google Scholar.

20. Helene Rauchenberg, “Erziehung zum Frieden,” lecture before the Bund öst. Frauenvereine, Vienna 1918.

21. Migerka, Katharina, “Was der grosse Krieg uns lehrt,” Almanach, 99Google Scholar.

22. Almanach, 18.

23. Hämmerle, Christa, “‘Zur Liebesarbeit sind wir hier, Soldatenstrümpfe stricken wir.…’: Zu Formen weiblicher Kriegsfürsorge im Ersten Weltkrieg,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1996), 159Google Scholar.

24. Frauen-Hilfsaktion, 11; Der Bund: Zentralblatt des Bundes österr. Frauenvereine 12, no. 9 (11 1917), 1213Google Scholar.

25. Müller, Anitta, Ein Jahr Flüchtlingsfürsorge, 1914– 15 (Vienna, 1916), 7Google Scholar. Jewish women saw their war work as an opportunity to serve Austria and fellow Jews simultaneously. See Rozenblit, Marsha L., “For Fatherland and Jewish People: Jewish Women in Austria During World War I,” in Authority, Identity and the Social History of the Great War, ed. Coetzee, Frans and Shevin-Coetzee, Marilyn (Providence, 1995): 199222Google Scholar.

26. See Elshtain, Jean Bethke, Women and War (Chicago, 1987)Google Scholar.

27. For Vienna's wartime food crisis, see Healy, Maureen, “Vienna Falling: Total War and Everyday Life, 1914–1918,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Chicago, 2000), chap. 1Google Scholar.

28. Almanach, Käthe Braun, 15; Ella Hofer, 66; Katharina Migerka, 99.

29. Stimmung und wirtschaftliche Lage der österreichischen Bevölkerung im Hinterland. May Report. Kriegsarchiv, Kriegsüberwachungsamt [KA, KÜA] 1917, #108758.

30. I consider the statistics on child murder and abortion in Exner's, FranzKrieg und Kriminalität in Österreich (New Haven, 1927)Google Scholar to be unreliable. Like many scholars from this time period, Exner draws conclusions about Austria using German statistics because the latter are “richer” and better organized according to sex, age, and family status. See pp. 146–66 for his discussion of women.

31. Police report on Hedwig Dussl. Archiv der Bundespolizeidirektion Wien [AdBDW] 1917 St./27 #40663.

32. Ibid., Stimmungsberichte, 8, 1, 8, 23 February 1917.

33. An unsere Leserinnen,” Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung, 11 01 1916, p. 1Google Scholar.

34. Der Morgen, 21 06 1915, p. 14Google Scholar; 2 08 1915, p. 12.

35. Police report, 3 April 1917. AdBDW 1917 V/9 #32385.

36. Protokoll from Polizei-Bezirks-Kommissariat Favoriten, 30 March 1917. AdBDW 1917 St./20 #32385.

37. Wiener Stadt- und Landesbibliothek, Zeitungsausschnitt-Sammlung [WSLB ZAS] Frauenarbeit 1, Arbeiterzeitung, 9 Feb 1916.

38. ABGB 34 Patent, 24 March 1832, §19 states, “Die Frauenspersonen, welche das Staatsbürgerrecht geniessen, und welche sich mit einem Ausländer verheiraten, verlieren, indem sie dem Stande des Mannes folgen, hiedurch die Eigenschaft von österreichischen Unterthaninnen.” Geller, , Allgemeines bürgerliches Gesetzbuch, 152Google Scholar.

39. Stourzh, Gerald, “Ethnic Attribution in Late Imperial Austria: Good Intentions, Evil Consequences,” in The Habsburg Legacy: National Identity in Historical Perspective, ed. Robertson, Ritchie and Timms, Edward (Edinburgh, 1994), 6783Google Scholar.

40. Ibid., 71.

41. Loewenfeld-Russ, Hans, Im Kampf gegen den Hunger: Ans den Erinnerungen des Staatssekretärs für Volksernährung, 1918–1920 (Munichm, 1986), 100Google Scholar.

42. See Feigl, Erich, Kaiserin Zita (Vienna, 1977)Google Scholar; Brook-Shepherd, Gordon, The Last Empress: The Life and Times of Zita of Austria-Hungary, 1892–1989 (London, 1991)Google Scholar; and Vasari, Emilio, Zita: Kaiserin und Königin (Munich, 1976)Google Scholar.

43. Police and governor's reports on rumors about the imperial family. Niederösterreichisches Landesarchiv, Präsidialakten [NÖLA Präs.] “P” 1918 Ib, 2603.

44. “Eine vaterländische Massenkundgebung in Wien,” Reichspost, 2 06 1918Google Scholar, cited in Feigl, , Kaiserin Zita, 336–39Google Scholar.

45. Feigl, , Kaiserin Zita, 27Google Scholar.

46. Neues Frauenleben: Organ der freiheitlichen Frauen in Österreich 19, nos. 11–12 (11/12 1917): 226Google Scholar.

47. A legal separation, “Scheidung von Tisch und Bett” (literally, separation of table and bed), allowed partners in a failed marriage to take up separate households. Divorce (Trennung) was permitted only for non-Catholics. ABGB §111, 115. See Boyer, John W., “Freud, Marriage, and Late Viennese Liberalism: A Commentary from 1905,” Journal of Modern History 50 (03 1978): 72102CrossRefGoogle ScholarPubMed; and Harmat, Ulrike, “Die Auseinandersetzungen um das Ehescheidungsrecht und die sog. ‘Sever-Ehen,’ 1918–1938,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Vienna, 1996)Google Scholar.

48. Report from Walzel, Nachrichtenstelle Udine, 14 April 1918. Kriegsarchiv, Militärkanzlei Seiner Majestät [KA, MKSM] 1918 69–9/47.

49. Letter from Maria Mosconi to Kaiser Karl, 24 May 1918. KA, MKSM 1918 69–9/47.

50. WSLB ZAS, Rechtsleben und polizeiliche Massnahmen III, Neues Wiener Tagblatt (Abend), 26 January 1917.

51. Ein Jahr Frauenhilfskomitee—Die Feindin,” Arbeiterinnen-Zeitung (24 08 1915): 34Google Scholar.

52. Letter Maria Swiatopulk-Mirska to police. NÖLA Präs. “P” XVIII, 396.

53. For example, in 1917, military authorities made a diagram the size of a field map of the Kreutzenberg-Ecchers, a family accused of Italian irredentism, and provided a key explaining the crimes or suspicious activities of forty-five family members over four generations. The few upstanding members of the family, including a Major General in the Austrian army, could not make up for the dozens of bad seeds; the family was incurably “national gesinnt” On occasion, it was not the male members whose behavior and attitudes determined the Gesinnung of the whole family. In the case of the Kreutzenberg-Ecchers, officials deemed Eugenia von Kreutzenberg, wife and mother, a “fanatical Italian” and “the most politically dubious person, the prime mover in the family, who wielded influence” over her husband and sons. Stammbaum der Familie Eccher; k.u.k. 11. Armeekommando to k.u.k. Heeresgruppenkommando FM Freiherr von Conrad, 18 June 1917. KA, MKSM 69–8/8 1917.

54. Report on Barna family. NÖLA Präs. “P” 1915, IV, 297.

55. Letter to Statthalterei, 4 March 1915. NÖLA Präs. “P” 1915, VII, 1210.

56. Anonymous letter from Brünn to Pol Kommissariat Favoriten. AdBDW 1916 St./9 #30703.

57. Pedersen, Susan, “Gender, Welfare and Citizenship in Britain during the Great War,” AHR 95, no. 4 (10 1990): 9831006, 985Google Scholar.

58. WSLB ZAS Frauenarbeit III, Arbeiterzeitung, 23 June 1918.

59. Censor's reports “Der staatliche Unterhaltsbeitrag,” 31 March 1917, 5 June 1917 and 3 March 1918. KA, Armeeoberkommando-Gemeinsames Zentralnachweisbüro [AOK GZNB], 1917 carton 3751 #4614, #4675; AOK 1918 GZNB carton 3757 #5033.

60. WSLB ZAS Staatliche Unterstützung I, AZ 22 August 1914.

61. Report on state support subsidies, 31 March 1917. KA, AOK GZNB, 1917, carton 3751, #4614.

62. Denkschrift über die von der k.k. Regierung aus Anlass des Krieges getroffenen Massnahmen 4 (Vienna, 1918), 257Google Scholar.

63. Law of 26 December 1912 RGBl Nr. 237, cited in Kriegszustand. Instruktionen für Polizeiorgane (Vienna, 1914), 1920Google Scholar. A dense 1918 pamphlet “Was bekommen jetzt die Soldatenfamilien?” shows that the 1912 law, with its wartime changes and additions, had become indecipherable to the average recipient.

64. “Neuregelung des staatlichen Unterhaltsbeitrages,” Law of 27 July 1917, RGB1. Nr. 313. WSLB 67052C Kriegssammlung Konvolut 2.

65. Report on state support subsidies, 31 March 1917. KA, AOK GZNB, 1917, carton 3751, #4614.

66. Comments of Gemeinderat Reumann and Skaret. WSLA B23/73 Gemeinderat. Protokoll der Obmänner-Konferenz, 1 December 1914.

67. WSLB ZAS Staatliche Unterstützung II, NWT, 5 August 1915.

68. Third report on State support subsidies, March 1918. KA, AOK 1918 GZNB carton 3757, #5033.

69. WSLB ZAS Staatliche Unterstützung I, Fremdenblatt, 28 January 1915; II, Amtsblatt der Stadt Wien, 14 January 1916.

70. Was bekommen die Hinterbliebenen der Gefallenen?AZ, 25 11 1914Google Scholar.

71. On Kriegerfrauen in Germany, see Daniel, , Waf from Within, 182–85Google Scholar; and Davis, , Home Fires Burning, 3340Google Scholar. On soldiers' wives in Russia, see Engel, Barbara Alpern, “Not by Bread Alone: Subsistence Riots in Russia during World War I,” JMH 69 (12 1997): 696721Google Scholar.

72. Police report on meeting of Eherechtsreformverein, 15 May 1918. NÖLA Präs. “P” 1918, XVb, 2176.

73. After a surge in marriages (4,929) in August 1914, the monthly marriage rate returned to prewar levels (around 1,000 per month), and did not vary much throughout the war. Another surge is evident in the second half of 1919. Mitteilungen der statistischen Abteilung des Wiener Magistrates, Monatsberichte, 1914–1919.

74. WSLB ZAS Staatliche Unterstützungen II, AZ 24 November 1916.

75. Ibid.

76. For example, Austrian law held that a woman was less capable than her husband of administering her own property. And women, along with children, the insane, the blind, the deaf, and the mute (among others) could not legally serve as witnesses. Lehner, Oskar, Familie—Recht—Politik: Die Entwicklung des österreichischen Familienrechtes im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert (Vienna, 1987), 21, 27CrossRefGoogle Scholar. For a nineteenth-century Austrian discussion of women's inferior brain functioning, see Zaar, “Dem Mann die Politik …”

77. §30 of the Austrian Law of Associations, 15 November 1867.

78. Hainisch, Marianne, “Petition an das Abgeordnetenhaus,” Der Bund 12, no. 9 (11 1917)Google Scholar.

79. These are §63 and §65 respectively of the Austrian penal code. In the years 1909–1913 only a handful of people—all of them male—were arrested in Vienna for these crimes. Statistisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Wien, 1914 (Vienna, 1918), 306Google Scholar.

80. See Jaroslav Hasek, The Good Soldier Schweik, Book I, chaps. 1–2; and Karl Kraus, Die letzten Tage der Menschheit, Act I, scene 1.

81. For a full and lively account of this law, see Drda, Elgin, “Die Entwicklung der Majestätsbeleidigung in der österreichischen Rechtsgeschichte unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Ära Kaiser Franz Josephs,” (Ph.D. diss., University of Linz), 1992Google Scholar.

82. Elise Bergtagnolli [also Bertaguolli] and Anna Burger, MKSM recommendations for imperial pardon. KA, MKSM 1917 85–1/10; 85–1/65.

83. KA, MKSM 1916 85–1/36; AdBDW 1916 St./9 #35306 and #27535.

84. KA, MKSM 1916, 1917 85–1. The women were tried in army district courts in Vienna, Linz, Brünn, Prague, Theresienstadt, Josefstadt, and a few smaller military court branches. Shortly after these cases were processed, Kaiser Karl's general amnesty of 2 July 1917 freed many female offenders jailed on charges of “insulting his majesty” and disturbing the peace.

85. Ibid., 1916 85–1/71.

86. Ibid., 1917 85–1/89.

87. Ibid., 1917 85–1/220.

88. Ibid., 1917 85–1/28.

89. AdBDW 1916 St./9 #26483.

90. KA, MKSM 1917 85–1/220.

91. Ibid., 1917 85–1/29.

92. On desertion, see Plaschka, Richard, et al. , eds., Innere Front: Militärassistenz, Widerstand und Umsturz in der Donaumonarchie 1918, 2 vols. (Munich, 1974)Google Scholar. In 1917, the Ministry of the Interior ordered the Statthalterei in Vienna to compile monthly reports about “staatspolizeilich relevante Vorfälle.” Aiding a deserter appears frequently in these reports. NÖLA Präs. “P” 1917 VII, 752.

93. §220 Austrian penal code. Penalty was a fine and six months to a year in prison.

94. Note relating to case of Sofie Novozamski. KA, MKSM 1917 85–1/237.

95. Ibid., 85–1/110.

96. Wiener Stadt- und Landesarchiv, Landesgericht Strafsachen 1917 Fasz. 514 ZI. 8922, document 21.

97. Plaschka, , et al. , Innere Front, 1: 44Google Scholar.

98. KM memo, 3 January 1917. KA, AOK GZNB 1917 carton 3750 #4605.

99. Next to the image of the virtuous “angel-like” nurse, was a counter image of the nurse as whore. See Hanisch, Ernst, “Die Männlichkeit des Kriegers: Das österreichische Militärstrafrecht im Ersten Weltkrieg,” in Geschichte und Recht, ed. Angerer, et al. , 329–30Google Scholar.

100. KM memo, 3 January 1917. KA, AOK GZNB 1917 Carton 3750, #4605.

101. Ibid.

102. Bestimmungen für die Aufnahme weiblicher Hilfskräfte und deren Verwendung im Bereiche der A.i.F, emphasis in original. KA, MS/ I. Weltkrieg Allg. 111, fol. 1–241.

103. Nachrichtenblatt …, ibid.

104. Bestimmungen … Volunteers performing more traditionally “female” work—as mess cooks for officers and soldiers, seamstresses, waitresses, launderers and cleaners—earned consider ably less, between 40 and 90K monthly, in ibid.

105. Illus. Wiener Extrablatt, 24 April 1918.

106. Bestimmungen … KA, MS/ I. Weltkrieg Allg. 111, fol. 1–241.

107. WSLB ZAS Frauenarbeit III, Reichspost, 10 October 1918 (Abend).

108. Anonymous letter to Kaiser Karl, May 1918. AdBDW 1918 St./16 #55053.

109. Memo from k.u.k. 11 Armeekommando, 24 August 1918. KA MS/ 1. Weltkrieg Allg. 111, fol. 1–241.

110. Letter of Olga Fil and official response, 23 July 1917. AdBDW 1917 St./2 #48164.

111. KM memo, 3 January 1917. KA, AOK GZNB 1917 carton 3750 #4605.

112. Rumerskirch letter to kaiser, 19 April 1917. KA, MKSM 1917 carton 1268, #10–1/23.

113. Pol Dir Wien to Statthaltereìpräs., 27 November 1914. NÖLA Präs. “P” 1914, 1422.