Hostname: page-component-848d4c4894-2xdlg Total loading time: 0 Render date: 2024-06-23T15:23:57.207Z Has data issue: false hasContentIssue false

Pied Piping, Feature Percolation and the Structure of the Noun Phrase

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Elizabeth A. Cowper*
Affiliation:
University of Toronto

Extract

Ross (1967) showed that in relative clauses, not only may the WH-phrase be fronted, but an NP or PP containing the WH-phrase may also be fronted, as shown in (1):

  1. (1)

    1. a. This is the child [who]i I’ve been hearing stories about ti.

    2. b. This is the child [about whom]i I’ve been hearing stories ti.

    3. c. This is the child [stories about whom]i I’ve been hearing ti.

    Ross called this phenomenon “pied piping”. His statement of the pied piping convention is given in (2).

  2. (2) Any transformation which is stated in such a way as to effect the reordering of some specified node NP, where this node is preceded and followed by variables in the structural index of the rule, may apply to this NP or to any non-coordinate NP which dominates it, as long as there are no occurrences of any coordinate node, nor of the node S, on the branch connecting the higher node and the specified node. (1967:114)

Notice that Ross’s statement applies to any transformation moving an element over a variable. Thus, the prediction is that WH-questions and relative clauses should behave similarly with respect to pied piping. This is not the case, as pointed out by Bresnan (1976:37). Questions seem to be much more limited in what can be pied piped than are relative clauses.

Type
Research Article
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association 1987

Access options

Get access to the full version of this content by using one of the access options below. (Log in options will check for institutional or personal access. Content may require purchase if you do not have access.)

References

Abney, Steven 1986 Functional Elements and Licensing. Paper presented at GLOW, Gerona, Spain.Google Scholar
Aoun, Joseph, Hornstein, Norbert, and Sportiche, Dominique 1981 Some Aspects of Wide Scope Quantification. Journal of Linguistics Research 1:6995.Google Scholar
Brame, Michael 1982 The Head-Selector Theory of Lexical Specifications and the Nonexistence of Coarse Categories. Linguistic Analysis 10:321325.Google Scholar
Bresnan, Joan 1976 On the Form and Functioning of Transformations. Linguistic Inquiry 7:340.Google Scholar
di Sciullo, Anne-Marie, and Williams, Edwin 1987 On the Definition of Word. Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press.Google Scholar
Kayne, Richard 1976 French Relative ‘que’. Pp. 255299 in Current Studies in Romance Linguistics, Hensey, Fritz G. and Luján, Marta, eds. Washington: Georgetown University Press.Google Scholar
Lasnik, Howard, and Saito, Mamoru 1984 On the Nature of Proper Government. Linguistic Inquiry 15:235289.Google Scholar
Lieber, Rochelle 1981 On the Organization of the Lexicon. Ph.D. thesis, MIT.Google Scholar
Massam, Diane, and Lefebvre, Claire 1987 The Core Syntax of Haitian Creole. Paper presented to the 18th Conference on African Linguistics, UQAM.Google Scholar
Ross, J.R. 1967 Constraints on Variables in Syntax. Ph.D. thesis, MIT.Google Scholar
Williams, Edwin 1983 Against Small Clauses. Linguistic Inquiry 14:287308.Google Scholar
Williams, Edwin 1987 Implicit Arguments, the Binding Theory and Control. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 5:151180.Google Scholar