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Copular sentences expressing Kimian states in Irish and Russian

Published online by Cambridge University Press:  27 June 2016

Gréte Dalmi
Gréte Dalmi*
Affiliation:
Eszterházy College, Eger, Hungary
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Abstract

The central claim of this article is that the D(avidsonian)-state vs. K(imian)-state distinction established for German and Spanish by Maienborn is of wider crosslinguistic relevance. Stage-level and individual-level secondary predicates are both viewed here as K-states as they contain only a Kimian temporal variable but no Davidsonian event variable. Secondary predicates expressing a K-state may acquire the temporary/actual property interpretation when an alternative state entailment is added to them. In such cases the functional layer of the BE-predicate contains a syntactic operator (OPalt) that can bind the Kimian temporal variable in accessible worlds. If no such entailment is added, the same temporal variable is bound by the T0 functional head of the BE-predicate in the actual world. The auxiliary tá/bhí ‘be’ in Irish imposes the semantic restriction that its secondary predicate must contain the alternative state entailment. The copula is/ba ‘be’, on the other hand, is used in the absence of such an entailment. Case obviation on the secondary predicate head in Russian copular sentences signals alternative state entailment, while case agreement on the secondary predicate appears in the absence of this entailment.

Résumé

Résumé

Cet article propose que la distinction entre l’état-D(avidsonien) et l’état-K(imien) établie pour l’allemand et l’espagnol par Maienborn est pertinente pour d’autres langues. Les prédicats secondaires d’individu ou épisodiques sont tous les deux considérés comme des états-K puisqu’ils ne contiennent qu’une variable temporelle kimienne mais aucune variable d’événement davidsonienne. Les prédicats secondaires qui expriment un état-K peuvent acquérir l’interprétation de propriété temporelle/réelle dès qu’une conséquence nécessaire d’état alternatif s’y ajoute. Dans de tels cas, le niveau fonctionnel du prédicat ÊTRE contient un opérateur syntaxique (OPalt) qui peut lier la variable temporelle kimienne dans des mondes accessibles. Lorsqu’une telle conséquence ne s’ajoute pas, la même variable temporelle est liée par la tête fonctionnelle T0 du prédicat ÊTRE dans le monde réel. L’auxiliaire tá/bhí ‘être’ en irlandais impose la restriction sémantique selon laquelle son prédicat secondaire doit contenir la conséquence d’état alternatif. La copule is/ba ‘être’, par contre, est utilisée en l’absence d’une telle conséquence. L’obviation du cas sur la tête du prédicat secondaire dans des phrases copulatives en russe signale une conséquence d’état alternatif, alors que l’accord de cas sur le prédicat secondaire apparaît en l’absence de cette conséquence.

Keywords

Kimian statecopular sentencesalternative statesthe Irish two-BE systemRussian case-agreement vs. case obviationétat kimienphrases copulativesétats alternatifsle système irlandais de deux verbes ÊTREaccord de cas vs obviation de cas en russe
Type
Articles
Information
Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique , Volume 57 , Issue 3 , November 2012 , pp. 341 - 358
Copyright
Copyright © Canadian Linguistic Association/Association canadienne de linguistique 2012 

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