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² For “layered” sovereignty see Benton, Lauren, A Search for Sovereignty: Law and Geography in European Empires, 1400–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), esp. 30–32Google Scholar, in particular n. 88. For an elegant account of how settler governments eradicated the sovereignties of indigenous competitors see Ford, Lisa, Settler Sovereignty: Jurisdiction and Indigenous People in America and Australia, 1788–1836 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010)Google Scholar. See also the sources cited in note 111 below.

³ See Benton, , A Search for SovereigntyCrossRefGoogle Scholar, and Ford, , Settler SovereigntyGoogle Scholar. See also Thomson, Janice E., Mercenaries, Pirates, and Sovereigns: State-Building and Extraterritorial Violence in Early Modern Europe (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1994)Google Scholar; Benton, Lauren A., Law and Colonial Cultures: Legal Regimes in World History, 1400–1900 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002)Google Scholar. For the British Empire in particular see Armitage, David, The Ideological Origins of the British Empire (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000)CrossRefGoogle Scholar; MacMillan, Ken, Sovereignty and Possession in the English New World: The Legal Foundations of Empire, 1576–1640 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006)Google Scholar.

⁴ Thomson, , Mercenaries, Pirates, and SovereignsCrossRefGoogle Scholar. In Thomson's analysis of extraterritorial violence, mercenaries, privateers, and mercantile companies were the handmaidens of parliaments and monarchs (the true “state-builders”).

⁵ Stern, Philip J., “‘A Politie of Civill & Military Power’: Political Thought and the Late Seventeenth-Century Foundations of the East India Company-State,” Journal of British Studies 47 (2008): 253–83, 257CrossRefGoogle Scholar [emphasis added]. See also Stern, Philip J., “Politics and Ideology in the Early East India Company-State: The Case of St Helena, 1673–1709,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 35, 1 (2007): 1–23CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Sen, Sudipta, Distant Sovereignty: National Imperialism and the Origins of British India (New York: Routledge, 2002), esp. 7–11Google Scholar.

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⁹ Smandych, and Linden, , “Administering Justice without the State,” 26Google Scholar. See also Smandych, Russell and Sacca, Karina, “The Development of Criminal Law Courts in Pre-1870 Manitoba,” Manitoba Law Journal 24 (1996): 201–57Google Scholar. That Foucault was a philosopher concerned above all with a European modernity has not stopped many colonial/postcolonial historians from experimenting with his theories. See also note 107 below.

¹⁰ “Governor” in this article refers to the position variously known as “post factor,” “chief factor,” and “Governor” in HBC discourse, to avoid any confusion. Similarly, “settlement” is used here for the immediate acreage surrounding the posts, a term used interchangeably with “plantation” in HBC discourse. It should not be taken to signify a settler colonial situation, which was properly introduced into Rupert's Land by Lord Selkirk in 1811.

¹¹ This was equally the case in North America as in South Asia. MacMillan, , Sovereignty and Possession, ch. 3 and 4Google Scholar; Chaudhuri, K.N., The Trading World of Asia in the English East India Company, 1660–1760 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), 109–20, 125–29CrossRefGoogle Scholar; Watson, I. Bruce, “Fortifications and the ‘Idea’ of Force in Early English East India Company Relations with India,” Past and Present 88 (1980): 70–87CrossRefGoogle Scholar.

¹² While very similar in content, the HBC's charter did not have the same footing in English law as the EIC's charter did: the HBC Charter was null and void from 1697, and was lucky to escape scrutiny in a London courtroom, whereas the EIC Charter was renewed in 1708, 1712, 1730, 1744, 1766, 1780, and 1793. Rich, , Hudson's Bay Company, vol. 1, 659Google Scholar; Bowen, H.V., “‘No Longer Mere Traders’: Continuities and Change in the Metropolitan Development of the East India Company, 1600–1834,” in The Worlds of the East India Company, ed. Bowen, H.V. et al. (Woodbridge, UK: Boydell Press, 2002), 26Google Scholar.

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¹⁴ Ibid.

¹⁵ Ibid., 16–17.

¹⁶ MacMillan, , Sovereignty and Possession, ch. 4Google Scholar.

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²⁵ The quoted passage is from Francis, Daniel and Morantz, Toby, Partners in Furs: A History of the Fur Trade in Eastern James Bay, 1600–1870 (Montreal & Kingston: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1983), 98Google Scholar.

²⁶ The quoted passage is from the Royal Charter, 10. For an overview of native geopolitics see Friesen, Gerald, The Canadian Prairies: A History (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1984), 22–44Google Scholar. Greater detail can be found in separate studies, including Dickason, Olive P., “A Historical Reconstruction for the Northwest Plains,” Prairie Forum 5, 1 (1980): 19–37Google Scholar; Ray, Arthur J., Indians in the Fur Trade: Their Role as Trappers, Hunters, and Middlemen in the Lands Southwest of Hudson Bay, 1660–1870 (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1974), 3–26Google Scholar; Lewis, Oscar, The Effects of White Contact upon Blackfoot Culture with Special Reference to the Role of the Fur Trade (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1966)Google Scholar.

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⁴⁰ Rich, , Hudson's Bay Company, vol. 1, 648Google Scholar.

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⁴² This is precisely what the “non-official” English population of India was doing in the same period. See Klosky, Elizabeth, Colonial Justice in British India: White Violence and the Rule of Law (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010), 27–68Google Scholar.

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⁴⁷ The Royal Charter, 11.

⁴⁸ Baker, , “Law Transplanted,” 43–52, 44Google Scholar. Eventually, these substantial legislative powers led to the framing of the HBC's Standing Orders and Regulations, along with a number of smaller legislative safety checks, which were intended to shape intra-company operations. These typically concerned master/servant relationships and labour regulations. For a good study of the HBC's labour system in a later period see Burley, Servants of the Honourable Company.

⁴⁹ Rich, , Copy-Book of Letters Outward, 80Google Scholar; different versions of this oath appear in Rich, E.E., ed., Minutes of the Hudson's Bay Company, 1679–1684, pts. 1 and 2 (Toronto: Champlain Society, 1945, 1946)Google Scholar. See also Smandych, and Linden, , “Administering Justice without the State,” 33–34Google Scholar.

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¹¹¹ This process began with restrictions on native property rights (among them the right to Crown “pre-emption,” secured in 1763), followed by the triumph of settler jurisdictions and the extinguishment of indigenous legal systems in the nineteenth century, and finally climaxed with syndicated treaties and policies of land alienation and reservation during the period 1860–1930. A number of works explore this process with their own important insights. See in particular Harring, Sidney L., White Man's Law: Native People in Nineteenth-Century Canadian Jurisprudence (Toronto: Osgoode Society for Canadian Legal History, 1998)Google Scholar; Weaver, John C., The Great Land Rush and the Making of the Modern World, 1650–1900 (Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 2003)Google Scholar; Banner, How the Indians Lost Their Land; Ford, Settler Sovereignty.

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¹¹⁵ Rahn, Richard W., “Authority, Responsibility and Accountability” (Cato Institute, June 8, 2010), http://www.cato.org/pub-display.php?pub_id=11879Google Scholar.

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