^{page 104 note a} “To the service of His Majesty, and I hope that your Lordship will arrange it all with your usual great prudence and dexterity.”

ldquo;In the first place, pursuing the negotiation which has been opened, your Lordship will show that there is on His Majesty's behalf an equally good disposition and inclination to carry it to a successful end ; but, when they come to particulars, you will, before going further, point out to them the impediment,” &c. p. 2, note ^a

^{page 104 note b} “Infanta, especially having the hope of succession to her father's kingdoms, marrying,” &c. p. 2, note ^b.

^{page 105 note a} “And when they are prepared for the education of the Prince in the Catholic religion your Lordship will dexterously give them to understand that, as this point is of such importance for the establishment of the succession and the security of the States, it is fitting that all doubt and suspicion should be taken away, in order that the aforesaid states and kingdoms may assure themselves with certainty that the husband of the Lady Infanta is of their religion.”

“And, in order that they may not become at all suspicious, you will omit to propose to them the manner in which this security is to be given; and, if they propose the education of the Prince in England under the charge of Catholic and confidential persons, your Lordship will answer with those reasons which show that this cannot be accepted as a satisfactory method.”

“And upon this you will open the way to a proposal for his education in Spain, adding everything which may be needed to assure them against any suspicion of particular designs on our part, taking care in no case to consent to the education of the Prince out of Spain,” &c. p. 2, note ^c.

^{page 106 note a} “menor”in the MS. “of less importance,” evideutly by mistake.

^{page 109 note a} In his despatch of the 1613, [Sim. MSS. 2590,6] Sarmiento writes that James had grown suspicious of the sincerity of the French Government, and had therefore lent a favourable ear to the proposals of the Savoyard agent, Gabaleone. Gabaleone was supported by Rochester and had offered a portion of 800,000 ducats (200,000l.), with an explanation that if this were not judged sufficient, his master would do anything that was possible. To this James replied that he must have 900,000 ducats (225,000l.) at least. In this and in matters of religion Gabaleone went very far (se ha alargado arid), placing himself in the King's hands, and declaring that it would be sufficient if the Princess and her household could hear mass secretly and privately. The Spaniard heard this from Gabaleone himself, who added that he had written to his master, but had as yet received no answer; he could however assure him that the Duke would not proceed in the matter without permission from the King of Spain.

^{page 110 note a} Prince Charles.

^{page 111 note a} Improperly so called by anticipation.

^{page 111 note b} On Jan. [Sim. MSS. 2592, 1] he wrote that Cottington had come to him two or three days before on behalf of Somerset and Lake begging him to seek an audience of the King. He had answered that he would speak to the King, though he was afraid that it would only hasten the conclusion of the French marriage. He would however do whatever his friends advised. Cottington replied that whatever he did he must keep it secret from all except the King, Somerset, Lake, and himself; that the majority of the council and some of the unmarried Bishops were Catholics [que aun, en el Consejo la major parte eran Catholicos, y que tambien lo son algunos de los Obispos que no son casados]. It was plain from this sudden help, Sarmiento said, that his cause was the cause of God. If he had been the first to touch upon the scheme, people would have said that he did so only to get rid of the French alliance. But now he could go on with security and reputation. The French marriage was advocated in the council by Lennox, Fenton, Zouch, and Cæsar. The Savoy match by Northampton, Suffolk, Nottingham, Knollys, Wotton, and Worcester. Abbot and Ellesmere stood alone fora Protestant Princess.

On the of February [Sim. MSS. 2592, 16] Sarmiento wrote again. In the beginning of the last October, he said, the French marriage was as good as concluded. On the the Queen Mother decided to give her consent to it, and in January she told Edmondes, the English Ambassador, that she would accept all his master's demands, and would be satisfied with liberty of conscience only for her daughter and her household. As to the portion she could not publicly give more than her son had received from Spain, but in this she would place herself in the King of England's hands.

Edmondes came over to England with his offer and arrived at Theobalds . The King told him that there was no hurry, and that he should have his answer the next day. In the meanwhile Sarmiento was very anxious. Somerset and Lake pressed him to speak to the King. But he replied that it would be of no use. Every one would charge him with doing so merely in order to overthrow the plans of France.

On the of February [Sim. MS. 2592, 17] the Spaniard wrote again that the King had laid the matter before the Council and had directed five Councillors to discuss the marriage articles with Edmondes.

^{page 112 note a} There seems to be a mistake in this reference to the feelings of James. The purport of the despatch of the [Sim. MSS. 2592, 69] is to lament the favour with which the King at that time looked upon the French marriage, though it goes on, as is stated above, to recommend the keeping up the negotiation for the Spanish match in order that the King of England may not despair of it. James had told Edmondes that he could give no answer till Parliament was over. See Appendix, for extracts from this despatch.

^{page 113 note a} I have here corrected the mistaken date of June 14, which is printed at p. 6 as it stands in the MS.

^{page 113 note b} A French translation of this letter has heen published by M. Guizot: “Un Projet de Mariage Royal.” 43.

^{page 114 note a} “In accordance with that which your Majesty commands me in your letter of the 19th of June to say to the Pope about the state of the proposition for a marriage between the Lady Infanta Donna Maria and the Prince of Wales, and about that which Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña has last written concerning the advantages of keeping alive between the two crowns a negotiation for a marriage; although a1 the first audience His Holiness gave me to understand his aversion to such a proposition, he did not give mo any resolution at that time, because I begged him to think over the affair, and to commend it to God. To this the Pope readily consented, as well as to the request which I urgently pressed upon him that he would keep the business secret; and so, at my second audience, he answered that he gave infinite thanks to your Majesty for having, in so Catholic a manner, shrunk from entering upon such a negotiation without first applying to that Holy See, and for the honour which was shown to his own person by your Majesty's application he was most grateful; in return for which, and in fulfilment of the obligation put upon him, he said to your Majesty that he did not know, as matters stood, how to give a better answer than the substance of the admonition lately given by the Duke of Lerma to the French Ambassador in a conversation similar to this, in order that you might judge that it was not well to treat at present for giving your Majesty's daughter to the Prince of Wales, he not being a Catholic; and this he founded uponf four reasons : first, because the Lady Infanta would be exposed to manifest risk of losing the faith if she were once married to a heretic ; the second, because the children born from such a marriage would, without doubt, lose it, and would follow the sect of their father; the third, because a door would be widely opened for commerce and communication between the two nations, a thing which would be very prejudicial to the purity with which our holy religion now maintains itself alone in Spain; the fourth, because the Kings of England, as is well known, hold divorce to be lawful, and practise it when their wives do not give them any children. To this he added that liberty of conscience tacitly connived at was nothing, or so little that it was by no means right to give any weight to the offer.”—Page 6, note ^a. In line 12 of that note I have inadvertently allowed the word “Real” (Royal) to stand without remark, as it is in the copy which I took at Simancas. It is evidently a mistake, possibly owing to the original secretary inserting the word which he was accustomed to use when speaking of the King, possibly also to an error of my own.

^{page 115 note a} “The Council, having examined the letter with the attention due to its contents, is of opinion that, although His Holiness has answered thus, yet the quality and importance of the affair obliged them to urge him anew, and to represent to him of how much greater importance it was to obtain for the Catholics the toleration which is aimed at in England than to have the general liberty of conscience which is also sought for; as the latter will comprehend all nations and sects, whilst toleration will directly favour the Catholics; by which means they will be freed from their wretched misery, and from the oppression which they undergo, and will be wafted into a position of superiority. Perhaps, too, the wife will attract her husband by the grace of God, this being so much the more to be expected because the Queen of England, who gives such evidence of being a Catholic, will be a good mediator between them ; and because the King her husband is not so confirmed in his error as he formerly was, and shows a great desire to seek your Majesty's friendship. Besides which, it is very convenient to have him for a friend, and it is necessary to enter by the door which is opened for such benefits as would result from the victory of the Catholic religion in that kingdom. Nevertheless, the new efforts which are to be made at Rome should be postponed till we have seen what is the opinion of the Junta which your Majesty commands to be held in the house of the Cardinal of Toledo, in which it will be well that the Count of Castro's letter should not be seen, lest they should be embarrassed by it, though it will be well to lay before them the rest of the contents of the consulta upon the letter of Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, and especially that which relates to the threat of the King of England, that he would sell to your Majesty the towns which he holds in the Dutch territory, and would give toleration to the Catholic recusants in order that the members of the Junta may know what are the great advantages which would result to the Low Countries from this plan; and the Cardinal should be told to give anexpress charge to all the members of the Junta ordering them to keep the secret, on account of its great advantage in this affair.” Page 7, Note a.

^{page 117 note a} The whole of the minutes of these despatches will be found in the Appendix. Unfortunately I have not seen the despatches themselves. It must of course remain uncertain how much of the above proceeded from the King, and how much from Somerset.

^{page 118 note a} I have not seen this consulta; but there was a discussion in the Council of State on [Sim. MSS. 1518, 1] tending to the advice that the proposed marriage should be taken into consideration. About a week later, on Aug. , the Council, upon Lerma's proposition [Sim. MSS. 2581, 3] agreed to the summoning of a junta of theologians, whose opinion should be sent to Rome. On Aug. the Council drew up a consulta on Castro's despatch of the of July, which I have printed at p. 7, note ^a (p. 115, note ^a), and this must have been followed the day after by the consulta mentioned above.

^{page 118 note b} In a letter written by Philip to Sarmiento on [Sim. MSS. 1572, 53], he says, that though he is not to say anything about the reference to Rome, he does not think the English will be much astonished at so natural a step if they hear of it from some other source.

^{page 118 note c} “But that now, considering the substance and the circumstances of the present case, it seems to them that it is very different from the past one [i.e. that of the Savoy match], because that was a simple proposition without any condition, in accepting which they would have had to run the risk of whatever might happen, without having guarded themselves against the dangers which were chiefly to be expected, whereas the present proposition is accompanied with such considerations and with newly presented reasons of so great importance, and with the offer of advantages as well for the spread of the Catholic religion and the welfare of Christendom, as for the prosperity and preservation of this monarchy ; and, above all, with such security that there shall be no danger of the faith of the Lady Infanta, and with such hope of the good education of her children, that the Junta thought not only that there should not be any scruple felt in listening to the proposal, but that a scruple might well arise if it were rejected, it being pre-supposed that the conditions necessary to justify such as have been offered by that King and Queen as appears by the letters of Don Diego Sarmiento, and the other concessions which may be expected to follow, will be demanded on our part. It therefore appears to the Junta in the first place, that there can be no doubt about the validity of the marriage, as both parties have been baptized ; and, in the second place, that, with respect to its lawfulness, it is considered certain that marriages between Catholics and heretics are prohibited by the canon, the Divine, and the natural law ; and that with the prohibition of the canon and positive law His Holiness can dispense, if there are causes for it, as there are of the greatest weight in the present case, being those which Don Diego Sarmicnto has represented, and which relate to the universal welfare of all Christendom, and the great fruit which may be hoped for in that kingdom from reconciliation, and the evils which will in this way be averted.”

After remarking that the Pope could not dispense with a prohibition of divine and natural law, the theologians argue that this prohibition only applies to the danger of the perversion of the Infanta or to the heretical education of her children, neither of which dangers are to be found in the present case. They then proceed as follows:—

“It also appears to the Junta that the condition which secures everything is that of the toleration of religion granted to the Catholics in that kingdom, they being permitted to live as such without any molestation, and that this is not of less importance than liberty of conscience ; besides which the Lady Infanta will be allowed to carry with her the whole of her household composed of Catholics, and to have in the palace a public chapel where mass and the Divine offices may be celebrated; and it is known what is the inclination of the nobility and principal men towards our Catholic religion, according to the information of Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, whereby the greatest difficulty in the way of our embracing the offer is levelled to the ground.”

“As for the education of the children who may be born of this marriage, which is one of the essential points which ought to be considered here, and which gives rise to the greatest difficulty on account of the presumption which it carries with it, it seems that we should take care to obtain as much as is necessary by means of the aforesaid conditions, although we may not be able to secure it altogether; and that by means of the public demonstrations which will be made in the palace of those sovereigns of the profession and ceremonies of our holy religion, as well by the concession of the chapel as by the numbers who will accompany the Lady Infanta and will thus ordinarily be in her society, and also by means of the power which a wife has to win over her husband to her religion, as we know from experience and the Sacred Scriptures, it is to be hoped that the Prince will be converted by the Lady Infanta, especially as he is of so tender an age, and of so good a disposition and inclination as the Ambassador Don Diego Sarmiento assures us ; and that this will bring about the good education of the children which he may have. It also seems that it would be very convenient if the toleration of our religion could commence immediately that the terms of the marriage are agreed upon, in order that the progress made might be seen, and that affairs may be so settled that, when the Infanta sets out, the world may see upon what grounds and upon what good hope of the reduction of that realm to our Catholic faith your Majesty delivers her over, and that it is by your great zeal for this object and for the spread of religion that you have been moved to do it. Nevertheless it is to be considered that, as many years will have to pass before the conclusion of the marriage, for which reason it is likely that there will be much repugnance to grant this concession, it will not be well to propose it as a necessary condition, but only as a thing which is to be desired as being very advantageous. Yet it will be very necessary that the aforesaid toleration should begin some time, perhaps a year, before the marriage, as it will be the chief means by which your Majesty will be able to learn what is to be expected.

“Of all this account is to be given to the Pope, &c.”—Consulta of the Theologians, Sept., 1614, p. 9, note ^a.

^{page 121 note a} “The Council having seen the inclosed consulta of the theologians and jurists according to your Majesty's orders, and having attentively considered its contents, completely agrees with its resolutions upon the affairs of the English marriage, and, if your Majesty is so pleased, letters in accordance with them might he written to Rome and to Don Diego Sarmiento without loss of time, it being well to be speedy in a matter which so much concerns the service of God and the welfare of the Catholics in that kingdom, of which we may entertain great hope, as we see how little pleased they are in England with the French marriage, which might yet be had by the King for his son with very moderate conditions on behalf of the Catholics; and when we consider that, though he knows that much more extensive concessions would be demanded by Spain, he yet prefers your Majesty's alliance to that of France. Besides, the Queen of England is a Catholic and her Lady of the Bedchamber most Catholic, and it is in the company of these two persons that the Princess will have to be, which will greatly lessen the inconvenience of the attraction of the wife and children to the husband. Moreover we cannot forget the friendship which England generally professes towards Spain, of which great proof has been made on many past occasions, or that the last wars were as completely forgottenon the day when peace was made, as if they had never been; besides which, they alway seem to desire the continuance of a good understanding with us in all matter sand especially with respect to the affairs of France and Flanders.”—Consulta of the Council of State, Nov. , 1614, p. 11, note ^a.

^{page 121 note b} Writing to Sarmiento on the of December [Sim. MSS. 2572, 70] Philip informed him that he had ordered the Count of Castro to consult the Pope, and that he wished him to keep the affair going in England till he could have an answer.

^{page 121 note c} On Nov. Sarmiento wrote [Sim. MSS. 2591, 32] that he had seen Somerset on the , who complained of the Spanish delays. The negociation for the French match, said the English favourite, was far advanced. He himself did not desire it, and he had taken part in persuading the King to postpone its conclusion in hopes that an arrangement might be come to with Spain. To this Sarmiento replied with declarations of good will, and added that he believed that, if only things could be settled about religion, his Majesty would willingly listen to the proposal. Somerset left him with assurances that he would do everything in his power to help it on. It would therefore be well, wrote the ambassador, to take pains to convince Digby of our sincerity, for they will be governed in England principally by his report.

On Dec. Sarmiento again wote [Sim. MSS. 2591, 33] that James was counting the hours till he heard of the arrival of Digby at Madrid, and that he would be directed by him. In a letter to Lerma of the same date [Sim. MSS. 2591, 34] he points out that prudent persons should be selected to confer with Digby on the point of religion, which was the only difficulty. If the concessions made in favour of the Catholics can be put in force immediately, it may be hoped that during the many years which must elapse before the delivery of the Infanta, the Catholic religion will gain such strength as to be a real security; for “all the Catholics affirm that when once these articles have been agreed upon, the affairs of religion will be placed by them in a better state, and that afterwards it may be that the Prince himself will take pleasure in visiting Spain and in going there to be married, and to hear mass and sermons in the church of Our Lady of Atocha.” (Todos los Catolicos affirman que hechas las capitulaciones se mejorara sobre ellas las cosas de la religion, y que despues podria ser que el mismo Principe gustase de ver á España, y yrse á casar allá, y oyr missa y sermones en nuestra Señora de Atocha.)

^{page 122 note a} On the of January Lerma wrote to the Cardinal of Toledo [Sim. MSS. 2518, 12] conveying his Majesty's orders that he, together with a certain number of theologians, should listen to Digby's proposal in order that, after hearing what they were, a letter might be written to the Pope.

^{page 123 note a} “The inclosed consulta of the Junta of theologians upon the proposal of a marriage between the Prince of Wales and the Lady Infanta Donna Maria having been seen by the Council, according to your Majesty's orders, it is thought best that the Cardinal of Toledo, who was one of the Junta, should first be heard, to see if any other particular matter occurs to him, and the Council is of opinion that since your Majesty has heard the aforesaid Junta of theologians, and since they are agreed upon the possibility and the duty of carrying on the negociation, your Majesty should not be content with asking the Pope to give his dispensation at the proper time, but should at once beg him to give permission and approval to your giving ear to all that the King of England may say, and to that which his Ambassador has said to give information to the Junta; and that your Majesty should say that, as you esteem and reverence the person of the Pope and his opinion in all kinds of matters, so especially in this, and that you beg him to send you his decision. Also, in order that His Holiness may understand all that has passed, a copy should be sent to him of the letters of Don Diego Sarmiento, and of all that the English Ambassador has said and proposed, as well as a copy of that which the theologians said in the Junta. It was also resolved that the despatch should not be sent either to the Count of Castro or to the Pope till it is possible to add to it the last reply and resolution to be given by the English Ambassador to the Duke of Lerma upon all the matters advised on in the Junta. It will be well to ask him for this, and then the despatch can be sent.”—Consulta of the Council of State, March , 1615, p. 12, note ^a.

^{page 124 note a} A translation of these notes, and of James's remarks upon them, is printed in a paper of mine on Gondomar and Somerset in vol. xli. of the Archæologia, where will be found an extract from Sarmiento's despatch of April , giving an account of his interview with Sir R. Cotton. Further extracts will be found in the Appendix to the present volume.

^{page 125 note a} After James had announced his determination through Cotton on the of June 1615 (Appendix), Somerset's disgrace threatened to bring about a change of policy. On the of November (App. to paper on Gondomar's letters in Archæol. xli.) Sarmiento describes Somerset's enemies as eager for the calling of a Parliament, the necessary condition of success in which would have been the complete abandonment of the Spanish marriage. But the next day he wrote to Lerma [Sim. MSS. 2594, 54] that, though he was very doubtful of the King's real intentions about the marriage, yet he had received by Fenton a message from him since Somerset's committal, asking him to go on with the negociation. Up to that time, however, Fenton had not come to particulars. In a later despatch of the of December, he says that on the Fenton came to tell him that the King asked him to remember the messages which he had sent in the summer by Sir Robert Cotton, and to assure himself that their interruption had merely been the result of the confusion consequent upon Somerset's fall, not of any intention to change his mind. Again, on 1616 Sarmiento wrote [Sim. MSS. 2595, 33] that he had had an audience of the King on Jan. , and that before going in he had spoken to Fenton. When he entered the presence the King was sitting with his gouty foot on a stool. Nevertheless he rose and came forward two steps to receive him, saying that he had counted the days till he could see him. After further compliments, the Ambassador came to business, and complained of false news spread of the approach of Spanish fleets, &c, such stories being contrived by his enemies, who wanted to frighten him. After magnifying the benefits of the Spanish alliance, Sarmiento proceeded to tell James of certain information given to the King of Spain by a person about the English court;, to which Philip had refused to listen. When he heard this, James rose from his seat, took off his hat, and took God to witness that he knew how friendly the King of Spain was. After some abuse of the Dutch the conversation turned upon France and the merits of the young Queen. James remarked that women were indeed well educatedin Spain, and, continues Sarmiento, “looking at me very attentively he asked me whether, if he wished to court a lady in Spain, I would assist him in it. I told him that I was glad to find him in so good a disposition, that I confessed that I was useless for anything except as a pimp, but for that reason I should be the safer. At this he burst out into loud laughter. Pardieu, he said, I am in the same state, and it is therefore necessary for me to find a substitute if the love-making is to come to anything; and I have already found one in my son, who will, I hope, content you.” The rest of the conversation went on the same strain, and is chiefly noticeable because the part which I have quoted in full may perhaps cause some hesitation in those who still continue to believe the prurient babble about James and Sarmiento which was current amongst their contemporaries. The Ambassador concluded his despatch by saying that Fenton and some other unnamed person had advised him to win over Pembroke and Villiers by dividing 20,000l. between them. With his usual caution, however, he recommended Philip to content them with hopes, and not to pay till service had been rendered.

In another despatch of April [Sim. MSS. 2595, 55] Sarmiento writes that James had informed his Council of the inconveniences of the French marriage, and that Lennox alone had raised any objection to breaking it off. Digby arrived in London on March . He was closeted with the King for a long time, and the next day he was more than three hours with Coke. It was said that he had done bad offices against Somerset and the Earl and Countess of Suffolk, and that, if Lake had not been already sworn in, he would not have had the Secretaryship. Digby had, however, advised the King not to make public the information which he brought about the Spanish confidants, and to be content with depriving Sir W. Monson of his office as Admiral of the Straits. “Sir John Digby also gave the King many reasons to show how much more honorable and profitable it would be to marry his son in Spain than in France ; but that, if your Majesty would do nothing without the Pope's orders, and was unwilling and unable to proceed without advancing the affairs of the Catholics in England, (ni querrá ni podrá hazerlo sin aventajar aquí las cosas de la religion Catolioa,} the best thing would be to marry the Prince to the daughter of some German Prince. With this advice the King was so pleased that he at once made Digby Vice-Chamberlain.” On May [Sim. MSS. 2595, 81] Sarmiento says Digby had been ordered by the King to write to Lerma expressing a hope that some pledge would be obtained from the Pope that he would dispense if the conditions was satisfactory.

^{page 127 note a} I have not seen this letter, but on there is a despatch [Sim. MSS. 2572, 157] from Philip to his Ambassador, directing him to say that nothing could be done with the Pope till they had such articles as would be accepted in point of religion. It would be impossible to obtain any pledge beforehand from the Pope.

^{page 127 note b} “Some time ago a proposal was made on behalf of the King of England for amarriage between the Prince of Wales and my second daughter, the Infanta Maria, and, although an answer was given to it on my part that it was impossible to speak of it without first receiving the pleasure of his Holiness and obtaining his dispensation, and that I would undertake to ask for this if the advantages conceded in point of religion were such as to place his Holiness under an obligation to grant it, and if they would give pledges of their desire for it by treating the Catholics better than they had hitherto done; yet Don Diego Sarmiento wrote to me on the 10th of June that the aforesaid King had sent for him, and had told him how desirous he was to keep up true friendship and union with me, and that he would be glad to learn what efforts had been made on my part with his Holiness with respect to the dispensation, and what hope there was of obtaining it. Besides this he said that itwould please him if I would despatch to Rome a person expressly to treat of this business, and to dispose his Holiness to give it a favourable consideration. When he arrived, this person might at once treat of the conditions relating to religion; for, as he knew that his Holiness had been unwilling to dispense in the case of the marriage which had been treated of with the sister of the Grand Duke of Florence, he was afraid that he would make the same difficulty now; and thus, if the negociation and the conditions upon which it was undertaken were published abroad without any result appearing, he would be placed in a bad position with those who take part in the government of his kingdom, and would lose much influence with them and with all the heretics, the consequence of which would be very damaging to the Catholics; because, if he were angry and irritated with the failure of his scheme, he would revenge himself upon them to please the heretics. I have wished to advertise you of all this in order that you may understand what is passing, and to charge you to give account of it for me to his Holiness, and to no other person. You will recommend him strongly to keep it a secret, and will engage him to consider the matter with his holy zeal, and to tell you what he thinks of it, in order that I may proceed with respect to the proposal in accordance with his opinion; and you will also magnify my great confidence in his paternal love.”—Philip III. to the Cardinal de Borja, , 1616, p. 13, note ^a.

^{page 128 note a} “Immediately upon my receiving the letter which your Majesty ordered to be written to me on the 10th of last month, I set out for Frascati, where his Holiness was at that time. I gave account to him, according to your Majesty's orders, of the proposal made by the King of England for a marriage between the Lady Infanta Maria and the Prince of Wales, and told him that, after your Majesty had answered that you would not treat of it without the consent and good disposition of his Holiness, and unless the King would first give such evidence of his intentions in matter of religion as would be sufficient to engage his Holiness, the King of England had made fresh entreaties that your Majesty would learn the mind and disposition of his Holiness, as, if he should oppose this marriage, as he had opposed the one which was fruitlessly negotiated with the daughter of the Grand Duke, he did not wish to go further in offending the heretics in his declaration on points of religion.His Holiness, after taking time to consider this business, replied that the answer given to the King of England was very worthy of your Majesty's Christianity and holy zeal, and that he could not but continue to blame this marriage, as he had done at other times through the Count of Castro, and through the Archbishop of Capua his nuncio in Spain at present; as he considers it unlawful and prohibited by the sacred canons and councils, and exposed to mortal sin, and to great dangers on account of the intercourse and communication with the heretics, from which there would result great scandal to other Princes. Besides all which, three very strong arguments concur against it: the first being derived from the danger which the Lady Infanta may run in her opinions by the company of the Prince and her intercourse with other heretics; the second, from fear lest the children of that marriage, being your Majesty's grandchildren, should grow up as heretics; the third, from the inconveniences which might arise from the custom of divorce in England ; for which reason His Holiness judges that your Majesty ought to insist upon the answer given in the time when Don Alonso de Velasco was ambassador in England, namely, that the marriage should take effect if the Prince of Wales would submit himself to the Catholic religion, and if its use and exercise were permitted in that kingdom, and that, if this were not done, His Holiness could not dispense in a ease which was unlawful, as this was, and which would co-operate in causing mortal sin; nor could he listen to such a proposal unless conditions were offered which were very just and of evident advantage to the service of God and of the Catholic Church. If such were proposed to him, he would give them his serious consideration, and would take that resolution with which God might be pleased to inspire him; and as to the inconveniences which the King of England thinks will result from His Holiness, ho answers that they are frivolous pretexts, and very suitable to the fraudulent nature of heretics; as neither on the part of your Majesty, nor on that of His Holiness, will there be any breach of their obligation to secrecy.—Cardinal de Borgia to Philip III., Oct. , 1616, p. 14, note ^a

^{page 130 note a} P. 3.

^{page 131 note a} The following is the only letter of this correspondence which I have met with: “James R.

ldquo;Wee do approve that you send a letter to the Duke of Lerma to the effect here underwritten; and that, receaving answer therof from him, you bring it unto us. Theobalds, the 18th of September, 161G.

ldquo;I have much esteemed your Ex^cies letter of the 22nd of July, which I have receaved by the hands of Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, as well for the favor you are pleased therein to do me as for the continuance not only of that noble disposition I have ever found in your Ex^cy of doing all good offices betwixt their Ma^ties, but particularly for your present desire and inclination of working a stricter correspondency, and assisting for the procuring of a nearer tye and alliance betwixt their Ma^ties and their crownes, the which, according to my obligation, I have not fayled to represent unto the King my master, whose kynde and gratefull acceptance of your respect and affection towards him he hath given me charge to represent back unto your Ex^cy.

ldquo;Touching the marriage and thse articles to which your Ex^cy in your letter required answer, I have had many conferences with Don Diego Sarmiento de Acuña, both concerning them as likewise of the present estate of buisinesses here, whereof I am certeyn he will give you an ample and full account; yet I shalbe bold to add to his relation that I may now fully give your Excellency assurance that his Ma^ty is free from all treatyes in other parts, that he really desireth to match with Spainc, and meaneth to proceed to a direct treatye and propounding of the business in case that he may first understand that the King of Spaine doth likewise desire it; and that in those difficulties that may ocenrre in poynt of religion he will on his part endeavor to accommodate them as fair as possibly may be with honor and conscience as the King my master will sincerely perform on his part, so that it may appeare playnely to the world, in case that the match should not meet that success as is wished, that there is no other defect or cause that hath hindred the effecting of it but the impossibilitie of the business itself by reason of the irreconciliabloness of the differences in religion; but otherwise that their Ma^ties have done all that fittingly they might, sutable to the desire that both of them profess of uniting themselves in greater neerenes and alliance.

“When the King my master shalbe assured of the Kinge of Spaines desire of the match and promise in the generall of laboring to reconcile the difficulties and differences that may arise in the said buisines within the said limmitts of honor and conscience, I may confidently say unto your Ex^cy that it is the King my master's purpose and resolution to send thither an Ambassador of purpose who shall treat of particulars and propound the buisines, so that what will first be expected from thence wilbe in the generall the assurance of that King's inclination to meet the King my master half way both in his desire of the match, and in his endeavors of accommodating the difficulties.”—Sir John Digby to the Duke of Lerma, September 1616, Shcrbome MSS.

^{page 133 note a} The final report of the Junta was drawn up on Feb. [Sim. MSS. 2859, 23]. The chief part of their recommendations were subsequently embodied in a paper which will be found in Appendix V.

^{page 134 note a} “First wee thinke good to lett you know that if att your arrivall att that Court you shall fynd by good probabilitie and other circumstances, that there is in the said King and his ministers as ready a disposition as formerlie you hare to proceed further in such a treatie, you may open unto them that you are come accompanied and authorized with power sufficient on our part to treate and conclude; but, if you do discerne any alteration or coldness from the former demonstration of a syncere meaning and of a very great desire to give us satisfaction, you may then forbearc to maka use of your commission (which wee must refer to your discrecion), and advertise as what you perceive.

“If you shall fynd things in such case as you shall have cause to treate of particulars, then for your direction therein you shall understand that this business doth consist of two principall parts, the one concerning matter of religion and the other of civill considerations, as matter of portion and other charges on their part, and dower and assurance of dower on our part.

“The matter of religion is to us of most principall consideration, for nothing can be to us dearer than the honour and safety of the religion which wee profess; and therefore, seeing that this marriage or allyaunce, if it shall take place, is to be with a ladie of different religion from us, it becometh us to be tender, as on the one part to give them all satisfaction convenient, so on the other to admitt nothing that may blemish our conscience or detract from the religion here established; and, although we cannot for the present give you precise and particular direction and warrant for all the poynts that will come in question in this subject of religion, yet in general we have thought good thus far to authorise you:—That whereas while you were in Spayne, certayne articles for matter of religion, after a consultation had by some of their divines, were delivered to you as poynts they were like to insist upon, which seeming to you unworthie to be by us hearkened unto, you did utterlie reject and refuse, yet afterwards upon a private conference betweene you and some others to whom that cause had been committed there was betweene you a qualification conceaved therein, though never delivered as a matter approved there.

“We have perused these articls, and added something to them by way of explanation and for our clearer satisfaction, and have signed them with our hand in a schedule hereunto annexed, and doe let you know that, if they shall be admitted there as wee have signed them, and no further matter in poynt of religion urged, wee can be content you proceede and expresse your liking, and that you hope it will give us satisfaction, and that you will speedily advertise us; but you shall not so far consent or conclude as to bynd us until you have advertised us, and receaved our express pleasure and assent.

“But if you fynd any hesitatin or doubt made upon them, or any new matter added to any of those points which you shall fynd to vary from the true sense of them, you shall suspend your proceeding to the approoving of any such alteration, and advertise us thereof, and attend our further direction and pleasure.”—Instructions to Sir J. Digby, April 4th, 1617, S. P. Spain.

^{page 136 note a} He went on an extraordinary embassy in 1616, but was now in England.

^{page 136 note b} He being one who was understood to throw difficulties in the way of the marriige (Consulta of the Council of State, Sept. Sim. MSS. 2859, 18), and was therefore, I suppose, not likely to be too yielding.

^{page 137 note a} A paper of conditions to be presented to Digby was drawn up by theologians on Sept. , and will be found in Appendix V.

^{page 139 note a} That is to say, at six shillings to the crown, intead of five, thus making the whole sum £600,000.

^{page 139 note b} £150,000.

^{page 140 note a} Aliaga.

^{page 140 note b} It must be remembered that this was not a matter on which Digby was to treat, and that anything which lie may have said was merely conversational. In a long memoir on the state of the negociation drawn up at Madrid about this time (Sim. MSS. 2859, 36) we are expressly told that Digby had not made any concession about liberty of conscience “because he says that he has no commission for it, and that for the present he cannot agree to the aforesaid point, nor settle anything in writing about it, because it is contrary to the laws of the realm, which cannot be repealed excepting by Parliament; and that to summon Parliament and to treat of this business there would bring great inconvenience with it (y que el juntarle y trattardesto traesen muy grandes inconvinientes). lie has, however, offered to facilitateit in England as much as he can.” Later in the memoir the writer returns to the subject: “And although Sir J. Digby has made great difficulties about the point of liberty of conscience, he has not rejected it, but rather goes with the intention of facilitating it. It is, however, known that the King cannot concede it without his Parliament, and therefore consideration must be had that when it is granted that the assent of the Parliament be obtained {de que quando le conceda, ha de ser con el dicho Parlainento), and that the laws to the contrary be repealed in it.”

Digby, I suppose, was holding up th Parliament as a terror to the Spaniards, in the same way as they held up the Pope to him.

^{page 141 note a} This looks as if Digby had spoken more strongly of the impossibility of obtaining the consent of Parliament than would appear upon the face of the memoir quoted in the last note.

^{page 146 note a} Agent.

^{page 149 note a} In December 1618 Gondomar and Aliaga were directed to form a junta to examine into the English business. They met twice a week, and made their first report on the of January, 1619. The part of this consulta which relates to the marriage will be found in Appendix VI. Gondomar's consulta on the affairs of Germany, printed in the first series of the Relations between England and Germany, was dated on the following day. On the of April there was another consulta (Sim. MSS. 2518, 44) by Goudomar and Aliaga, written just after the news of the death of the Emperor Matthias had reached them, from which it appears that at that time they anticipated that either the Imperial election would be postponed, or a Prince not of the House of Austria would be chosen. This would be the plan of the Elector Palatine, and there could be little doubt, they thought, that James would support him, would break off his negociations for the Spanish marriage, and would begin to persecute the Catholics. They therefore advised that in this case he should be asked at once to grant liberty of conscience, and to abstain from persecution, and that this demand should be public, so that, if it received a favourable answer, the English Catholics might be grateful to the King of Spain for the alleviation of their suiferings, and, if it were rejected, they might know, if war broke out, that it was for their sake that it was declared (si rompiesse la guerra, suppiessen que era por su cansa). Before it came to this, however, they had better think whether His Majesty's arms were sufficient for the conquest of England, Ireland, and Scotland. In this purpose the Earl of Argyll would be of great use. It would not be well to allow the enemy to choose his time, but rather to anticipate him, and to be first in the field.

On the other hand, it would be well if the affairs of Germany could be settled without war, and it might therefore be thought better to go on with the negociation for the English, marriage.

^{page 151 note a} In a letter to Ciriza, written on November (Sim. MSS. 2599, 184) Gondomar recounts the wrongs done to Spain by England, and suggests that it will be necessary to change “instructions and arguments into preparations of ships and arms.”

^{page 152 note a} The most important part of a despatch of March will be found in Appendix VII.

^{page 152 note b} So created after his return from Spain in 1618.

^{page 157 note a} This letter, dated has been already printed at p. 28.

^{page 158 note a} P. 28,1. 2 from bottom.

^{page 158 note b} P. 29,1. 5.

^{page 159 note a} The letters in which these fresh advertisements are asked for were written on On the same day another secret despatch was written to Gondomar, in which the real sentiments of the Spanish Government appear. Both will be found in the Appendix.

^{page 160 note a} The sentence as printed from the MS. is evidently corrupt. Don Pascual de Gayangos has kindly suggested that the reading should be “Volviósse para el Conde, y afirma ”or “y este afirma.”

^{page 161 note a} The letter to Gondomar of with which this was accompanied will be found in the Appendix.

^{page 161 note b} Known to English writers as the Padre Maestro.

^{page 165 note a} 20l.

^{page 166 note a} Printed at p. 34.

^{page 168 note a} There was no truth in this. Doncaster's mission related solely to the war against the French Protestants.

^{page 171 note a} One of the Commissioners for managing the Prince's revenue.

^{page 178 note a} The paper on which this is founded is printed in Piynne's Hidden Works, 18. It is there dated Octoher .

^{page 183 note a} The object of Porter's mission was to see whether the negotiation was in a sufficiently forward state to authorise this journey. What may have passed between Gondomar and Charles before the Ambassador was preparing to leave England I donot know; but on the of May, 1622, Gondomar wrote thus (Sim. MSS. 2603,35) to Philip: “This Prince has offered to me in strict confidence and secrecy that if, upon my arrival in Spain, I should advise him to come and place himself in your Majesty's hands, and at your disposition, he would do it, and come to Madrid incognito with two servants.” (Este Principe me ha offrezido en mucha confiança y secreto que, si llegado yo á España le aconsejase que se vaya á poner en, las manos de V. Mag^d y á su disposition lo hará y llegará á Madrid yncognlto con dos criados.)

^{page 185 note a} Six years ago. He came to England in 1616.

^{page 187 note a} Printed at p. 45.

^{page 188 note a} This appears to be the sense of the passage, but I suspect that some words have dropped out.

^{page 192 note a} The Archduke Ferdinand, afterwards Ferdinand III.

^{page 192 note b} Prince Frederick Henry, accidentally drowned before his father's death.

^{page 192 note c} The words in italics are in all the Spanish copies which I have seen, but are omitted in all English translations.

^{page 198 note a} Another letter of the same date is printed in Appendix VIII.

^{page 198 note b} See p. 51, note.

^{page 202 note a} This is a mistake.

^{page 202 note b} Of the Prince's bedchamber.

^{page 202 note c} i.e. false beards.

^{page 203 note a} Sir Walter Aston and the Earl of Bristol.

^{page 204 note a} The King and Queen, and the infants Charles and Ferdinand.

^{page 206 note a} Printed at p. 56.

^{page 206 note b} Ibid.

^{page 214 note a} In order that the different forma of the treaty may be compared together, I have transferred the translation of the articles to the Appendix.

^{page 216 note a} The last title is a mistake.

^{page 217 note a} In the notes to Appendix XI.

^{page 217 note b} 19, in the Appendix.

^{page 217 note c} 22, in the Appendix.

^{page 217 note d} Secret article at the end of the treaty.

^{page 223 note a} This perhaps refers to the scene in Appendix X.

^{page 231 note a} This should be compared with the account of these negotiations, printed in Guizot's Un Projet du Mariage Royal, 132.

^{page 234 note a} Of the tax so called.

^{page 242 note a} This answer will be found amongst the State Papers, Spain.

^{page 244 note a} The Junta, of Theologians.

^{page 257 note a} This is the first of the series of letters preserved amongst the State Papers; the one just given being there omitted.

^{page 258 note a} Edward Clerke.

^{page 259 note a} In reality, to ask him to stand godfather to her child.

^{page 280 note a} Printed at p. 100.