2. For example, Demus, O., Byzantine Art and the West (New York 1970)Google Scholar; Geanakoplos, DJ., Interaction of the ‘Sibling’ Byzantine and Western Cultures in the Middle Ages and the Italian Renaissance [330-1600] (Yale 1976) 55-94Google Scholar; Koehler, W., ‘Byzantine Art in the West’, DOP 1 (1941) 61-87Google Scholar; Weitzraann, K., ‘Byzantium and the West Around the Year 1200’ in The Year 1200: A Symposium (New York 1975) 53-73Google Scholar, especially 60-ff; Weitzmann, K., Art in the Medieval West and its contacts with Byzantium (London 1982)Google Scholar. For a critical review of aims and methods employed in analyzing Byzantine ‘infuences’ see Cutler, A., ‘Misapprehensions and Misgivings: Byzantine Art and the West in the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries’, Mediaevalia 7 (1984) 41-77Google Scholar.

3. For recent accounts and specialized studies of the period see; Lock, P., The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500 (London and New York 1995)Google Scholar; Arbel, B., Hamilton, B. and Jacoby, D., eds., Latins and Greeks in the Eastern Mediterranean after 1204 (London 1989)Google Scholar; and Nicol, D.M., The Last Centuries of Byzantium, 1261-1453 (second ed., Cambridge 1996)Google Scholar. For older accounts see Miller, W., The Latins in the Levant; A History of Frankish Greece (1204-1566) (London 1908, reprinted Cambridge 1964)Google Scholar, and Miller, W., Essays on the Latin Levant (Cambridge 1921)Google Scholar.

4. Lock, P., The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500 (London-New York 1995) 272 Google Scholar.

5. For literary and theological culture see Geanakoplos, D.J., Interaction of the ‘sibling’ Byzantine and Western Cultures in the Middle Ages and the Italian Renaissance [330-1600] (Yale 1976), especially 11-24Google Scholar and 281-95. For art and architecture see for example Carr, A-M. Weyl, ‘Byzantines and Italians on Cyprus: Images from Art’, DOP 49 (1995) 339–357 Google Scholar, and A. Papageorghiou, ‘L’Art byzantin de Chypre et l’art des Croisés. Influences réciproques’, Report of the Department of Antiquities, Cyprus (1982) 217-226; For ritual see Ostrogorsky, G., ‘Zur Kaiseralbung und Schilderhebung im spätbyzantinischen Krönungszeremoniell’, Historia 4 (Festschrift für Wilhelm Ensslin, 1955) 246-56Google Scholar, 252. Nicol, D., ‘ Kaisersalbung. The Unction of Emperors in Late Byzantine Coronation Ritual’, BMGS 1 (1976) 37-52Google Scholar, disputes Ostrogorsky’s proposal that anointing is a Western import on the slender premise that inherrant Byzantine conservatism would have precluded the absorption of Latin influences. Nicol’s thesis has not found universal acceptance, since the invention of tradition in Byzantium, especially ritual innovation as a means of legitimization, has now received greater scholarly recognition. See Cameron, A., ‘The Construction of Court Ritual: The Byzantine Book of Ceremonies’ in Cannadine, D. and Price, S. eds., Rituals of Royalty — Power and Ceremonial in Traditional Societies (Cambridge 1987) 106–136 Google Scholar. On other institutional and legal attributions see the comments of P. Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500, 272-73. On trial by ordeal see Geanakoplos, D.J., Michael Palaeologus and the West, 258-1282. A Study of Byzantine-Latin Relations (Cambridge, Mass. 1959) 23-25Google Scholar, n. 28, and 31, n. 61.

6. D.J. Geanakoplos Interaction of the ‘Sibling ‘ Byzantine and Western Cultures, especially 3-35 and 281-95.

7. Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500, 16-34, 266-272.

8. On these texts see now the important study of Tia Kolbaba, M., Heresy and Culture. Lists of the Errors of the Latins in Byzantium (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Toronto, 1992)Google Scholar. The most notable examples of these texts are: Constantine Stilbes, Grievances Against the Latin Church (c. 1204) in Darrouzes, J. ed., ‘Le Mémoire de Constantin Stilbes contre les Latins’, REB 21 (1963) 50-100CrossRefGoogle Scholar; John of Kitros, Refutations of the Errors of the Latins, fragments preserved in Rhalles, G.A. and Potlis, M. eds., Σύνταγμα τών Θειών και Ίερών Κανονών V (Athens, 1855) 403-44Google Scholar, and MPG 119 (Paris 1881) col. 959-986; Kolbaba, T., ‘Melecios Homologetes, On the Customs of the Latins ’, REB 55 (1997) 137–168 CrossRefGoogle Scholar. See also the comments of Nicetas Choniates (writing c. 1207-1215) Historia, ed. van Dieten, J.L. (Berlin, 1975) 573-78Google Scholar, passim, especially 573, 1. 1-9. For more anti-Latin documents and sentiments see Laurent, V. and Darrouzes, J., Dossier Grec de l’Union de Lyon (1273-1277), Archives de L’Orient Chrétien 16 (Paris 1976) especially 104–116 Google Scholar and 554-573 (Meletios the Confessor, Poem Against the Latins (c. 1276-80) and Synopsis of Canons Against the Latins). See also the brief comments of Oikonomides, N., Hommes d’Affaires Grecs et Latins à Constantinople (XIIIe-XVe siècles), Conférence Albert-le-Grand 1977 (Montréal/Paris 1979) 23-33Google Scholar.

9. Magoulias, H.J. trans., O City of Byzantium, Annals of Niketas Choniates (Detroit 1984) 167 Google Scholar and 301; Choniates, Niketas, Historia, ed. van Dieten, J.-L. (CFHB, XI/1-2. Berlin-New York 1975) 301 Google Scholar.

10. Ostrogorsky, G., History of the Byzantine State (Oxford 1956) 377 Google Scholar; D.J. Geanakoplos, Interaction of the ‘Sibling’ Byzantine and Western Cultures, 281-95. For more partisan views see Kyrris, C.P., ‘Greek Cypriot Identity, Byzantium and the Latins 1192-1489’, BF 19 (1993) 248 Google Scholar, and Papageorghiou, A., ‘Crusader influence on the Byzantine art of Cyprus’, in Cyprus and the Crusades: Papers given at the International Conference ‘Cyprus and the Crusades’, Nicosia, 6-9 September, 1994, in Coureas, N. and Riley-Smith, J., eds. (Nicosia 1995) 275–294 Google Scholar, who writes on page 278. ‘The Crusader influence on the Byzantine painting of Cyprus was rather negative and produced a decadence of the latter.’

11. The notable exception being Kolbaba, Heresy and Culture.

12. P. Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500, 266-309.

13. Lock, P., ‘The monuments of Frankish Greece’, in Barber, R., Blue Guide Greece (London 1988) 44 Google Scholar.

14. A. Weyl Carr, ‘Byzantines and Italians on Cyprus’, 339-57, 342. See also A. Weyl Carr, ‘Art in the Court of the Lusignan Kings’, in Cyprus and the Crusades, Coureas and Riley-Smith, eds., 239-274. For a less favourable view see A. Papageorghiou, ‘Crusader influence on the Byzantine art of Cyprus’, 275-294 in the same volume.

15. A. Cutler, ‘Misapprehensions and Misgivings’, 71.

16. Yalman, B., ‘Iznik’teki kilise alt yapī kazīsī’, VIII Türk Tarih Kongresi (1976) I (Ankara 1979) 457–466 Google Scholar, pis. 251-262.

17. Yalman, ibid., no. 6, pl. 262, fig. 17.

18. Asdracha, C. and Bakirtzis, Ch., ‘Inscriptions byzantines de Thrace (VIIIé-XVé siècles): edition et commentaire historique’, Archaologikon Deltion 35 (1980) 250-51Google Scholar, no. 8, pl. 61a-c.

19. Yalman, pls. 254-58.

20. Schneider, A.M., Die Landmauer von Iznik-Nikaia (Berlin 1938)Google Scholar, verdeckter schichttechnik (‘recessed brickwork technique’) dated after the earthquake of 1065: Towers 87-89, 94-99, taf. 32, 34, 42, and especially Towers 97-98 with ghost crenellations and Lascarid masonry above. See also Foss, C. and Winfield, D., Byzantine Fortifications, an Introduction (Pretoria 1986) 82-83Google Scholar and 103, fig. 53.

21. Schneider, ibid. Towers 19, 20, 23, 24, 88 (taf. 39) and 106 (taf. 28-30, 40 and 49).

22. Buchwald, H., ‘Lascarid Architecture’, JÖBG 28 (1979) 264-65Google Scholar and figs. 1-2 and 22-24.

23. Buchwald, ibid. Latmos Church 8, fig. 25 (detail), the narthex of the Church of the Virgin at Krina, Chios, fig. 21, and the foundations of the Church of the Prophet Naum at Philadelphia (Alaşehir), fig. 30.

24. Foss, C., ‘Late Byzantine Fortifications in Lydia’, JÖBG 28 (1979) 301 Google Scholar, figs. 2-3 (Tripolis, rebuilt by John III Vatatzes) 309, fig. 18 (Magnesia), pp. 315-16, fig. 30 (Asar), p. 317, fig. 30 (Smyrna, dated by an inscription of 1222/3), and 320. See also Buchwald, H., ‘Lascarid Architecture’, JÖBG 28 (1979) 285 Google Scholar, fig. 29.

25. Yalman, 463, no. 2, pl. 259, fig. 12 and pl. 260, fig. 13. See also François, V., ‘Les ateliers de céramique byzantine de Nicée/Iznik et leur production (Xe-début XlVe siècle)’, Bulletin de correspondence hellénique 121/1 (1997) 410–442 Google Scholar; 430-32, fig. lOj.

26. Rice, D. Talbot, Byzantine Glazed Pottery (Oxford 1930) 68-69Google Scholar (looped square, formalized trees), fig. 5.15, pls. I (exterior only) and II. 1 (interior). See also François, ibid., 430-32, fig. lOj.

27. For almost exact parallel for the central motif and trees see Talbot Rice, ibid. (1930) 67, fig. 5. no. 15 and Demangel, R. and Mamboury, E., Le Quartier des Mangane et le premiere région de Constantinople (Paris 1939) 147 Google Scholar, fig. 195, no. 70 (with the monogram Παλ(αιολό)γ(ος). On the monogram Μιχ(αηλ), see Talbot Rice ibid. (1930) 79, fig. 6, no. 24 (with examples listed from Constantinople and Odessa). See also Demangel and Mamboury ibid. (1939) 145, fig. 188, nos. 3, 48, 195, 18 and 8, and page 146, fig. 198, no. 13 and pl. XIII (bowls bearing the same monogram and firing tripod scars) from Constantinople (Gülhane Cisterns). See also François, ibid., 430-32, fig. lOj.

28. Yalman, 463, no. 3, pl. 260, fig. 14.

29. Johns, C.N., ‘Excavations at Pilgrims’ Castle, ‘Atlit (1932-33): The Stables of the South West Suburb’, Quarterly of the Department of Antiquities of Palestine 5 (1936)Google Scholar fig. 13.2.

30. Schneider, A.M., Die römischen und byzantinischen Denkmäler von Iznik-Nikaia (Istanbuler Forschungen 16, Berlin 1943) 3-6Google Scholar.

31. For technique and decoration see Rice, D. Talbot, Byzantine Glazed Pottery (Oxford 1930) 34-39Google Scholar.

32. Ch. Bakirtzis, ‘Κουτρούβια μύρου ἀπό τὴ Θεσσαλονίκη’, in XVI Internationaler Byzantinisten-Kongress, Akten 11/3 (JÖBG 32.3 [1982]) 523-28, fig. A’. The ampoulla is dated by two other examples from well dated thirteenth century deposits.

33. Nestle, E. and Aland, E., Novum Testamentum Graece (9th ed., Stuttgart 1987)Google Scholar: τοῦτό τό ποτήριον ἢ κοανή Οιαθήκη ἔστιν ἔν τῷ ἔμῷ αἵίματί

34. Brightman, F.E. and Hammond, C.E., Liturgies Eastern and Western I (Oxford 1896) 328 Google Scholar, 1. 15-ff.

35. Buckton, D. ed., The Treasury of San Marco, Venice (Milan 1984) 156-58Google Scholar, no. 15, and 159-65, no. 16. On the inscriptions (attributed to Matt. 26:28) see Guillou, A., Recueil des inscriptions greques médiévales d’Italie (Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome no. 222, Rome 1996) 71-73Google Scholar, no. 64, pls. 50-51, no. 66, pl. 54, and 75-76, nos. 70-71, pls. 60-64.

36. Mango, M. Mundell, ‘The significance of Byzantine tinned copper objects’, Θυμταμα. Στὴ μνήμη τῆς Λασκαρίνας Μπούρα (Athens 1994) 221-223Google Scholar, pl. 116.3.

37. Buckton, D. ed., The Treasury of San Marco, Venice (Milan 1984) 129–133 Google Scholar, no. 10; 136-140, no. 11. On the inscriptions see Guillou, A., Recueil des inscriptions greques médiévales d’Italie (Collection de l’Ecole Française de Rome no. 222, Rome 1996) 73 Google Scholar, no. 65, pi. 53 (+ κύριε βοήθει ‘Ρωμανῶ ὀρθοδοξ[ω δεσ]πότη); no. 67 (+ κύριε βοήθει ‘Ρωμανῶ ὀρθοδοξ[ω δε]σπότ(η)). For the same formula in invocatory dedications, but in a non-imperial context, see Guillou, ibid., 78-79, no. 75, pi. 73 (on the foot of the chalice: + κυύιε βοήθει Βασιλείω τῶ ἐνδοξοτάτω προέδρω καὶ παρακοιμωμένω; ‘Lord, help Basileios, the most glorious proedros and parakoimomenos’ [dated 963-985]).

38. M. Mundell Mango, ibid.; The Anatolian Civilisations (Istanbul 1983) 172, no. C49 (from Claudioupolis); Wulff, O., Altchristliche und mittelalterliche byzantinische und italienische Bildwerke II: Mittelalterliche Bildwerke III.2 (Berlin 1911) 193 Google Scholar, no. 1984, pl. XVI (Pergamům); East Christian Art (London 1987) 42, no. 39 (London); Shkorpil, F. Uspenski-K., et al., ‘Adoba-Pliska’, IRAIK 10 (1905) 288 Google Scholar, pl. LVI.2 (Pliska). Buckton, ed., The Treasury of San Marco, Venice, 129-133, no. 10; 136-140, no. 11; 159-165, no. 16; 165-167, no. 17.

39. M. Mundell Mango, ‘The significance of Byzantine tinned copper objects’, 222.

40. The chalice of Manuel Cantacuzenus (1349-80) in the Monastery of Vatopedi on Mount Athos, for example, is only comparable in terms of its broadest components. See Rice, D. Talbot, Art of the Byzantine Period (London 1977) 238-39Google Scholar, ill. 221.

41. Gerstel, S., Beholding the Sacred Mysteries: Programs of the Byzantine Sanctuary (CAA Monographs 52, 1999) 51-53Google Scholar, pl. IV, figs. 31, 82 (the Nicaea chalice) and 83. I am grateful to Sharon Gerstel for bringing this item to my attention.

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44. Zyngopoulos, A., ‘Άνασκαφή έν Γερακίῷ’, Πρακπκά τῆς Άρχαιολογικῆς Έταιρείαζ 1937 (Athens 1938) 114 Google Scholar, fig. 6.1 am grateful to Sharon Gerstel for bringing this goblet to my attention.

45. Vavylopoulou-Charitonidou, A., ‘Céramique d’offrande trouvée dans les tombes byzantines tardives de l’Hippodrome de Thessalonique’, in Déroche, V. and Spieser, J-M. eds., Recherches sur la céramique byzantine (Bulletin de correspondance hellénique, Supplément XVIII. Paris 1989)Google Scholar figs. 51-52, Grave V, bowl 37.

46. Compare with Kojic, L. and Wenzel, M., ‘Medieval glass found in Yugoslavia’, Journal of Glass Studies 9 (1967) 76-93Google Scholar, and Han, V., ‘The origin and style of medieval glass found in the Central Balkans’, Journal of Glass Studies 17 (1975) 114–125 Google Scholar, especially 118-19.

47. Papanikola-Bakirtzis, D., Medieval Cypriot Pottery in the Pierides Foundation Museum (Nicosia 1989) nos. 30 Google Scholar (termed a ‘chalice’), 35 (called a bowl, but resembling no. 30 in shape), 36 (called a ‘cup’ but more like a chalice, with a flaring foot and high stand with a nodus), 37-38 (described as ‘goblets’), 56 (described as a chalice, bearing the inscribed name), 57 (a ‘goblet’). See also Papanikola-Bakirtzis, D., ‘Ή ἐφυαλωμένη κεραμική στὴ Βυζαντινὴ Μεσαιωνικὴ Κύπρο (12ος-15ος α’ιωνας)’, in Papanikola-Bakirtzis, D. and lakovou, M. eds., Βυζαντινὴ Μεσαιονικὴ Кύπρος Βασίλισσα στὴν Άνατολὴ καὶ Ρήγαινα στὴ Δύση (Nicosia 1997) 155–156 Google Scholar, nos. 98-100, with bibliography.

48. For a discussion of the purposes of these artifacts see Ivison, E.A., Mortuary Practices in Byzantium (c. 950-1453). An Archaeological Contribution (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, University of Birmingham, UK, 1993) 167-239Google Scholar.

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50. Neve, Peter J., ‘Boğazköy-Hattuşa in Byzantinische Zeit’, in Hommes et richesses dans l’Empire byzantin, II. Ville siècle , ed. Kravari, V., Lefort, J., Morrison, C. (Réalités byzantines 3. Paris 1991) 91-109Google Scholar; U. Wittwer-Backofen, ‘Anthropologische Untersuchungen des Byzantinisches Friedhofs Boğazköy-Hattuşa’, IV. Arastlrma Sonuçlarl Toplantlsî (1986) 381-99, for artifacts especially 384-85 and Tab. 2.

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52. Reische, E. et al., Forschungen in Ephesos IV. 1: Die Marienkirche in Ephesos (Vienna 1932) taf. I Google Scholar (plan of unpublished graves); Vetters, H. and Karwiese, S., Ephesos: Vorläufiger Grabungsbericht für die Jahre 1984 und 1985 (Vienna 1987) 86-89Google Scholar, context coins nos. 493, 542, 544 (tenth and first half of eleventh centuries); Karwiese, Stefan, Erster vorläufiger Gesamtbericht über die Wiederaufnahme der archäologischen Untersuchungen der Marienkirche in Ephesos (Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, philosophische-historische Klasse, Denkschriften, 200. Vienna 1989) 34-46Google Scholar, figs. 15-34, 56-78.

53. Harrison, R.M. ed., Excavations at Saraçhane in Istanbul I (Princeton 1992) 27-30Google Scholar, fig. H (plan).

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57. Zonaras, Scholium to Vlth ecumenical council, in Rhalles, and Potlis, , Syntagma II (1852) 495 Google Scholar, 1. 1-3.

58. See scholium on Vlth ecum. council, in Rhalles, and Potlis, , Syntagma II (1852) 495-96Google Scholar, referring to Heading I, Stoicheion II of Canon 18 of the Council of Carthage.

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61. S. Gerstel, Beholding the Sacred Mysteries, 56-57.

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76. Renfrew, ‘Introduction’, 5-10.

77. Goar, Jacobus, Euchologion sive rituale Graecorum (Venice 1730, repr. Graz 1960) 451 Google Scholar.

78. Bruni, V., I Funerali di un Sacerdote nel Rito Bizantino secondo gli Eucologi Manoscritti di Lingua Greca (Jerusalem 1972) 93-94Google Scholar.

79. Symeon of Thessalonica, Define et exitu nostro e vita et de sacro ordine sepultura et quae pro memoria defunctorum soient fieri, MPG 155 (Paris 1866) col.. 669–696 Google Scholar; col. 676, Capitus 361, 1.2-11 (excerpted): #Άρχιερέα μεν οντα και Ίερέα χερσίν ‘νερέων ο’ικονομεΐ, ώς ‘ίερον δλον δντα• dì καί καθαρά τοΰτον Ίμάτια τοΰ ίδίου σχηματος ένδιδύσκουσι ... επειτα δε περιζώσαντες ανωθεν, τά άρχιερατικά, η Ίερατικά περιβάλλουσιν άμφια.

80. Goar, Euchologion, 451; de Meerster, P.D., ed., Liturgia Byzantina II.vi: Rituale (Rome 1929) 94-95Google Scholar, 103 and 105-106. Bruni, V., I Funerali di un Sacerdote nel Rito Bizantino Secondo gli Eucologi Manoscritti di Lingua Greca (Jerusalem 1972) 94 Google Scholar.

81. See for example the vestments and other regalia from the tomb of Pope Clement II (obit. 1047) at Bamberg Cathedral: Mütler-Christensen, S., Das Grab des Papstes Clemens II. im Dom zu Bamberg (Munich 1960)Google Scholar. A funerary chalice and paten was also present (ibid. 34, 95, pl. 65). The body of Archbishop Walter de Gray of York (obit. 1255) was interred wearing a full set of archiépiscopal vestments, mitre, ring, and pastoral staff, together with a silver chalice and paten. See Binski, P., Medieval Death, Ritual and Representation (Ithaca, NY, 1996) 84-85Google Scholar. See also P. Jezler, ed., Himmel, Hölle, Fegefeuer, 61-63, fig. 37 (manuscript illumination showing a chalice on the chest of a dead bishop) and 38.

82. G.L. Barnes, ‘Jiehao, Tonghao: Peer Relations in East Asia’, in Renfrew and Cherry, eds., Peer-polity Interaction and Socio-political Change, 83.

83. Symeon of Thessalonica, col. 677, Capitus 363, 1. 19-24:# “Ομως χρεών кш та топ μεγάλου τηρεΐσθαι Διονμσίου, ώς παραδεικνΰντα σαφώς τήν έκάστου τάξιν και TÒv βαθμον тѓј καταθέσεχ- οτι και Παΰλος τουτο φησιν, «Έκοστος έν τφ ίδίφ τάγματι.» On Symeon’s source see Pseudo-Dionysius the Areopagite, The Compute Works, trans. Luibheid, C., Rorem, P., Roques, R. (London 1987) 249-50Google Scholar, Chapter VII.

84. See C. Mango, Byzantium, the Empire of New Rome (1980) 151-153. For a near contemporary example of the Last Judgement, see that at the Chora (c. 1315-21): Underwood, P., The Kariye Djami 3 (New York 1966) pls. 368-69Google Scholar, 384, 390.

85. Symeon of Thessalonica, col. 676, Capitus 361, 1. 12-19 (excerpted): ‘Eie TOC χεΤρας δέ то Ίερον διδόασιν Εύαννέλιον ... αμα δέ к at єіс Ιλασμόν και άγιασμον αϋτοΰ έκ τών θειοτατων λογίων τίνα γάρ ερα єіс έξιλέωσιν Θεου μείζονα ύπερ той κειμένου ‘έσται ή ταύτα λεγόμενα;’ See also the liturgical rubrica preserved in Goar, Euchologion, 451.

86. Greenfield, R.P.H., Traditions of Belief in Late Byzantine Demonology (Amsterdam 1988) 140 Google Scholar and n. 458; 142-148.

87. Greenfield, ibid, 90, 168, 231, 294 and n. 1028.

88. Balsamon, Theodore, in Rhalles, and Potlis, , Syntagma II (1852) 496 Google Scholar, 1. 3-7: ‘To μέν τοι χειρίζεσθαι τοϊς άρχιερεϋσν μετά τελευτήν αγιον αρτον, και ουτως ένταφιάζεσθαι, νομίζω γίνεσθαι είς άποτροπήν τών δαιμόνων, καί ‘ίνα δι’ αύτου εφοδιάζηται προς ούρανον ό топ μεγάλου και άποστολικοΰ καταξιωθέΊέπαγνέλματοί:.’

89. Moutsopoulos, N.K., “Ανασκαφή τής βασιλικής тоб Άγίου Άχιλλείου: δέυτερα (1966) και τρίτη (1967) πέριοδος έργασίων’, Άριστοτελείον Πανεπιστημιον Θεσσαλονίκης: Έπιστημονική Έπετήρκ τής Πολυτεχνικης Σχολης 4 (1969) 177-80Google Scholar, fig. 40 (rolled up sheet as found), fig. 41 (unrolled showing folds) and pls. 60-63. Unfortunately comparison of the text edited by Moutsopoulos and the published photographs of the tablet indicates errors and omissions in his transcription. Another fragmentary lead tablet identifying the deceased was found in the tomb of the ktitor and hegoumen Athanasius (obit c. 1048) in the katholikon of the Vatopedi Monastery on Mt. Athos. See Pazaras, T., “Ό Тафос τών Κτητόρων στο Καθολικό της Μονης Βατοπεδίου’, Byzantina 17 (1994) 407–440 Google Scholar; 412 and n. 23, and fig. 7.

90. See for example Frantz, M.A., Athenian Agora XX: The Church of the Holy Apostles (Princeton 1971) 28 Google Scholar, Grave 3 (a broken ridge tile). This practice is still customary today: see Alexiou, M., The Ritual Lament in the Greek Tradition (Cambridge 1974) 44 Google Scholar.

91. de Meester, P. ed., Liturgia Bizantina UM: Rituale (Rome 1929) 104 Google Scholar.

92. S. Gerstel, Beholding the Sacred Mysteries, 32, 79.

93. P. de Meester ed., Liturgia Bizantina II.vi: ituale, 115.

94. Cabasilas, Nicholas, A Commentary on the Divine Liturgy, trans. Hussey, J.M. and McNulty, P.A. (London 1960) 96-99Google Scholar, V.42-43; Cabasilas, Nicolas, Explication de la Divine Liturgie, Salaville, S., Bornert, R., Gouillard, J. and Périchon, P., eds. (Paris 1967) XLII.2Google Scholar.

95. Nicholas Cabasilas, A Commentary on the Divine Liturgy, 98-99; Nicholas Cabasilas, Explication, XLIII.6: Έτι δε код δι’ έκεΐνον τον λόγον φανερον γινεται δτι ού μόνον εξεστι και ούδέν ‘έχει κώλυμα, άλλ’ δτι και άναγκαίοχτ άκολουθει τάΐς ψυχαϊς έκείναις ή τών Ίερών δώρων μετάληψις. Ε’ι μεν γάρ KCU π ετερον ην то тас ψυχ«: εύφραννον και άναπαυον έκεΤ, ην civ έκεινο γέρας talc άξίαις τής καθαρότητος και ούκ ă εδέησε ταύτης τής πραπέζης έξ άνάγκης осіЗтаіс. Nùv δε то πασαν τρυφήν κολ μακαριότητα rote έκεΐ γενομένοκ έργαζόμενον, ε’ίτε παράδεισον εΐποκ, ε’ίτε κόλπους Άβραάμ, ε’ίτε λΰπης καί όδΰνης άπάσης καθαρούς κα\ φωτεινούς каі χλοεροί και άναψΰχοντας τόπους, ε’ίτε τήν βασιλείαν αύδεν, ούδέν ετερόν έστιν ή τοϋτο то ποτηριον και οΰτος ό άρτος.

96. See, for example, Baun, Jane, The Apocalypse of Anastasia in its Middle Byzantine Context II (unpublished Ph.D. thesis, Princeton 1997) 449 Google Scholar, vi.41 [text dated late tenth or eleventh century]: ‘And I saw priests, and they did not have vestments. And I asked the angel, and he said to me, “These were chosen worthy, but when they passed away first, their wives fell — and because of this they stand to one side. But if the wives should repent, they again will assume their vestments.”’

97. Nicholas Cabasilas, A Commentary on the Divine Liturgy, 99; Nicolas Cabasilas, Explication, XLIII.5: Έκέϊ γάρ ούδε προσιέναι δυνατόν, ε’ί τκ άπαρασκευάστως εκει, άλλά μόνοις εξεστι тоїс άξίοις ή μετουσία τοΰτο δε ού προστίθησιν άγιασμον той: ζώσιν·

98. Gedeon, Manouel, Νέα Βιβλιοθηκη ΈκκλησιασπκωνΣυγγραφέων (Constantinople 1903) col. 115 Google Scholar: κοι έσθίει μεν ό άρχιερεύς, οτε τά τελευτοαα πνέει, κατά то «Λάβατε φάνετε», λαμβάνει δέ αύτό και ώς παρακαταθήκην, ε’ίτε είς σημειον той καλΰψαι αύτον то μυστήριον, κα\ μή κατά τον Ίσκαριώτην Ίούδαν ток έχθροΤς άνακαλύψαι, ε’ίτε ¿и; έχέγγυον той και πάλιν παραστηναι τω ανω θυσιαστηρίω νεροθΰτην, και λονίζεσθαι τήν χέΐρα αύτοϋ έκείνην τήν παροιμιακήν δεξιάν τήν βασταουσαν μηκος α’ιώνιον ζωης.

99. Gerstel, Beholding the Sacred Mysteries, 32, 79.

100. For such interaction during the thirteenth century see Gill, J., Byzantium and the Papacy, 1198-1400 (New Brunswick NJ, 1979) 33 Google Scholar, 65-72, 92-96, 112, 120-141, 172.

101. P. Lock, The Franks in the Aegean, 1204-1500, 211-214.

102. That is, under Latin rule; Theodore was writing from Nicaea where the patriarchs had taken up residence following the Fourth Crusade of 1204.

103. Laurent, V., Les Regestes des Ades du Patriarchat de Constantinople I, Les Actes des Patriarches, Fase. IV, Les Regestes de 1208 a 1309 (Paris 1971) 24-26Google Scholar, no. 1219, 1. 1-5; Papadopoulos-Kerameus, A., ‘Θεόδορος Εἰρενικὸς πατριάρχης οἰκουμεννκός’ BZ 10 (1901) 187 Google Scholar, 1. 7-16.

104. Laurent, Regestes, 43-45, no. 1234; 44, 1. 4-5. Sathas, C.N., ed., Μεσαιωνικὴ Βιβλιοθήκη: Bibliotheca Graeca Medii Aevi II (Hildesheim-New York 1972) 13 Google Scholar, 1. 6-9.

105. Dennis, G., ‘Popular Religious Attitudes and Practices in Byzantium’, The Christian East, its Institutions and Thought (Orientalia Christiana Analecta 251. Rome 1996) 255-57Google Scholar; Ferjanćić, B., ‘On the Parish Clergy in Late Byzantium’, ZRVI 22 (1983) 115–117 Google Scholar.

106. Rhalles, and Potlis, , Syntagma V (Athens 1855) 403 Google Scholar; MPG 119, col. 961-964.

107. Kolbaba, Heresy and Culture, 44.

108. Kolbaba, ibid., 44-46.

109. Ivison, E.A., ‘Latin Tomb Monuments in the Levant, 1204-ca. -1450’, in Lock, P. and Sanders, G.D.R. eds., The Archaeology of Medieval Greece (Oxbow Monograph 59. Oxford 1996) 91-106Google Scholar, and Ivison, E.A., ‘Funerary Monuments of the Gattelusi at Mytilene’, ABSA 87 (1992) 423-37Google Scholar.