* I am particularly grateful to Roddy Beaton and John Haldon for their valuable suggestions and constructive criticism, especially concerning problems of theory and methodology. For discussion, useful suggestions and commentary, it is a pleasure to thank Chris Wickham, Paul Magdalino and George Huxley; and all those who attended the Post-Graduate Seminar at the Centre for Byzantine Studies and Modern Greek at the University of Birmingham (1985-86) where an earlier version of this paper was presented, and especially Meg Alexiou, Halil Berktay, Archie Dunn, Aglaia Kasdagli and Valéry Nunn.

1. See e.g. Oikonomides, N., ‘L’ épopée de Digénis et la frontière Orientale de Byz-nace aux Xe et Xle Siècles’, Travaux et Mémoires 7 (1979) 375–97 Google Scholar; Politis, L., ‘L’épopée byzantine de Digénis Akritas. Problèmes de la tradition du texte et des rapports avec les chansons akritiques’, La poesia epica e la sua formazione (Rome 1970) 551–81 Google Scholar (reprinted in idem, Paléographie et littérature byzantine et néo-grecque (Variorum Reprints, london 1975) XX); Huxley, G., ‘Antecedents and Context of Digenes Akrites’, GRBS 15/3 (1974) 317–38 Google Scholar; Pertusi, A., ‘La poesia epica bizantina e la sua formazione; problemi sul fondo storicol e la struttura letteraria del ‘Digenis Akritas’, La poesia epica 481–544 Google Scholar; idem, , ‘Tra storia e leggenda: Akritai e Ghazi sulla frontiera Orientale di Bizantio’ Actes de XlVe Congrès International des Études Byzantines, I (Bucharest 1974) 237–83 Google Scholar; Graham, F., ‘The Tale of Devgenij’, BS 29 (1968) 55–58 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Digenis Akritas as a Source for Frontier History’, Actes de XlVe Congrès International des Études Byzantines, II (Bucharest 1971) 321-9; Jeffreys, M., ‘Digenis Akritas and Kom-magene’, Svenska Forskningsintitutet i Istanbul Meddelanden 3 (Stockholm 1978) 5–28 Google Scholar (reprinted in E.M. and M.J. Jeffreys, Popular Literature in Late Byzantium (Variorum Reprints, London 1983) VII). H. Grégoire contributed very supstantially to the effort of placing the epic in a historical context, but he also fell often in the trap of historicism. See Grégoire, H., (New York 1942); idem, Autour de l’épopée byzantine (Variorum Reprints, London 1975)Google Scholar. For criticism of a number of Grégoire’s positions see Mavrogordato, Digenes, xxxv, xlii-xliv, lxxi-lxxvi; Politis, L’épopée byzantine, 552; Beck, H.-G., Geschichte der byzantinischen Volksliteratur (Munich 1971) 85 Google Scholar; Herzfeld, M., ‘Social Borderers: Themes of Conflict and Ambiguity in Greek Folk Song’, BMGS 6 (1980) 61–80 Google Scholar, esp. 62-63; Huxley, Antecedents, 318, 324.

2. See e.g. Mavrogordato, Digenes, Introduction; Politis, L’épopée byzantine; S. Alexiou, (Herakleion 1979) esp. 7-88; (Athens 1985) esp. the Introduction; Herzfeld, Social Borderers; Beaton, R., ‘“Digenes Akrites” and Modern Greek Folk Song: a Reassessment’, B 51 (1981) 22–43 Google Scholar; idem, ‘Was Digenes Akrites an Oral Poem?’ BMGS 7 (1981) 7-28; idem, Folk Poetry in Modern Greece (Cambridge 1980) esp. 78-82; Jeffreys, Digenis Akritas.

3. Akrites, Digenes, ed. Mavrogordato, J. (Oxford 1956)Google Scholar (thereafter abbreviated to Digenes).

4. See Mavrogordato, , Digenes, xiii, xxvi, xlii; Beaton, Was Digenes Akrites an Oral Poem?, 16, 27 Google Scholar; Politis, , L’épopée byzantine, 580–1 Google Scholar. This view has been challenged by Alexiou, , esp. 7–88 Google Scholar; idem, esp. the Introduction. For a critique of Alexiou see R. Beaton, in H. Eideneier éd., Neograeca Medii Aevi, Text u. Ausgabe (forthcoming); idem, review of JHS 106 (forthcoming). (I am grateful to the latter for showing me these articles in advance of publication).

5. Beaton, Digenes Akrites, 42-43; idem, See also note 23 concerning the possible occupation of the poet.

6. Politis, L’épopée byzantine, 553-4, quoting Rev. Petta, librarian of Grottaferrata; Beaton, Was Digenes Akrites an Oral Poem?, 11; Jeffreys, Digenis Akritas, 8.

7. See esp. Alexiou, Beaton, Was Digenes Akrites an Oral Poem?, 16, 20; idem, idem, Jeffreys, Digenis Akritas, 28 suggests the mid-twelfth century. Alternative suggested datings include: between 928 and 944 (Grégoire, ‘Le tombeau et la date de Digénis Akritas’, B 6 (1931) 481-508, reprinted in idem, Autour de l’Épopée, II; and against this dating Mavrogordato, Digenes, xxxiv-xxxv, Huxley, Antecedents, 324-5); between the 930s and the 1030s (Huxley, Antecedents, 317-9, 327-8, 337); eleventh century (Politis, L’épopée byzantine, 580); mid-eleventh century, probably 1042-1054 (Mavrogordato, Digenes, lxxxi, lxxxiv).

8. Even though the writer appears to have lived at the frontier, for he knows well the territory in which the action takes place. See Politis, generally, L ‘épopée byzantine, 580 Google Scholar; Huxley, Antecedents, 317-8, 325-7; Beaton, Was Digenes Akrites an Oral PoemT, 20-21; idem, Mavrogordato, Digenes, xiv, lxxix-lxxxi.

9. Digenes, IV, 82.1028-88. 1108; VI, 210.2632-212.2672, 212.2674-.2675. Concerning the passage in Book IV see also note 78 below.

10. Ahrweiler, H., ‘La Frontière et les Frontières de Byzance en Orient’, Actes du XlVe Congrès International des Études Byzantines, I (Bucharest 1974) 209–230 Google Scholar, esp. 209-11; Haldon, J.F., Kennedy, H., ‘The Arab-Byzantine Frontier in the Eighth and Ninth Centuries: Military Organisation and Society in the Borderlands’, ZRVI 19 (1980) 79-116, esp. 83–84.Google Scholar

11. See Lattimore, O., Inner Asian Frontiers of China (New York 1940)Google Scholar 238 ff., referring to the Chinese, the Roman and the British-Indian experience.

12. See Ostrogors’ky, G., History of the Byzantine State (Oxford 1958) 269–83 Google Scholar; Haldon, Kennedy, The Arab-Byzantine Frontier; Hendy, M.F., Studies in the Byzantine Monetary Economy, c. 300-1450 (Cambridge 1985) 90–107 Google Scholar, 132, and on the shifting nature of the frontier see generally 108ff. See also Grunebaum, G. von, Islam and Medieval Hellenism: Social and Cultural Perspectives (Variorum Reprints, London 1976)Google Scholar; Canard, M., ‘Les Relations Politiques et Sociales entre Byzance et les Arabes’, DOP 18 (1964) 33–56 Google Scholar; Ahreweiler, H., ‘L’ Asie Mineure et les invasions arabes’, Revue Historique 227 (1962) 1–32 Google Scholar (reprinted in idem, Études sur les structures administratives et sociales de Byzance (Variorum Reprints, London 1971) IX); eadem, La frontière et les frontières; Obolensky, D., ‘Byzantine Frontier Zones and Cultural Exchanges’, XlVe Congrès International d’Études Byzantines, I, 303–13 Google Scholar; Jenkins, R.J.H., Studies of Byzantine History of the Ninth and Tenth Centuries (London 1970) X.219.Google Scholar

13. See Obolensky, , Byzantine Frontier Zones; also Canard, , Les Relations Politiques, esp. 41–45.Google Scholar

14. For a survey of byzantine polemical literature against the Arabs see Khoury, A. Th., Les théologiens byzantins et l’Islam. Textes et Auteurs (Ville — XIHe s.) (Paris-Louvain 1969)Google Scholar; idem, Polémique byzantine contre V Islam (Leiden 1972). On the changing Byzantine attitudes towards Islam through the centuries, see Waardenburg, J.D.J., ‘Two lights perceived: Medieval Islam and Christianity’, Nederlands Theologisch Tijdschrift 31/4 (1978)Google Scholar; Vryonis, S., ‘Byzantine attitudes towards Islam during the Late Middle Ages’, GRBS 12/2 (1971) 263–86.Google Scholar

15. See e.g. Haldon, , Kennedy, The Arab-Byzantine Frontier, 85, 105–6.Google Scholar

16. On this point see Jauss, H.R., ‘Theory of genres and medieval literature’, in idem, Reception Aesthetics (London 1983).Google Scholar

17. See note 8. There cannot be much doubt that the poet was a member of that frontier society, although whether the poem was actually written at the frontier is of course another matter.

18. E.g. Hendy notes that the concept of wealth as expressed in Digenes conforms remarkably closely and bears a striking resemblance to the concept of wealth amongst the Anatolian frontier aristocracy as this is reflected in non epic literature: Hendy, Studies, 217-8. Ideology is itself generated through the contradictions of the culture of which it is a part. Ideological consciousness presents these contradictions as “natural”, that is to say, as non-contradictory. On ideology see esp. T. Lovell, Pictures of Reality. Aesthetics’, Politics, Pleasure (London 1980), esp. 22ff., 47-63; and Haldon, J.F., ‘Ideology and Social Change in the Seventh-Century: Military Discontent as a Barometer’, Klio 66 (1986) 139–190 Google Scholar, esp. 145f., 150ff., and for a historical survey of the use of the term, Larrain, J., The Concept of Ideology (London 1979)Google Scholar; idem, Marxism and Ideology (London 1983). In my definition of ‘culture’ I am following Geertz, C., The Interpretation of Cultures (London 1975) 3–54 Google Scholar, esp.44.

19. See Berger, P., Luckmann, T., The Social Construction of Reality. A Treatise in the Sociology of Knowledge (Harmondsworth 1967)Google Scholar. And see the comments in Hendy, Studies, 216-8.

20. See Lovell, Pictures of Reality.

21. ‘Trivial’ statements may carry implications of wider significance which can be clearly seen once the statement has been isolated from its context.

22. Eco, U., The Name of the Rose (London 1983)Google Scholar; transi, of Il Nome della Rosa (Etas 1980). On Eco’s deliberate creation of multiple levels of significance see idem, Reflections on The Name of the Rose (London 1985); idem, The Role of the Reader (Hutchinson 1979).

23. See below, esp. section III. On the possible occupation of the poet of Digenes see Huxley, , Antecedents, 318, 326-7, 329, 331, 338 Google Scholar. Mavrogordato’s suggestion that the poet was a monk, and Jeffrey’s connection of the poet with twelfth century Con-stantinopolitan Court poets, are not supported by conclusive evidence: Mavrogor-dato, Digenes, lxxix-lxxxi; (criticising him: Politis, L ‘épopée byzantine, 580; by implication Huxley, above); Jeffreys, Digenis Akritas, 28.

24. See generally the work of CI. Lévi-Strauss, e.g. Structural Anthropology, transi. C. Jacobson, B. Grundfest, I. (Harmondsworth 1972) esp. chapters 1, 11, 12, 15; Douglas, M., Purity and Danger (London 1969)Google Scholar; idem, Natural Synbols (Harmondsworth 1973); Leach, E.R., Social Anthropology (Glasgow 1982)Google Scholar; idem, éd., The Structural Study of Myth and Totemism, A.S.A. Monographs (London 1967). Within the context of Byzantine historiography, see generally Patlagean, E., Pauvreté économique et pauvreté sociale à Byzance, IVe-VIIe siècles (Paris-La Hague 1977)Google Scholar; and her collected articles in eadem, Structure sociale, famille, chrétienté à Byzance (Variorum Reprints, London 1981). See also Herzfeld, Social Borderers, for an approach broadly similar to mine, but drawing different insights and conclusions.

25. All these require a separate study and cannot possibly be dealt with within the confines of this paper. See the interesting comments in Magdalino, P., ‘Honour among Romaioi: the Framework of Social Values in the World of Digenes Akrites and Kekaumenos’, in Contributions to the History of Honour in Greece, ed. Peristiany, G.J. (forthcoming).Google Scholar

26. Digenes, I, 6.57-.60; IV, 88.267-90.271, .288,116.711-.712; VII, 216.12-222.108; and Huxley, Antecedents, 337.

27. Digenes, e.g. II, 26.40-41, 90.269-285 and ff.; IV, 126.884-132.952; VIII, 234.36-246.234.

28. Ibid., IV, 110.592-619; V, 148.98-. 102.

29. Ibid., II, 26.40; III, 62.320-.311, .329; IV, 80.245, 88.254-.255, 120.785-124.831, 126.856.

30. Ibid., IV, 122.800; and see also V, 148.98-.102.

31. Ibid., II, 26.40; III, 62.329; IV, 116.697-118.733, 126.856-132.952 (for contracts of marriage, weddings, wedding celebrations); II, 26.41; III, 62.329-.332 (baptisms); VII, 222.112-224.155; VIII, 244.202-246.234 (funerary customs).

32. Ibid., I, 6-20, esp. 8.95, 14.198, .209, 20.309, .311.

33. Ibid., II, 50.111-58.245, esp. 50.111-.131.

34. Ibid., II, 50.111, .113; IV, 148.92. The expression is dubious in that this and similar expressions are used in the poem with the general meaning of ‘home’ rather than ‘built house’. E.g. Maximo, going back to spend the night in her army’s camp is described as going VI, 204.712.

35. Ibid., II, 58.246-247.

36. See the relevant bibliography in note 14, and Canard, Les relations politiques, esp. 41. For examples, see Euthymios Zigabenos, MPG 130, 20-1362, esp. chapter 28 (c. 1100); Niketas Choniates, MPG 140, 105-36. esp. chapter 20 (c.1200).

37. The Arabs, conversely, believed equally firmly in the superiority of Muslim over non-Muslim. See note 36.

38. In fact it is more likely that the majority of the Byzantine population of the south-eastern frontier regions were themselves pastoralists rather than agriculturalists. SeeHendy, Studies, 54-58, 109; Haldon-Kennedy, The Arab-Byzantine Frontier, 99. The notion of the economic superiority of the agriculturalist over the pastoralist is no longer unquestioned. The evaluation of cultural differences between the two remains an open question. See C.J. Wickham, ‘Pastoralism and Underdevelopment in the Early Middle Ages’, Settimane di studio del Centro italiano di studi sull’ alto medioevo 31 (Spoleto 1985) 401-51.

39. Religious references of a ‘sanctifying’ type abound in Digenes. E.g. the wilderness in which he pitches his tent in a. paradeisos (ibid., VI, 162.12-164.41); his palace is built by a river which has its source in Paradise, and there Digenes creates another paradeisos (VII, 216.8-.9, 218.42); the long scene in which Digenes saves the Girl from the dragon/serpent is clearly based on the story of Eve’s seduction by the snake — except that in Digenes She is not deceived and He slaughters the evil creature (VI, 204.690-.701). For links between Digenes and hagiographical texts, see E. Trapp. ‘Hagiographische Elemente im Digenes — Epos’, AB94 (1976) 276-87. See also Beaton, For images of nature with reference to Digenes, see e.g. Digenes, VI, 162.3-164.41. Returning to nature and fighting in the wilderness was a particularly important theme in early hagiography. See Patlagean, E., ‘Ancienne hagiographie byzantine et histoire sociale’. Annales ESC 1 (Paris 1968) 106–26 Google Scholar, esp. 113-6, 121 (reprinted in eadem, Structure sociale, V); Brown, P., ‘The rise and Function of the Holy Man in Late Antiquity’, JRS 61 (1971) 80–101 Google Scholar, esp. 82-85, 91-92. On the opposition between nature and culture see esp. Lévi-Strauss, C., The Elementary Structures of Kinship (New York 1969)Google Scholar, esps. the Introduction; idem, ‘Le triangle culinaire’, V Arc 26/1 (1965) 19-29. On the process of liminality, see V. Turner, The Ritual Process (London 1967).

40. Digenes, IV, 132.956-.959.

41. See below, section iV.

42. See above, section I; see generally Ostrogorsky, History, 269-83; Hendy, Studies, 90-107; Toynbee, A.J., Constantine Porphyrogenitus and his Age (London 1973) 145–76.Google Scholar

43. On Byzantine imperial ideology see Hunger, H., Prooimion. Elemente der byzan-tinischen Kaiseridee in den Arengen der Urkunden (Vienna 1964) 49–154 Google Scholar; Kazhdan, A., Franklin, S., Studies in Byzantine Literature of the Eleventh and Twelfth Centuries (Cambridge 1984) 23–86 CrossRefGoogle Scholar; I. K Karayannopoullos, (Thessaloniki 1978) 10-17; D. Nicol, ‘The Byzantine View of Western Europe’, GRBS 8 (1967) 315-39; P.J. Alexander, ‘The Strength of Empire and Capital as Seen through Byzantine Eyes’, Speculum 37 (1962) 346ff.; H. Ahrweiler, L ‘idéologie politique de I’ empire byzantin (Paris 1975).

44. Digenes, IV, 68.55-.56, 132.973.

45. Ibid., IV, 68.56, 132.972.

46. Ibid., IV, 134.988, .1014.

47. Ibid., IV, 138.1048-.1053, 140.1087-. 1089.

48. Ibid., IV, 132.971-134.1008. It is possible that by this remark Digenes points at yet another aspect of the code of honour held dear by the frontier man but not necessarily understood by another Byzantine: namely that any form of insult (or suspected insult) is taken by the frontier man as an implied loss of honour, and requires active retaliation on his part to restore this loss. For a parallel see J.K. Campbell, Honour, Family and Patronage (Oxford 1964) 268-9.

49. Digenes, IV, 136.102S-.1046; cf. 116.693-118.749.

50. Ibid., IV, 136.1042-.1046.

51. Ibid., I, 6.63, 18.270-.271; IV, 68.54-.56. His name is given as Antakinos Kin-namos. Huxley identifies him as Andronikos Doukas, ambitious magnate prominent he fled to Kaballa near Ikonion and later defected to the Saracens of Tarsos, eventually to settle in Bagdad: Huxley, Antecedents, 323-4.

52. Digenes, IV, 138.1066-140.1082.

53. Ibid., IV, 140.1086.

54. Ibid., IV, 132.974.

55. Ibid., VII, 230.227, and generally 228.205-230.229; Vili, 244.215-.227, 246.259-250.312.

56. Expressed in a way very critically different from the critique, say, of Manuel Komnenos and other emperors by Constantinopolitan authors. See Magdalino, P., ‘Aspects of Twelfth-Century Byzantine Kaiserkritik’, Speculum58 (1983) 326–46 Google Scholar. Note that the underlying conflict between the emperor and Digenes becomes fully explicit in the Russian versions of the poem. See P. Kalonaros, (repr. Athens 1970) II, 257-92, esp. 289-92.

57. For an exact parallel see Campbell, Honour, 269-74; and Magdalino, Honour among Romaioi.

58. For a parallel see ibid., 43, 285, 298-300, 317.

59. They all live in luxurious houses: see section II, esp. note 26. See also, e.g. Digenes, I, 8.107 (Eirene’s brothers are prepared to pay as much as the emir may request in order to ransom her); I, 8.95, III, 58.246 (the emir and his kin are extremely wealthy); III, 60.273; IV 90.1348 ff., 122.810 (references to retainers).

60. Ibid., IV, 92.323-.325.

61. Ibid., IV, 104.512.513. See also V, 154.204-.208 (Haplorrabdes’ daughter’s misfortunes listed as: parting from parents; being deserted in the wilderness; and being parted from all the wealth she had taken with her).

62. Ibid., IV, 122.808-124.805. The Girl is repeatedly called ‘noble’, e.g. IV, 94.347 ff.; IV, 208.773.

63. Ibid., IV, 128.899-130.930; and see Hendy, Studies, 216-8.

64. For a parallel see Campbell, Honour, 43, 285, 298-300, 317.

65. This in itself then becomes a way of generating more wealth and power.

66. See e.g. Digenes, I, 5.44-.48. In fact the Arab armies frequently included religious volunteers. See Haldon, Kennedy, The Arab-Byzantine Frontier, 110.

67. For a surprising number of shared characteristics of this concept, see the description of the Sarakatsan conception of male honour: Campbell, Honour, 269-97.

68. Digenes, I, 4.30-6.62, 18.283-20.295; II, 26.52-28.79; IV, 66.19-68.42.

69. Ibid., e.g. Ill, 48.89-50.105; IV, 76.180-.186; V, 168.91-.97; VIII, 236.90-.95.

70. Ibid., IV, 70.70-80.228. It is after this scene that Digenes begins to carry out his deeds. This is clearly a ‘transition rite’, according to van Gennep’s definition. See A. van Gennep, The Rites of Passage (London 1960) esp. 10-11. The theme of hunting wild animals is a traditional one in Greek folk song, as well as one with a¡ long literary tradition behind it. See Beaton, Digenes Akrites, 37-38.

71. Digenes, I, 10.146-14.197.

72. For a parallel, perhaps, see the Sarakatsan difficulty in coping with state law and legal institutions, partly because of a clash of two different value systems: Campbell, Honour, 238-48, 256-62. Note that among themselves the Sarakatsanoi rely on purely oral agreements, even for the all-important betrothal contract: ibid., 127.

73. Digenes, I, 8.117-11.128.

74. Ibid., I, 20.304- II, 24.5.

75. As Campbell put it, referring to the Sarakatsanoi: ‘The quality, of being honourable has this in common with honour, that most men are assumed to have it. It is not something which must be competed for, but something which must not be lost. Although there is certainly the need constantly to re-achieve standards of conduct’: Campbell, Honour, 295.

76. E.g. the Girl trusts that Digenes will keep his promise of marriage, and on this basis she elopes with him: Digenes, IV, 108.570-.586; Digenes refuses his future father-in-law’s invitation, but says he will return after he had first visited his parents’ house; the general apparently trusts this: ibid., 116.690-120.762.

77. The Greek nationalist’s reading of Digenes, together with the similarly biased reading of some ‘philhellenes’, is as untenable as is Adontz’s Armenian nationalist reading. For the former, see e.g. Kalonaros, esp. I, Θ, and also II, γ, 205; N.G. Politis, Laographia 1 (Athens 1910) 169-275; idem, (Athens 1925) esp. 85-115; K. Sathas, E. Legrand, Les exploits de Digénis Akritas (Paris 1875), Introduction; H. Grégoire, esp. γ-ι. For this reading, repeatedly refuted, see e.g. Mavrogordato, Digenes, lxvi, lxviii; also Beaton, Folk Poetry, esp. 79-80; Herzfeld, Social Borderers, esp. 63,79. For the Armenian-biased reading, see N. Adontz, ‘Les fonds historiques de 1’ épopée byzantine Digénes Akritas’. BZ 29 (1930) 198-227; criticised amongst others by A.A.M. Bryer, ‘Achthamar and Digenis Akrites’, Antiquity 34 (1960) 295-7.

78. It is interesting to note that the only instance in which the apelatai appear to follow the code of honour is the episode of Digenes’ visit to their camp (Digenes, IV, 82.1028-88.1108). Their honourable behaviour during this scene stands in direct contrast to their subsequent shameful conduct. This problem of inconsistency was inadvertently created by Mavrogordato who, assuming a lacuna in the Grottaferrata manuscript, supplied the incident from the Trebizond and Andros manuscripts. Suzanne MacAlister argues that this episode never existed in the Grottaferrata version, and Beaton argues further that there is no such lacuna at all. Both arguments are convincing, and both also happen to support my own reading of Grottaferrata as a systematic construct. See Suzanne MacAlister, ‘Digenis Akritas: the first scene with the apelatai’, B 54 (1984) 551-74; Beaton,

79. Digenes, VI, 172.174-176.231.

80. Ibid., 184.375-188.422. For a parallel on the solidarity of the family, expressed also through supporting each other in fights, see Campbell, Honour, 38-43, 95-106, esp. 42-43; and see also J. du Boulay, Portrait of a Greek Mountain Village (Oxford 1974) 142-68.

81. Digenes, VI, 190.472-192.506.

82. Digenes, VI, 194.544-208.770. In a parallel way, the Sarakatsanos will withdraw his support of a family member if the latter has acted dishonourably: Campbell, Honour, 40, 106-13.

83. As they do for Digenes: ibid., VI, 182.333-.342.

84. Ibid., VI, 192.508-194.516.

85. Ibid., VI, 178.255-.269.

86. Ibid., VI, 200.637-.640. Note also Campbell’s observation that being laughed at or ridiculed signifies a loss of honour amongst the Sarakatsanoi: Campbell, Honour, 312-3.

87. He is also called an ethnikos: Digenes, IV, 68.51.

88. Ibid., VI, 192.499. His name may suggest an Armenian. See Huxley, , Antecedents, 333; also Entwistle, W.J., ‘Bride-snatching and the “Deeds of Digenis”’, Oxford Slavonic Papers 4 (1953) 1–16 Google Scholar, esp.6.

89. See also the mixture of races and religions amongst those who attend Digenes’ funeral: Digenes, VIII, 244.202-.208.

90. Why the apelatai are chosen to be the main carriers of shame in Digenes is an interesting question. The poet calls them stratiotai (ibid., VI, 168.117, 194.515). Perhaps he is referring to soldiers who had deserted the frontier armies to live a life of banditry, turning thus against their very ex-lord’s men and wealth. Accepting that Digenes is written with the interests of the frontier aristocracy very much in mind (see earlier, note 23), the choice of the apelatai as the negative characters of the story becomes comprehensible.

91. Digenes, V, 152.177-154.190, 154.198-.217.

92. E.g. Digenes characterises Philopappos as a ibid., IV, 194.516.

93. See above, section IV. Concerning’loss of female honour through loss of sexual shame, see for a parallel Campbell, Honour, 269-97.

94. Excluding ecclesiastical and monastic expressions which, though clearly related to the society at large, are nevertheless also very frequently deeply rooted within the context of the particular ecclesiastical/monastic experience of their authors. They cannot therefore be seen as representing social attitudes held commonly or with the same intensity by the people outside the walls of the church or the monastery. For a review of early Orthodox Church attitudes to women, see Topping, E., ‘Patriarchal Prejudice and Pride in Greek Christianity — Some Notes on Origins’, JMGS 1/1 (1983) 7–17.Google Scholar

95. Such as the writings of Anna Komnene, Kassia, or of the foundresses of female monasteries, all of whom appear to accept patriarchal ideology as unquestionably as men did. For a suggested explanation of this phenomenon, see Galatariotou, C., ‘Holy women and Witches: Aspects of Byzantine Conceptions of Gender’, BMGS 9 (1984-85) 55–94 Google Scholar, esp. 67-69. See also, eadem, ‘Byzantine Women’s Monastic Communities: the Evidence of the TUTUKó’, JOB 38 (1988) (forthcoming).’.

96. See ibid., esp. 59-60; and see also Topping, Patriarchal Prejudice.

97. Digenes, I, 6.59-.65, 18.270-.276.

98. Ibid., I, 6.82ff.

99. Ibid., e.g. IV, 132.965-.970; VI, 164.41-198.607, 236.69-238.122.

100. Ibid., e.g. I, 30.120 (Eirene, the emir); VI, 168.100 (the Girl, Digenes); V, 202.671 (Maximo, Digenes).

101. Cf. their reaction when they learn that the emir is about to leave for Syria: ibid., II, 32.136-38.259.

102. Ibid., IV, 110. 592-.595 (Digenes’ motives are described as a combination of chara and andreia); IV, 116.695.

103. Campbell, Honour, 129-131. Digenes had also been refused the Girl’s hand in marriage: Digenes, IV, 92.301-.309; and cf. the abduction of Eirene by the emir: ibid., I. Among the Sarkatsanoi, even in a pre-arranged marriage, formalised hostilities take place between the bride’s and the groom’s kinsmen, when the latter come to take the bride from her father’s hut: Campbell, Honour, 132-4. Abduction as a prestigious means of obtaining a bride is a theme found in Greek folk song in general (see Beaton, Digenes Akrites, 31-32) and itls also present in the ritual celebration of a traditional Greek wedding. See Alexiou, M., Dronke, P., ‘The lament of Jephta’s daughter: themes, traditions, originality’, Studi Medievali (3rd series) 12/2 (Spoleto 1971) 819–63 Google Scholar. See also Entwistle, Bride-snatching (cited in note 88).

104. Digenes., e.g. I, 20.309; IV, 88.267-90.271, 112.629.632, 120.763.-773; V, 194.525-.543. This is also a theme found in Greek folk song. See Beaton, , Digenis Akrites, 32–33 Google Scholar; and for a parallel see Campbell, , Honour, 126-7, 129–31.Google Scholar

105. Digenes, IV, 90.269-.271, .291-92.299, .326-94.339, 100.450-114.682.

106. Ibid., V, 170.134-.138.

107. She comes out of her closet only after the doctor has left and Digenes has called her: ibid., VIII, 234.58-.62. Similarly, I, 8.106-.107 (Eirene, hidden by the emir, is sought after by her brothers). The brothers’ request to the emir to sell her to them does reflect current practise of ransoming captives (see e.g. Haldon, Kennedy, The Arab-Byzantine Frontier, 115) but it also carries the feeling of a female possessed, sold and bought by males. For a parallel concerning woman’s seclusion so that she only sees or speaks to kinsmen before her marriage, see Campbell, Honour, 287-8, 100-1, 114. 132.4.

108. The belief that the female must be totally and unquestionably obedient to the male is shared by numerous societies. For a striking example, see Campbell, Honour, 152-3.

109. Digenes, I, 32.133.

110. Ibid., IV, 132.956-.961; V, 158.281-160.289; VI, 214.843-.845.

111. Ibid., VIII, 238.124-242.298,

112. Ibid., IV, 104.502-.505, 108.570-.583. A number of these characteristics are shared by Eirene. She also kept her seclusion and virginity even afer she had been abducted by the emir: ibid., I, 6.62, 20.301-.309; and see also I,16.236-.244 (the brothers praise their sister as an honourable woman who preferred to die rather than lose her virginity). Eirene’s crucial difference to the Girl is that Eirene is a mother.

113. There are approving scenes of love making between the emir and Eirene and between Digenes and the Girl (in both cases after marriage): ibid., II, 26.40-.46, 40-264-.286; III, 60.270-62.304; VI, 172.159-.170, 180.308-.310, 212.2655-.2656, 214.839-.421; VII, 224.157-226.178.

114. With Haplorrabdes’ daughter and Maximo: ibid., V, 156.231-160.289; VI, 208.766-210.785.

115. In this, Digenes is certainly not alone. Christianity generally holds that any manifestation of sexuality is sinful, except if it is contained within marriage and with a procreative end in mind. See Galatariotou, C., Neophytos the Recluse. A Cultural Study of a Byzantine Holy Man (unpublished Ph.D. Thesis, University of Birmingham 1985)Google Scholar I, chapter III.

116. See above.

117. Digenes, I, 14.214-.230.

118. Ibid., IV, 92.323-.325, 104.491-.522, 108.564-.583.

119. Ibid., IV, 122.812.

120. Ibid., IV, 112.636, 114.654-.662, 120.775-.780.

121. Ibid., V, 146.66-150.149.

122. Death can be the punishment awaiting the Sarakatsan woman who loses her honour: Campbell, Honour, 269-97.

123. Digenes, V, 148.120-122. And see also note 128.

124. Ibid., V, 142.1-.17, 156.237-158.256, 158.284-.285. On the belief that the female must be disciplined and dominated by the male, see Campbell, Honour, 56.57.

125. Digenes., V, 156.249-158.280.

126. Ibid., VI, 186.386-.388.

127. Ibid., VI, 188.418-.422, 196.557-208.763; and see note 81.

128. Female transvestism, used as a means of ‘transgressing’ female sex, assuming male characteristics and acting out as a male, has a long and complicated history in Greek culture and Orthodoxy. Examples include early female transvestite saints, as well as such Greek folk songs as the Note however that in these examples it is imperative that the woman’s true sex should remain a secret which once uncovered will lead to loss of her assumed ‘male’ power. See E. Patlagean, ‘L’histoire de la femme déguisée en moine et l’évolution de la sainteté feminine à Byzance’, Studi Medievali (3e ser.) 17 (Spoleto 1976) 597-623 (reprinted in eadem, Structure sociale, XI); Galatariotou, Holy Women and Witches, esp. 84-85; for Greek folk songs see E. Constantinides, ‘Andreiomeni: The Female Warrior in Greek Folk Songs’, JMGS 1/1 (1983) 63-72; for the see Kalonaros, II, 207. For a discussion of the historical evidence from antiquity concerning female warriors, see art. Amazones, RE I (1894) 1754-89 (R. Graef); also Samuel, P., Amazones, guerrières et gaillardes (Grenoble 1973)Google Scholar 43ff.

129. Digenes, VI, 200.645, .647, 208.751.

130. Ibid., VI, 188.423-.425.

131. Ibid., VI, 196.569-.573.

132. Ibid., VI, 198.581-.592.

133. Ibid., VI, 208.766-.777.

134. Ibid., VI, 208.748-.755.

135. Ibid., VI, 202.660, .671, 208.766, 210.2634.

136. Ibid., VI, 208.768-.769.

137. Ibid., VI, 210.771-210.785, 214.838.

138. See Hastrup, K., ‘The Semantics of Biology: Virginity’, in Defining Females, ed. Ardener, S. (London 1978) 49–65 Google Scholar, esp. 59-60; Ortiz, A., The Tewa World. Space, Time, Being and Becoming in a Pueblo Society (Chicago 1969)Google Scholar esp. 89-90, 13-59; Durham, M.E., Some Tribal Origins, Laws and Customs of the Balkans (London 1928) 194–5 Google Scholar; Dumézil, G., La Religion Romaine Archaïque (Paris 1966) 560 Google Scholar; Beard, M., ‘The Sexual Status of the Vestal Virgins’, JRS 70 (1980) 12–27.Google Scholar

139. Digenes, VI, 214.835-.838.

140. Ibid., IV, 98.409-.415.

141. Ibid., IV, 100.436-102.478.

142. Ibid., IV, 122.808-.812.

143. Ibid., VI, 170.126-17J.173.

144. Ibid., VI, 176.232-.250.

145. Ibid., V, 158.281-160.289.

146. Ibid., VI, 212.2655-.2672, 212.2674-.2675.

147. Ibid., VI, 214.827-.838.

148. Ibid., VI, 214.834-.838; and also VIII, 238.119.

149. Ibid., VI, 208.748-.752; and VI, 214.831. For a parallel see Campbell, Honour, 293.

150. It is interesting to notice that it is immediately after this murder that Digenes decides to settle down in a palace. Thenceforward he ceases to perform outstanding heroic deeds, and eventually dies. It is tempting to speculate that Digenes’ sudden ‘retirement’ is linked to his failure, because of Maximo’s murder, to become the ‘ideal hero’.

151. The episodes of adultery and murder are contained within the first person narrative of Digenes, which begins with a reference to his sins and which carries overtones of religious confession (e.g. Digenes, V, 142.1-.17). I disagree with Mavrogor-dato’s translation of the crucial line VI, 214.838. The meaning of the Greek text is not clear, but I would suggest that the word moicheúm refers to ‘adultery’, and not to ‘adulteress’, and that Digenes is confessing heje that he committed not only adultery but also phonon.

152. Digenes, VIII, 236.69-238.125.